KAS Books — Kent Archaeological Society (2024)

trial air-raid sheltersBy Victor Smith12RI1RUWKÀHHWRQ7KDPHVLGHZHUHDWHPSWLQJWDUJHWEXWthey did not receiveuer sdbintnt they merited. Anecdotally, Henley’swas, however, bombed at least once, resulting in theVLJKWRIEDQNQRWHVÀRDWLQJLQWKHDLUIURPWKHLQVLGHRIDGDPDJHGIDFWRU\¶VSD\R൶FHThe theoretical procedure was for the employees, carryingtheir gas masks, to be evacuated into the shelter uponhearing an air-raid alert and then, as earlier mentioned,WR UHWXUQWRWKHLUZRUN SODFHV XSRQWKH QRWL¿FDWLRQ RIan all-clear and after a judgement had been made by acoordinator that it was safe to do so.How often a factory evacuation and shelter occupationwas practised is unknown. The hope and intention wasAir-raid alerts could hold up factory production. DuringWKHFRXUVHRIWKHZDUWKHUHZHUHLQ1RUWKÀHHWDQGGravesend but how many of theseof work at Henley’s and shelter occIt may be that, as at some pla tothe shelter would not have takKDGDFWXDOO\VWDUWHGVX൶FLHQWO\FORVHhing threat. The walls of the shethe marks of soiling or wear which cted to result from frequent occupLO¶V VLPSOL¿HG FKDUDFWHUL]DWLRQ RI report of 1946 was of a period of ll from 3 September 1939 to Auguty during August 1940 – August 1941the Battle of Britain took placDQ\RYHUÀLJKWVRIWKHDUHDDVHFRQGOXOOanuary 1943; sporadic raiding from nd the V1/V2 attacks from Junenley’s North Woolwich works in the /RQGRQVX൵HUHGUHSHDWHGO\IURPKHDY\DLath, injuries and destruction of buildings and plant.$DUHGEHWWHULQWKHUDLGV¶LWwas decfacturing there.%ULFNSDUWLWLRQZDOOPhoto Nick Combes+HQOH\+RPH*XD of the shelter tobe accomplishceiptof a bombing alert and so sready be safely ide andprotected should an attack includethe use of poison gas.In the event of the latter startingwithout warning, there might havebeen some confusion as the shelterbegan to be occupied and thereare perhaps questions concerningthe ability of the decontaminationentrance to cope with a possibly largethrough-put of people. The numberof combined entrances/exits was apragmatic substitute for the provisionof separate emergency exits.+HQOH\VWDৼWDNLQJVKHOWHULQWKHWXQQHOVDWDQXQNQRZQGDWHSHUKDSVDVDGULOO:DUWLPHSKRWRJUDSKInside the sheltersThe gathering of people in communal shelters was aneedful social phenomenon of the war, in this case of aVSHFL¿FJURXSRISHRSOH:KDWFRQYHUVDWLRQWRRNSODFHLQthem is unknown. At times during shelter use there was,by report, some informal entertainment in the form ofsing-along. Whether there was provision for the supplyof drinks to shelterers is unknown. There is no evidenceof there having been a kitchen.Subterranea BritannicaGravesend Historical SocietyGRAVESEND HISTORICAL SOCIETYExploring the history of GraveshamThe Society was founded in 1924 and is acCve in promoCng the heritage and history of the area. We hold regular talks to which all are welcome and guided footpath walks. The Society publishes annually “Historic Gravesham” which contains arCcles of local historical interest and reports about the Society’s acCviCes. Members receive “Historic Gravesham” as part of their membership subscripCon. The Society also publishes other local history books and holds exhibiCons including “pop‐up” exhibiCons. GHS has an archives room which is brim full and is accessible by appointment. For more informaCon contact: the Hon. Secretary, Sandra Soder, 58 Vicarage Lane, Chalk, Gravesend, Kent, DA12 4TE, e‐mail: sandrasoder@yahoo.co.uk also find us at www.ghs.org.uk on facebook and twi\er.THAMES DEFENCE HERITAGE(formerly New Tavern Fort Project)Based at the New Tavern Fort, Fort Gardens, Gravesend, Kent.In co‐operaCon with Gravesham Borough Council we open the underground magazines, the Chantry and the Gravesend Cold War bunker to visitors. All year we work on restoring, conserving and maintaining the displays. New volunteers are welcomed. Enquiries via e‐mail to sandrasoder@yahoo.co.uk and Facebook: Thames Defence Heritage GravesendThis historical account originally appeared in the August 2022 (no. 60) issue of Subterranea,published by Subterranea Britannica. This has been reproduced here by the Gravesend Historical Society. Funding for this was generously provided through a Kent County Council Combined Member Grant, supported by Councillors Alan M. Ridgers and Jordan Meade.© Subterranea Britannica, the Gravesend Historical Society and Victor Smith. (2023)ISBN 978‐1‐9999842‐2‐9Printed by Northfleet Press. 41b Singlewell Road, Gravesend, Kent. DA11 7PN northfleetpress.com 01474 534484 1Henley’s industrial WWII air-raid sheltertunnels at Northfleet, KentVictor SmithLooking north along the central latrine tunnel in 2007. Photo Nick CoombsFormed of tunnels in the chalk, some 55 ft below Fountain Walk at Northfleet in Kent, is a large Second World Warindustrial air-raid shelter complex. It was created as a refuge for 2,500 employees of the W.T. Henley Telegraph Worksand its associated companies, whose Thameside premises were adjacent. The need for physical protection reflectedthe increasingly destructive and existential threat of aerial bombing and of a national imperative to safeguard skilledindustrial workers – and at some places elsewhere, factory plant as well. As such, the survival of this complex evokes amemory of the determination of government, industry and people to survive the onslaught of the German air campaignand to win the war. The shelter incorporated the latest thinking in design and protective measures. This wartimeunderground heritage is of at least regional heritage importance and might be considered for statutory protection.This study was preceded by the author’s research visit tothe tunnels in 2003/4 in cooperation with Thames DefenceHeritage and the Kent Underground Research Group (KURG)and by a mention of the site in his report of the Kent Thamesidesection of Kent County Council’s 20th-century Defence ofKent Project in 2010. It also benefits from contributions ofinformation and thoughts from Robert Hall and Paul Thorne,also of KURG. This study is also supported by the KentDefence Research Group of the Kent Archaeological Societyand by the Gravesham Heritage Forum.BackgroundThe threat of bombardment from the air had beenpredicted since the late nineteenth century by suchwriters as Jules Verne, George Griffith and, evocativelyin 1908, by H G Wells in his War in the Air. In thelatter, Wells noted the potential for this form of attack todestroy ground targets, including industrial assets andnational infrastructure. Coincidentally, and followingearlier technical interest, it was in the same year as thepublication of Wells’ story that the British governmentformed a committee to consider the possibilities and thethreats from the development of military aviation.This led, over the next five or so years, to a growingrecognition of the menace it represented to home defenceand, in 1913, a dummy air bombing exercise took placein the Medway area. During the Great War, industry,docks and other assets along the Thames were embracedwithin an increasing deployment of gun defence, balloon 1Henley’s industrial WWII air-raid sheltertunnels at Northfleet, KentVictor SmithLooking north along the central latrine tunnel in 2007. Photo Nick CoombsFormed of tunnels in the chalk, some 55 ft below Fountain Walk at Northfleet in Kent, is a large Second World Warindustrial air-raid shelter complex. It was created as a refuge for 2,500 employees of the W.T. Henley Telegraph Worksand its associated companies, whose Thameside premises were adjacent. The need for physical protection reflectedthe increasingly destructive and existential threat of aerial bombing and of a national imperative to safeguard skilledindustrial workers – and at some places elsewhere, factory plant as well. As such, the survival of this complex evokes amemory of the determination of government, industry and people to survive the onslaught of the German air campaignand to win the war. The shelter incorporated the latest thinking in design and protective measures. This wartimeunderground heritage is of at least regional heritage importance and might be considered for statutory protection.This study was preceded by the author’s research visit tothe tunnels in 2003/4 in cooperation with Thames DefenceHeritage and the Kent Underground Research Group (KURG)and by a mention of the site in his report of the Kent Thamesidesection of Kent County Council’s 20th-century Defence ofKent Project in 2010. It also benefits from contributions ofinformation and thoughts from Robert Hall and Paul Thorne,also of KURG. This study is also supported by the KentDefence Research Group of the Kent Archaeological Societyand by the Gravesham Heritage Forum.BackgroundThe threat of bombardment from the air had beenpredicted since the late nineteenth century by suchwriters as Jules Verne, George Griffith and, evocativelyin 1908, by H G Wells in his War in the Air. In thelatter, Wells noted the potential for this form of attack todestroy ground targets, including industrial assets andnational infrastructure. Coincidentally, and followingearlier technical interest, it was in the same year as thepublication of Wells’ story that the British governmentformed a committee to consider the possibilities and thethreats from the development of military aviation.This led, over the next five or so years, to a growingrecognition of the menace it represented to home defenceand, in 1913, a dummy air bombing exercise took placein the Medway area. During the Great War, industry,docks and other assets along the Thames were embracedwithin an increasing deployment of gun defence, balloon 2Map of the London Air Defence Area during the Great War. Drawn by Victor Smith 2015Diagram of a typical civil defence organisation as itevolved during the Second World War:from ‘Front Line 1940-41’, HMSO, 1942.Cover of the influential book, ‘ARP, by JBS Haldane,London, 1938barrages and fighter protection, evolving into the LondonAir Defence Area. Some impromptu shelter provisionwas also made, reportedly in the use of suitable parts ofexisting buildings, with some limited new construction.It is not impossible that existing chalk tunnels onThameside were designated for use as shelters. Certainly,new shelter tunnels were created in chalk in East Kentand at Chatham but more about this subject needs to bediscovered.Although WWI air attacks proved not to be a seriousimpediment to the operations of industry or to the war effort,they diverted resources to provide for countermeasures andwere a salutary lesson of the likely greater destruction inany future conflict. But, after1918, the possibility of a newmajor European war seemedunlikely for some years. Bydefault, in the early 1920sdefence planning centredon maintaining military airparity with France, the nextmost powerful continentalstate. As part of this, ‘passive’air-raid precautions (ARP)began to receive governmentattention including, on asmall scale, the production ofbespoke designs for air-raidshelters.The statement of the former(and future) Prime MinisterStanley Baldwin in 1932that, in future wars, ‘thebomber would always get through’ and the subsequentperceived menace of German re-armament and expansionof her air force, engaged the thoughts of British politiciansand defence planners. It was predicted that a future airwar would start with heavy bombing of populations,military, industrial and infrastructural resources, intendedto deliver an early and decisive knock-out blow in anattempt to compel surrender. 3Advertisement from a supplier of gas defence air filtration systems for shelters, published in 1939 4Such concerns led to the Reorientation Scheme againstGermany in 1934. This included two strands: first astrengthening of Britain’s active air defences in the formof greater numbers of more modern military aircraft anda scheme for gun defence on the ground, including KentThameside becoming part of a projected – and laterimplemented – Thames and Medway Gun DefendedArea; second, there were enhanced efforts, taken forwardin 1935, by a new department at the Home Office, toachieve effective measures of civil defence.Initially, and for about two years or so, the latter wasattempted by means of promotion and persuasion butthis came to be succeeded by statutory requirements. Inconsequence, protective measures began to be introducedin the community in the form of groups of organizedpersonnel and volunteers, who would be brought intoaction shortly before, during and after air raids, andwho were to operate from a network of warden, firstaid, fire and rescue centres. Control centres were toprovide coordination of these assets and of the civildefence response. Measures were also to include industry.Nevertheless, preparations in Britain were said to havebeen more than matched by those of other countries, suchas France, Germany and Soviet Russia.The concurrent example of death and destruction fromair bombing during the Spanish Civil War served onlyto increase the perceived urgency for civil defencepreparedness. Not least did this provoke the appearanceof the influential book ARP by J B S Haldane in 1938.The use of poison gas as a weapon of war had beensuggested in the nineteenth century and featured in thestories of H G Wells. The memory of its actual use on theWestern Front during the Great War and knowledge of itsrecent employment from the air in 1935 by the Italiansin Ethiopia, and in 1937 by the Japanese in China, hadadditionally focused the minds of defence planners.have been a typical candidate for such consultation butthere is no surviving record of this. Haldane criticizedgovernment guidance, following the Civil Defence Actof 1937, as being ‘beautifully vague’.The scare of the Munich Crisis in 1938 drove adetermination to do more. Government became moreassertive in its Act of 1939. A requirement for civildefence and, in phases sheltering, whether for industryor for the population, was of course as much aboutensuring national resilience in war as being humanitarianin intent. Air-raid precautions increasingly became apreoccupation of architects and engineers as well as ofcommercial companies intending to benefit from newbusiness opportunities. Their articles in journals andbooklets, supplementing and reinforcing the guidance ofgovernment, are a window into contemporary thinking.Immediate originsUnder the Act of 1939 measures for air-raid precautionsin industry became mandatory, so that workers couldexpect – by law – the provision of protection from thoseby whom they were employed. A code of that year setout a standard of protection. As described elsewhere,measures were to secure against blast, splinters and debrisbut, in general, not against a direct hit. The resistance ofvarious types of material against bombing was set out.Henley at Northfleet had become an important specialistindustrial centre. This grew out of the emergence of the Ageof Electricity, being chiefly a manufacturer of electric cables,distribution equipment, connection boxes and of insulatingmaterials. Following its beginnings elsewhere in the previouscentury the company had expanded in 1903 to buy land fora new factory north of Crete Hall Road in Northfleet. Thisgrew in size in 1910 and 1926, as well as in 1939, on groundpreviously the famous Rosherville Gardens, on the southside of the road. By then the works had also been producingrubber vehicle tyres for nearly twenty years.Map of the Second World War anti-aircraft gun sites on Kent Thameside.Drawn by Victor Smith 2009Government had begunto consult with industryand representatives ofnational infrastructurein 1936 and to issueguidance for shelterprovision in thesesectors, such as ‘AirRaid Precautions inFactories and BusinessPremises’. Initially therewas a somewhat mutedresponse in taking firstdefinite steps, althoughit is known that somecompanies such as I.C.I,Boots and Harris Lebusdid so. The owners andmanagement of theHenley factory would 5Premises, such as Henley’s, with more than fifty staffwere required to have shelters for the staff who workedwithin them, a policy from 1936 for them to be senthome in the event of an air raid having been recognizedas impracticable. Standards of protection, which includedthose of anti-gas filtration plant, were laid down in ARPguidance and Codes. For Henley’s, and for the county ofKent, technical advice, if required, was available fromspecialists at the Home Office in Westminster. Costs wereto be defrayed against the claim of a government grantand factories were required to provide progress reportsby August 1939. Factory inspectors were empowered tocarry out monitoring visits.The shores of the Thames below London were recognizedas containing vital industries and national assets. Withinthat, and including Henley’s, the Northfleet parts of KentThameside were the home of important other industriesand facilities such as Bevan’s Cement Works, Bowater’spaper factory and other paper suppliers, as well as theRed Lion manufacturing and repair wharf. In a bombingrisk assessment map of April 1939, Kent Thameside wasgiven the highest category of bombing vulnerability andpriority for shelters.The Act was a signal for industry to consider urgentlywhat it needed to do. Henley’s must have acted quicklywith planning and preparation of a design because cuttingof the tunnels was reported in early 1939 to be imminentand appears to have been underway by June, the time tocompletion being later reported to have been ‘about 10months’. Government felt a need to define the meaningof an air-raid shelter and, in its Code of August 1939,did so by explaining that this was a means of ‘protectionotherwise than by war-like means…from hostile attackfrom the air…’There were other tunnel shelters as well as surfaceshelters nearby, for the personnel of Northfleet andSwanscombe cement works with sundry surface sheltersfor the local factories, and further tunnels for civilian,and perhaps some industrial users, under The Hill atNorthfleet and elsewhere. Regional Commissioners hadpower to coordinate civil defence in their designatedareas across the country, the Henley site coming withinRegion 12, which covered Kent and Sussex and whoseheadquarters were at Tunbridge Wells.DesignAs recorded in a plan by W.T. Henley of April 1940, thecomplex is on a rectilinear grid-iron plan. A drawing madeby Gravesham Borough Council in a recent rendering ofPostcard, c. 1906, showing part of the former RoshervilleGardens in front of the cliff face, later tunnelled intoto create the Henley shelter complexPart of a bombing risk assessment map of April 1939, including the partof Thameside in which the Henley tunnels were locateda plan apparently datedMarch 1941, shows analmost identical layout.The plan of the complexwas one of a numberof contemporary designapproaches dating from1936 for the layout of alarge-capacity refuge. Thechalk overhead providedample protection andshock absorption fromthe landing and explosionof bombs, the semicircular arching of thetunnel being resistant todownward forces. Thewhite-painted internalskin of 6-in of reinforcedconcrete applied to thewalls and arch was alining to the chalk.Shuttering marks maybe seen. The floors, of6A copy of an April 1940 W.T. Henley plan of the shelter complex. Drawn by Victor Smith 2021varying quality, were either concrete or compacted stonelaid in mortar.Within a short walking or running distance from thefactory, the shelter was accessed through six gas-proofentrances/exits in the chalk cliff face. Post-demolitiontraces remain. Each had outer doors and inner ones,forming an air lock, which best design practice prescribed.There are surviving doors in steel plate. At least two ofthe entrances appear to have been fronted by blast walls.Enlargement of the decontamination entrance as shownin the W.T. Henley plan of April 1940.Drawn by Victor Smith 2021Moreover, and following the approach adopted elsewhere,the angled entrance passages reduced the effects onshelterers of an otherwise unrestricted blast-wavefrom a bomb exploding at factory level outside. Therewas a seventh special decontamination entrance withsimilar protection. In keeping with other very capaciousshelters, the number of entrances had to be adequate toensure unimpeded transit of the large numbers of peopleexpected to enter and leave the shelter at the same time.Entry was required within seven minutes of a warninghaving been given.Fear of gas attackThe decontamination entrance and two of the others gaveaccess to a communications tunnel (or travel gallery asit was officially called) and which led into the shelterarea. The other four entrances led more directly into thelatter. The decontamination entrance is shown as havinga projecting entrance structure in the plan of 1940 butthe plan of March 1941 does not. Demolition of thisarea has removed the evidence and air photographs andmaps are unclear. In either case, and as is evident today,it was divided into separate areas, with disrobing roomsfor women or men who might have been contaminatedin the event of an attack with chemical weapons.There were cleansing showers, first aid and dressingrooms, stores of replacement clothing being held ready.Scales of equipment and supplies for a decontaminationfacility were laid down, including bins for contaminatedclothing, anti-gas ointment, bleach paste, soap andtowels, eye douches and distemper brushes. Within theshelter grid was a command post or control room, linkedby telephone to protected outside observers who wouldreport the situation during and after a raid, advising whenit was safe for the shelterers to leave and, if possible,return to work. 7The air conditioning plant room in 2007. Photo Ed CombesOne of the outside posts for observation was a blockhouse ona cliff overlooking the factory. This was reached by scalingthe 110 rungs of three ladders lashed together and pitchedsheer up the cliff face. There was also the nearby staircaseto the cliff top from the Rosherville Gardens days but it isunclear whether this was accessible at the time.Inside the shelter there were also first-aid rooms and a roomfor shelter wardens and others, apparently made by dividinga passage with temporary partitions. Latrines were provided.Official guidance was for there to be an equal balance ofplumbed-in toilets and chemical ones but the Henley tunnelsappear to have had mainly chemical, utilizing Elsan buckets.According to the plans of 1940, these were provided on eitherside of a central latrine tunnel, in individual cubicles. Althougha large number of Elsans are to be seen today, there is no traceof cubicles, unless they were of light, portable form. There isperhaps a sense that the arrangement to be seen today might,in some details, not entirely reflect that shown in the plans.Recesses for Elsans may be found in the decontaminationentrance, the first-aid and squad rooms and in the controlroom. Pipework for water may be seen in various places,including at the northern end of the central latrine tunnel(possibly indicating the former presence of a handbasin).There is a waste water gulley under the floor nearby.Essential ventilationSafe breathing of the air within the shelter was achieved bythe provision of ventilation and gas filtration, powered froman internal engine or plant room. The equipment concernedwas a mechanical science in itself and manufacturers offereda selection of types. As a general rule, the larger the shelterthe larger the required equipment. Indeed, the Henleyengine room was, in effect, two-storied in height, containinggenerating plant to (a) power air movement and filteringsystems to prevent the entry of war gases, and (b) to providea stand-by supply of electricity for lighting, the public mainsbeing used pending its disruption or failure. Both bare andconduit-mounted cables were connected to a succession ofexposed light bulbs.It was recommended for such shelters that electric torchesbe kept ready in the event of failure of both the mains supplyand the standby set. Ventilation was by forced draught, the airbeing drawn in from the outside, where traces of intakes maybe seen, to be passed through the anti-gas filtration equipmentand circulated through the tunnels by ducts, of which tracesremain. The air was reported to have been changed everysixteen minutes.Paul Thorne examined and commented on this plant in2003, noting that there appear to have been two independentPlant room diagram (filtered ventilation). From a drawing by Paul Thorne 8ventilation circuits, one with two-stage filtration and the otherwithout. Neither could run unless the generating set was alsooperating. One seems to have been mechanically driven by a(now missing) diesel engine, whilst the other needed DirectCurrent power to run its motor, and only a DC generatorcould provide this. Either fan would positively pressurizethe main cross tunnel, thus expelling air at all the entrancesexcept the one (No. 3) containing twin air intakes.Paul Thorne has added that ‘a changeover switch wouldhave allowed the tunnel lights to be switched from externalmains AC or DC generator, both at 230V. But either fandrive would be run entirely off the generator engine, eitherdirectly, or via a DC generator to run the DC motor.’The 7-ft wide tunnels had moveable bench-seating alongeither wall, with further seating along the centre of thelarger 10-ft wide ones, as marked in lettering on the walls.This consisted of horizontal wooden planking resting onvertical boards at intervals, in turn fixed into transversefloor bearers. This was one of a number of typical seatingPlant room diagram (non-filtered ventilation). From a drawing by Paul ThorneSeating in the shelter during the wartime periodAdvertising photograph by the Allen Companyshowing typical bench seating, 1939 9designs for shelters, something similar being shown, forexample, in an advertising photograph of the Allen’scompany. There was extensive painted directional andother signage throughout to help guide the shelterersas they entered, so avoiding confusion and congestion.some use of space in the travel gallery. The samecommentator remarked that ‘This 2,500 feet tunnelsystem….was designed by the people at GravesendWorks [Henley’s], the Holborn Construction Companybeing responsible for construction and concrete lining.Altogether, about 8,000 tons of chalk have beenexcavated. The entrances are built out from the cliff faceas solid structures – a measure designed as a safeguardin the event of heavy falls of chalk from the cliff face….’ Cross-section of one of the 7-ft. wide tunnels.Drawn by Victor Smith 2021Each shelterer was given a card identifying their reservedseating. There is no evidence of there having beenprovision for sleeping spaces, although if need be, thesecould have been extemporized. The 14 ft x 10 ft room atthe centre of the southern extremity of the tunnel systemmay have been designated as a strongroom for storageof company and factory records.Tight seatingLegal requirements were for the capacity of a shelter tobe that of the maximum number of employees and ofany anticipated increase. A study of seat numbers paintedon the tunnel walls suggests that there was provisionfor around 2,500 shelterers, each of whom would havehad a planned seating space of 1ft 6in to 1ft 7in, a notuntypical situation in other shelters and a generallyexpected minimum, which was to provide for ten peoplewithin a bench run of 15 ft.Section of tunnel showing recess for Elsan chemical toiletin 2007. Photo Nick CombesThe shelter was contemporarily reported to have hadcapacity for 2,300 people, but that up to 3,000 could beaccommodated in an emergency, presumably involvingIntersection of tunnels in 2007. Photo Nick CombesThe chalk was taken out on skips running on rails while‘concrete, mixed in a mechanical mixer outside, wasbeing brought in by another – similar to the transportsystem in a colliery.’ It has been suggested that the initialstage of the digging out obliterated some grottoes whichhad been created for the earlier Rosherville Gardens,although the evidence for this is unknown.Signage painted in black on the walls gave occupantsdirections to the first-aid rooms and to the designatedseating spaces. Other signs stated that ‘Smoking isstrictly forbidden’. On the trunking in the plant roomhas been found pencilled ‘To Hell with Hitler’. At thedecontamination entrance are the words ‘534 WorksDep’, of unknown date.Travel Gallery in 2007. Photo Nick CombesImportance of protecting Henley’s workersThe attention given to the protection of Henley’s workerswas underscored by the factory being a key and strategicindustrial site, whose role was crucial to the war effort inall its stages. Examples of Henley’s increasingly diverse 9designs for shelters, something similar being shown, forexample, in an advertising photograph of the Allen’scompany. There was extensive painted directional andother signage throughout to help guide the shelterersas they entered, so avoiding confusion and congestion.some use of space in the travel gallery. The samecommentator remarked that ‘This 2,500 feet tunnelsystem….was designed by the people at GravesendWorks [Henley’s], the Holborn Construction Companybeing responsible for construction and concrete lining.Altogether, about 8,000 tons of chalk have beenexcavated. The entrances are built out from the cliff faceas solid structures – a measure designed as a safeguardin the event of heavy falls of chalk from the cliff face….’ Cross-section of one of the 7-ft. wide tunnels.Drawn by Victor Smith 2021Each shelterer was given a card identifying their reservedseating. There is no evidence of there having beenprovision for sleeping spaces, although if need be, thesecould have been extemporized. The 14 ft x 10 ft room atthe centre of the southern extremity of the tunnel systemmay have been designated as a strongroom for storageof company and factory records.Tight seatingLegal requirements were for the capacity of a shelter tobe that of the maximum number of employees and ofany anticipated increase. A study of seat numbers paintedon the tunnel walls suggests that there was provisionfor around 2,500 shelterers, each of whom would havehad a planned seating space of 1ft 6in to 1ft 7in, a notuntypical situation in other shelters and a generallyexpected minimum, which was to provide for ten peoplewithin a bench run of 15 ft.Section of tunnel showing recess for Elsan chemical toiletin 2007. Photo Nick CombesThe shelter was contemporarily reported to have hadcapacity for 2,300 people, but that up to 3,000 could beaccommodated in an emergency, presumably involvingIntersection of tunnels in 2007. Photo Nick CombesThe chalk was taken out on skips running on rails while‘concrete, mixed in a mechanical mixer outside, wasbeing brought in by another – similar to the transportsystem in a colliery.’ It has been suggested that the initialstage of the digging out obliterated some grottoes whichhad been created for the earlier Rosherville Gardens,although the evidence for this is unknown.Signage painted in black on the walls gave occupantsdirections to the first-aid rooms and to the designatedseating spaces. Other signs stated that ‘Smoking isstrictly forbidden’. On the trunking in the plant roomhas been found pencilled ‘To Hell with Hitler’. At thedecontamination entrance are the words ‘534 WorksDep’, of unknown date.Travel Gallery in 2007. Photo Nick CombesImportance of protecting Henley’s workersThe attention given to the protection of Henley’s workerswas underscored by the factory being a key and strategicindustrial site, whose role was crucial to the war effort inall its stages. Examples of Henley’s increasingly diverse10and vital war-effort manufacturing were:• 14 million gas masks for adults and half-million forbabies• Cables used on ships as a countermeasure againstGerman magnetic sea mines• Cables used offshore to detect and connect withexplosives to destroy submarines• Rubber tyres for military vehicles• Ear defenders for soldiers• Communication cables• Millions of parts of artillery shells, mortar bombs,rocket firing apparatus, aircraft fuel tanks and smallarms ammunition• For the liberation of Europe, the innovative PipelineUnder the Ocean (PLUTO), to supply fuel for the Alliedarmies once they had landed.Working parties and others brought in from outside thefactory could be called upon to clear rubble and debrisin the event of bomb damage and to repair machinery.Civil defence teams were on hand to decontaminate thefactory buildings in the event of an attack with gas.The agent used might have been of a poisonous, irritant orblistering nature, whether of a persistent or non-persistentkind. Most, but not all, types of gas could be discoveredby a range of special detector sheets around the factoryElectrical box in passage in 2007. Photo Ed CombesInside of one of the entrances in 2007. Photo Ed Combespremises. Decontamination workers, who followed wellprepared procedures, had available to them a range ofequipment and large stocks of bleach with which to treatsurfaces. Rescue and first-aid detachments were similarlyprepared and had a large supply of the plant and otherthings they needed.Use of the shelterNo documents have yet come to light recording thefrequency of the occupation of the shelter. The industriesManufacturing area at Henleys for PLUTO:Wartime photographGas masks were also made at Henleys: Wartime photographLead press shop at Henleys11An advertisement for another type of industrial shelter, similar to some other civilian types11An advertisement for another type of industrial shelter, similar to some other civilian types12of Northfleet on Thameside were a tempting target, butthey did not receive quite the determined and focusedbombing attention they merited. Anecdotally, Henley’swas, however, bombed at least once, resulting in thesight of banknotes floating in the air from the inside ofa damaged factory’s pay office.The theoretical procedure was for the employees, carryingtheir gas masks, to be evacuated into the shelter uponhearing an air-raid alert and then, as earlier mentioned,to return to their work places upon the notification ofan all-clear and after a judgement had been made by acoordinator that it was safe to do so.How often a factory evacuation and shelter occupationwas practised is unknown. The hope and intention wasAir-raid alerts could hold up factory production. Duringthe course of the war, there were 1,252 in Northfleet andGravesend but how many of these resulted in cessationof work at Henley’s and shelter occupation is not known.It may be that, as at some places elsewhere, a retreat tothe shelter would not have taken place until bombinghad actually started sufficiently close-by to be seen asan approaching threat. The walls of the shelter do notexhibit the marks of soiling or wear which might havebeen expected to result from frequent occupation.Kent County Council’s simplified characterization ofthe air war in their report of 1946 was of a period ofcomparative lull from 3 September 1939 to August1940; greater activity during August 1940 – August 1941(during which time the Battle of Britain took place, whenthere were many overflights of the area); a second lullfrom August 1941 to January 1943; sporadic raiding fromJanuary to April 1943 and the V1/V2 attacks from June1944 to March 1945.Henley’s North Woolwich works in the dockland district ofLondon suffered repeatedly from heavy air raids resultingin death, injuries and destruction of buildings and plant.As Henley’s at Northfleet ‘had fared better in the raids’, itwas decided to transfer some manufacturing there.Brick partition wall (right) in the tunnels in 2007.Photo Nick CombesHenley Home Guard in 1941for the occupation of the shelter tobe accomplished promptly on receiptof a bombing alert and so sheltererswould already be safely inside andprotected should an attack includethe use of poison gas.In the event of the latter startingwithout warning, there might havebeen some confusion as the shelterbegan to be occupied and thereare perhaps questions concerningthe ability of the decontaminationentrance to cope with a possibly largethrough-put of people. The numberof combined entrances/exits was apragmatic substitute for the provisionof separate emergency exits.Henley staff taking shelter in the tunnels at an unknowndate, perhaps as a drill: Wartime photograph.Inside the sheltersThe gathering of people in communal shelters was aneedful social phenomenon of the war, in this case of aspecific group of people. What conversation took place inthem is unknown. At times during shelter use there was,by report, some informal entertainment in the form ofsing-along. Whether there was provision for the supplyof drinks to shelterers is unknown. There is no evidenceof there having been a kitchen.13Postwar usesAs for shelters everywhere, use of the Henley complexceased with, or rather shortly before, the end of the war.It might have been a candidate in the early Cold War forinclusion in a national list of shelter assets for possiblefuture utilisation. Indeed, it was briefly considered as acandidate for adaptation of part of the tunnels as a localCivil Defence Control Centre but the final choice layelsewhere.Map withthe sheltersuperimposedon the layout ofpost-war housingand roads, afteran undated Henleyplan.Drawn by VictorSmith 2021Large shelter for Vickers Armstrong workers at Weybridge,Surrey. The now sealed shelter is located at the rear of thecar park for the David Lloyd health club at Brooklands.Evidence of later production is seen in one of the sheltertunnels in 1999. Wartime signage is seen on the end wall.Photo Nick CatfordThe Littlewoods Pools building in Liverpool was used forthe manufacture of Halifax Bombers during the war. Alarge shelter complex was constructed by cut and cover forworkers to one side of the factory. When specially openedfor members of Sub Brit in October 2012, the tunnels werestill in good condition but only wartime graffiti remainedto be seen. Photo Nick CatfordIn 1959 Henley’s was acquired by Associated ElectricalIndustries, then in turn by the General Electric Companyin 1967, and renamed GEC Henley. It has been reported tothe writer that in 1975, if not earlier, the tunnels were usedas an extension to the Engineering Drawing Departmentof the factory, having draughtsmen working at drawingboards. This was not a conducive environment for suchwork and would have required adequate lighting.By this date, the outcrop of chalk containing thedecontamination entrance had been demolished. Thetunnels were subsequently, and until the later 1980s,an assembly area for Special Accessories, in the main,products for the offshore oil industry. In time, some ofthe tunnels became a repository for a variety of discardedscientific and laboratory equipment from the factory.Some factory records were also kept inside, includingpapers from the 1950s.14The eastern end of the tunnel complex was partitioned inbrick during the postwar period, presumably in supportof some of these activities. Some of the timber flooringin evidence might have originated at this time. Also, atan uncertain date in the postwar years, the internal airlock doors were removed and outer doors and entrancefacades altered. In 1997 the company was taken over byTT Electronics in 1997 and, in 2010, by Groupe Sicame.Housing developmentIn the first few years after 2000 the Henley factorysite became earmarked for future development and thecontents of the tunnels were subsequently removed.Following gradual clearance of the factory buildings,not complete until fairly recently, the ground in front ofthe entrances to the shelter entrances was raised fromthe deposition of material excavated from the LondonCrossrail project. After settling, this became the site forconstruction of housing by Keepmoat Homes, at present(2022) in progress.has covered them with wire mesh against falls. Theapproaches to the cliffs and tunnel entrances across thedevelopment site are in other ownership.Other types of wartime sheltersJust as surviving pillboxes symbolise Britain’s antiinvasion defences during the Second World War, soair-raid shelters define the years-long imperative toprovide passive protection against the threat and realityof bombing from the air. Many thousands of shelters werebuilt across the country. Such protection varied widelyfrom use of basements, strengthened or otherwise, tosmall designed private shelters next to (or within) homes.These were the ‘Anderson’ and the ‘Morrison’ shelters,provided free or sometimes bought from government vialocal authorities, added to which were communal sheltersfor the public, industry and for service personnel. Thelatter three categories could be surface, semi-surface,blockhouses inside buildings or underground, whether infreshly tunnelled spaces or the adaptation of existing ones.One of the entrances to the shelter complex at Henleysin 2021. Photo Victor SmithThe remnants of the decontamination entrance at Henleysin 2021. Photo Victor SmithBecause it is below the housing of Fountain Walk andassociated land, which are in the ownership of GraveshamBorough Council, the shelter is owned by the latterwhich, for safety reasons, maintains the cliff faces andControl Room at Henleys in 2021. Photo Victor SmithIndustrial shelters had the same basic frame of referencefor design as for most of the other types. Contrastingwith Henley’s shelters at Northfleet, some were usedfor the protection of production, such as at the CarrowWorks complex in Norwich. This had a similar layout butwas smaller in extent. The vulnerability of the Plesseyfactory in Ilford led to the transfer of manufacturing tofuture Central line tube tunnels nearby. Some aviationproduction of Short Brothers took place in chalk tunnelsin the hillside at Rochester, not far from Thameside.Some shelters for workers were built into the design ofthe buildings of recently-constructed factories, such asat Park Works, Kingston-upon-Thames and elsewhere.Blockhouses were sometimes used as shelters insidefactory working areas, exemplified in the wartimemotion picture Millions Like Us (1943). Henley’s NorthWoolwich factory had no space for underground sheltersso it used strengthened ground-floor areas as refuges.Another example of shelters for a large number ofworkers comparable with Henley’s was the complex forthe Ekko factory in Essex, although this was cut-and-15cover in fields close to production. A network of sheltersfor workers at the Courtauld factory at Halstead, Essexis featured on page 86 of this issue of Subterranea. Theexposed quarried chalk faces along the riverine parts ofNorthfleet and Kent Thameside had offered ideal pointsof entry for the creation of tunnel air-raid shelters, for theprotection of both industrial workers and civilians. Someof the tunnels selected for use as shelters already existedas communications between riverside works and nearbychalk quarries, only needing to be adapted or extended.In these categories, west of Henley’s was a possibletunnel behind Bowaters, and as previously mentionedfive tunnels under The Hill at Northfleet, several at theNorthfleet cement works, others in rear of similar worksat Swanscombe as well as at Greenhithe but these werenot of the same regular design and scale as those forHenley’s. Elsewhere in the county of Kent were thetunnel shelters in Chislehurst Caves, at Ramsgate, atDover and, as mentioned above, Rochester. There wereothers in South Essex. New large tunnel shelters were alsoproposed for a number of major inland urban locationsin Kent but these were not proceeded with.justified by the resistant qualities of a thick protectiveoverburden. Indeed, concerns were expressed at one stagethat shelterers at Ramsgate and elsewhere might becomereluctant to come out again.Vertically, the Henley tunnels fulfilled the official definitionof a ‘Deep Shelter’, in which shelterers were officiallyregarded as being in no danger from bomb-inducedconcussion. Their entrances were, of course, at factorylevel, at risk from bombing and horizontal blast but, asearlier suggested, it was presumably considered that theeffects of the angled entrance passages to the shelter areasand the barrier of chalk were sufficient protection.As commented in a report by CGMS, ‘in terms of nationalsignificance, the complex at Northfleet is mentionedexplicitly within Historic England Guidance (2016) on civildefence structures as a surviving example of undergroundWorld War Two industrial air-raid shelters. Indeed, thecounty of Kent is noted for this and one other shelter of asimilar type [the Shorts tunnels at Rochester], indicatinga degree of national and regional significance…..’ and,as noted within Historic England Guidance, the paintedsignage found within the tunnels at Northfleet ‘addsmarkedly to the historic interest of a civil defence structure.This contributes to the significance of the site due to therare nature of this signage in other air-raid shelters of thistype, and indeed of other types, that survives.’The eastern opening to the air conditioning plant room(right), with a turning in the tunnel to the left to the shelterspaces and the first aid room in 2007. Photo Nick CombesElsan buckets in one of the tunnels in 2007.Photo Nick CombesBunker mentalityAs exemplified by the use of the London’s tube tunnelsand platforms, protection in places deep undergroundcould instill in people a soothing sense of security, usuallyThe tunnel seen from entrance 4 in 2007, with a no-longerpresent wooden door of unknown date and ventilationtrunking above. Photo Nick CombesDespite the mutilation of its entrances – especially regrettablein the case of the decontamination area – the complex isnoteworthy for its large size and the completeness of itslayout, representing an historically ideal template for design.The remaining machinery in the plant room exemplifiesthe technology of its age. It is a scarce surviving exampleof its type in the southeast of England. Its importance isunderscored by its relationship with key Thameside industry,symbolizing a crucial national industrial effort during a mostchallenging period of world war.These factors argue for consideration to be given to itsstatutory protection. Its entrances should be securedagainst intrusion and the carrying out of damage, alreadyevident in the presence on the walls of painted graffiti.16Looking south along Tunnel 3 in 2007. Tunnels 3 - 6 areparallel with each other and are linked by cross passageswhich are seen on the left. The tunnel to the right leads tothe decontamination entrance and entrances 1 and 2.Photo Nick CombesNecessary conservation measuresA road under the cliff has been retained and securityfenced in order to provide access to Gravesham BoroughCouncil for the purpose of external maintenance to guardagainst chalk falls. An electrical pillar has been offered bythe developer to allow for the possibility of introducingan electrical installation inside. There is gated access tothe road from a route across the development.In this writer’s opinion, and after the implementationof safety works, the tunnels are of sufficient historicinterest to lend themselves to occasional public access viaguided tours of selected areas, with suitable interpretationand display of related artefacts. The size and layoutof the tunnels might offer the possibility of incomegenerating reuse, especially for storage, at the same timesafeguarding their historical features. It is understood thatthe developer will be providing external interpretationof the tunnels.One of the sealed tunnel entrances in 2007.Photo Nick CombesAcknowledgements and thanksI must thank Rod Le Gear and Paul Thorne of the KentUnderground Research Group for their participation withThames Defence Heritage in a survey of the tunnels in2003/4 and for their supply of notes afterwards. Robert Hallgenerously shared his notes, following a visit he made withLooking north along Tunnel 3 in 2007; cross tunnelsare seen to the left. Photo Nick CombesKURG in 2016. The former Associated Electrical Industriesand Groupe Sicame kindly facilitated visits to the tunnels atvarious dates and, most recently, Keepmoat Homes for visitsby the writer in 2021 and 2022.Historical information and suggestions were gratefullyreceived from Wayne Cocroft, Jay Curtis, the late KenMcGoverin, David Neale, David Oliver, Roger Thomas andPaul Thorne. Reports by Kayley Page and her team in drawingattention to insecure places of entry to the tunnels and to theingress of slurry from the outside were important in leadingto remedial action being taken by the developer.SourcesJ.B.S. Haldane, ARP, London (1938)Felix J. Samuely and Conrad W. Harmann, Civil Protection, London,(September 1939)Articles in Spring and Quarterly Emergency issues of The Henley Telegraph(1939)Plan of the Henley tunnels air-raid complex dated April 1940, and arendering of one of March 1941 by Gravesham Borough Council, in thecollection of the writer.W.L. Platts, Kent – The Administration in War, 1939-1945, Maidstone(1946)Anon., 1939-1945, The Story of Henley in War-Time (undated, butpresumably early-postwar)Colin Dobinson, Twentieth-Century Fortifications in England, Vol. VIII,Civil Defence in WW11, CBA (1996)Frank R. Turner, The WT Henley Telegraph Works, Gravesend (2001)Victor Smith, Henley Air Raid Shelter Tunnels at Northfleet, typescript(2009)Victor T.C. Smith, Twentieth Century Military and Civil Defences: Part1 - Thameside, Archaeologia Cantiana, CXXX (2010)Robert Hall, notes on an investigation of the Henley Tunnels, typescript(2016)Roger J.C. Thomas, Civil Defence: from the First World War to the ColdWar – Introductions to Heritage Assets, Historic England (2016)CTP, Hermits Cave and Second World War Air Raid Shelters, Northfleet,Kent, Measured and Condition Survey (May 2020)CGMS, Heritage Management Plan and Interpretation Strategy –Northfleet Embankment East, Northfleet, Kent (May 2020)CGMS, Statement of significance in support of a proposed scheme ofprotection in respect of Hermits Cave and WW11 Air Raid Shelters,Northfleet, Kent (May 2020)Keepmoat Homes, Cable Wharf Northfleet air raid tunnels report (aphotographic survey) (January 2021)Wessex Archaeology, Cable Wharf, Northfleet, Kent – ArchaeologicalWatching Brief (May 2021)Various official memoranda on civil defence at the Kent History and LibraryCentre; sundry minutes of the councils for Northfleet Urban District andGravesend Municipal Borough, as well as documents in the HO series atthe National Archives.ABOUT THE AUTHORVictor Smith read history at King’s College, London, specialising in War Studies. He is an independent historian of BriEsh historic defences and has researched and reported on sites in Southern England, Scotland, Gibraltar, Bermuda and the Caribbean. In 1989/90 he was Chief ExecuEve of the Brimstone Hill Fortress NaEonal Park in St. KiUs which he helped gain UNESCO World Heritage status. Victor Smith coordinated Kent County Council’s 20th century Defence of Kent Project and was Director of Thames Defence Heritage from 1975‐2011. His work has included, in partnership with Gravesham Borough Council, the restoraEon and re‐armament of New Tavern Fort and the refurnishing and interpretaEon of a Cold War bunker in Gravesend. He was the chairman of the Kent Archaeological Society’s Historic Defences CommiUee and five Emes President of the Gravesend Historical Society. He is currently engaged with many studies of historic defences in Britain and abroad. KENT DEFENCE RESEARCH GROUPThe Kent Defence Research Group are dedicated to the discovery, idenEficaEon, research, recording and preservaEon of historic sites and structures throughout Kent. We are an informal group, whose members reflect a range of skills and specialist interests, meeEng every three months to update and discuss the various projects in which we are each involved and to plan our Group acEviEes. We also look to share our knowledge and experEse with the wider heritage community and to make available the results of our research in the public domain.We can be found on Facebook at:hUps://www.facebook.com/KentDefenceResearchGroupOr we can be contacted by email at:historicdefences@kentarchaeology.orgGRAVESHAM HERITAGE FORUMThe ethos and aims of the Gravesham Heritage Forum (GHF) are to promote and support the heritage of Gravesham and of the great county of Kent, formerly known as the ‘Kingdom of Kent’. To this end the GHF has been formed by Peter Torode and includes experts who can offer a high level of accreditaEon to meet the objecEves and aims outlined above. These include Victor Smith and Christoph Bull, who are well‐known in the field of heritage, with other associated members. The GHF have delivered on various projects and can offer advice and pracEcal soluEons in the pursuit of maintaining and promoEng our wonderful heritage, including interpretaEonal signage and other pracEcal cost‐effecEve methods.Chief ExecuEve of the GHF and Director of Consilium Dare07827 885453 email peter@consiliumdare.comK DR GKent Defence Research Groupwww.subbrit.org.ukwAir Raid Shelters wBell Pits wBunkers wCanal Tunnels wCatacombs wCaves wChalk Pits wCold War wControlCentres wConduits wCrypts wDeneholes wDungeons wFollies wFortifications wGrottoes wIce HouseswMilitary Works wMines wOssuaries wUnderground Quarries wRefuges wReservoirs wROC Posts wSallyportswSewers wSilos wSubways wSurface Remains wTunnels wUnderground Railways wWells wMuch, Much MoreEXPLORATION, RECORDING & STUDYUNDERGROUNDTo find out more about the UK’s leading Underground Society and how to become a member, visit our website

KENT AND THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE:A COUNTY STUDY, 1760s - 1807KENT ARCHAEOLOGICAL SOCIETYDavid KillingrayArticle first published inArchaeologia Cantiana, Vol CXXVII 2007 pp 107 - 126© 2007 David KillingrayLicensed for personal &/or academic use107KENT AND THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE:A COUNTY STUDY, 1760s-1807david killingrayTwo thousand and seven marks the bicentenary of the abolition of theBritish slave trade. This brutal ‘human traffick’ that carried men, womenand children from west Africa across the Atlantic to enslavement in theAmericas, by 1750 was dominated by British shipping. Most slavescarried in British ships went to the Caribbean islands where they weremainly employed as forced plantation labour. By the mid-eighteenthcentury the Caribbean islands had become Britain’s imperial jewels; thesugar, rum, molasses, cotton, and other slave-produced goods were seenas vital mainstays of the domestic economy. Although the transportationof white convicts to the American colonies, a system akin to temporaryenslavement, continued to the 1770s, the view had arisen that whitepeople should not be enslaved but that black people could. Great outragewas expressed at the enslavement of Europeans as captives in the northAfrican Muslim states, and many parishes, including those in Kent,raised contributions for their redemption.1 Before mid-century only a fewisolated Europeans questioned the morality of shipping African slaves inmurderous conditions across the Atlantic. However, thereafter disquietsteadily increased in both Britain and North America at this growing tradewhich, in the 1760s-70s saw 1.3 million people shipped to the New Worldcolonies, with the resulting deaths of thousands more. The reasons forthis slow change in attitudes, and from anti-slavery to abolitionism, arepredictably complex. They reflected economic and social changes broughtabout by increasing industrialisation and urbanisation, the influence ofthe evangelical awakening on both sides of the Atlantic, Enlightenmentideas about the employment of labour, and political changes brought bythe revolutionary situation in the North American colonies that changedperceptions of Empire and commerce.2Demands to end the slave trade gained pace in Britain in the 1770s.By the late 1780s and early 1790s this had developed into an extraparliamentary campaign that influenced legislators to pass a series ofregulatory measures and then culminated in an Act abolishing the slavetrade in March 1807. This extra-parliamentary campaign was organisedDAVID KILLINGRAY108from London by the Committee for Effecting the Abolition of the SlaveTrade, created in May 1787. Its leaders were a group of Quakers and afew evangelical Christians who set about organising public opposition,using methods that became standard for future similar lobbies: publishingPlate IThomas Clarkson (1760-1846), the lifelong campaigner against the slave tradeand then slavery, an oil painting by Carl Frederik von Breda, 1788. (CourtesyNational Portrait Gallery, London)KENT & THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE: A COUNTY STUDY 1760s-1807109pamphlets and books, public meetings, gathering subscribers, creatinglocal branches, lobbying MPs, organising petitions to Parliament anddistributing a medallion, produced by Josiah Wedgwood, showing thefigure of a kneeling African beneath the caption: ‘Am I not a man anda brother?’. Later was added a campaign to promote a popular boycottof slave-produced sugar and other goods. Thomas Clarkson (1760-1846), an Anglican deacon, visited the relevant ports around the countryon behalf of the Committee collecting data on the slave trade, often atconsiderable personal risk. Within parliament the campaign was led byanother evangelical, William Wilberforce, the MP for Hull.The organisational direction of the anti-slave trade lobby came fromthe Committee in London. The bulk of the support for abolition camefrom northern manufacturing towns. There was relatively little publiclyorganised anti-slave trade sentiment in the south east counties, includingKent, although few historians have attempted to investigate this. Localstudies of both pro- and anti-slave trade activities are useful in that theyprovide a more balanced account of a major change that occurred inBritain’s foreign commerce.3 Of course, the county may not necessarilyprovide the most sensible or logical unit for study, but local studies haveto begin somewhere and to have limits. The County of Kent seems, atleast at this stage of research, to provide a useful and containable area inwhich to investigate how the abolitionists organised their campaign andhow those who opposed change responded.Kent and the slave trade: traders, merchants, and plantersEighteenth-century Kent was a maritime county with a long seaboardcut by the river Medway, a number of small but strategically significantports, a substantial shipbuilding industry both naval and mercantile,and proximity to London which was the major overseas trading citydependent on the Thames. Certain Channel and Thames-side ports werestrategically placed to furnish ships bound for the Atlantic trade withstores, sailors, and the vital services required for commercial shipping.London undoubtedly exerted considerable influence on Kent’s coastal andThames-side towns and ports, invariably tying certain of their fortunesto those of the metropolis. Deptford and particularly Gravesend fed offtheir maritime closeness to London, the latter often being a port of callfor ships departing or returning from the blue water trade. Until the mideighteenth century London was the most active slave port followed byBristol and then Liverpool. It had held the headquarters of the RoyalAfrican Company, which from 1672 to 1689 had a monopoly of the westAfrican trade. From 1760 onwards, London was second to Liverpool,and ahead of Bristol, in the number of ships despatched to west Africaand in the number of slaves carried to the Americas. From 1698-DAVID KILLINGRAY1101807, London ships carried over 717,000 slaves to the Americas, andalthough the pattern of its trade with west Africa became irregular after1760, nevertheless the city remained Britain’s second slaving port untilabolition in 1807.4 This trade to west Africa and the Americas impingedon Kent. Seamen, enlisted and impressed, from the county helped to manthese ships. Vessels constructed in Kent yards, for example, the schoonerPeggy, and the clinker built Comet, both built at Folkestone in 1783 and1787, and the Queen Esther, a ‘West Indian ship’ built at Gravesend in1789, were engaged either directly in the slave trade or in shipping slaveproduced goods from West Indian to British ports.Of all Kentish towns, Deal perhaps had most direct involvement inthe slave trade. It was a ‘head port’ of London with a position closeto the Continent, a deep water anchorage between the Goodwin Sandsand the shore, and defended by shore batteries. In the early seventeenthcentury the Bowles family of Deal forged strong links with the Crispes ofThanet, to whom they were related, whose London company was activelyinvolved in the African trade. Nicholas Crispe had created the Companyof Merchants Trading into Africa in 1631, the direct ancestor of the RoyalAfrican Company. The Bowles were employed in the Guinea trade in the1650s. Tobias Bowles, four times mayor of Deal, with offices there andin London, conducted a trade mainly in sugar and tobacco with Maryland.In 1704 the Bowles imported African ivory worth £430, and in 1715Tobias and George Bowles sent a Deal-registered snow to trade on theRiver Gambia. Four years later a Deal wine merchant, Henry AlexanderPrimrose, who was the son-in-law of Tobias Bowles, chartered the sloopSamuel for Guinea, eventually delivering 98 slaves to a Barbados slavemerchant in June 1720. Deal also sent goods for sale in west Africa andsupplied men to crew ships.5 Another Deal family directly involved inthe slave trade was the Boys. In October 1726, William Boys sailed onthe Luxborough Galley to Cabinda where the ship loaded 600 slaves.On the ‘middle passage’ to Jamaica, one third of the human cargo died.Returning to London with a cargo of rum and sugar, the vessel caught fireand was abandoned with considerable loss of crew.6In the eighteenth century it would have been difficult for those in Kentinvolved either directly in the West Indian islands, such as John Matson,town clerk of Sandwich and Chief Justice of Dominica, or in the servicesconnected with extra-European commerce and shipping (such as bankingand insurance), not to have benefited in one way or another from theslave trade and slavery. Slave-produced goods constituted a significantsource of Britain’s overseas derived wealth. Francis Cobb (snr), and hispartner Hooper, of Margate acted as agents for owners of a cargo and werealso involved in the business of salvage. In September 1782 when theEmperor, bound from Jamaica to London with a cargo of sugar, pimento,rum, and cotton was lost on the Mouve Sands, Cobbs’ salvage operationKENT & THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE: A COUNTY STUDY 1760s-1807111involved two sloops, three large boats and more than 50 men. Eighteenmonths later Cobb and his partner acted as agents for the owners of acargo of sugar and rum lost when the Matilda from Jamaica was wreckedoff Margate. And as brewers Cobbs were happy to supply merchantswith ale and porter destined for the Danish West Indian island colonyof St Croix with its harsh slave regime.7 And so it may have been withother similar commercial companies and concerns in Kentish towns andports.8 Some of the migrants from Kent to the American colonies settledin societies where slavery was well established. How many became slaveowners, like Isaac Titford from Cranbrook who bought a Jamaican estatein St Katherine producing coffee and pimento, is unknown.9The Bowles and the Boys were directly involved in the murky business ofbuying slaves in west Africa and shipping them to the American colonies.Behind them, as always, were the big men, merchants who suppliedcapital and advanced goods, who oiled and organised trading systems,dealing in human lives from the comfort of city offices. Slave trading,and the importation of slave-produced goods, were profitable concernsthat girdled a large part of the globe; East Indies’ cloth and cowries wereshipped west to meet British manufactured goods, both to be traded forAfrican slaves. Prominent in this were a number of merchants who leasedor bought property in north-west Kent, rural homes conveniently placedfor easy access to the City. Years later, in 1821, William Cobbett, certainlynot an impartial voice and also indifferent to colonial slavery, wrote in hisRural Rides of the ‘infinite corruption in Kent, owing partly to the swarmsof West Indians, nabobs, commissioners, and others of nearly the samedescription, that have selected it for the place of their residence’.10 Whetheror not they were corrupt is one matter; certainly many were rich and partlyon the proceeds of their involvement with slavery and the slave trade.Among the cluster of wealthy merchants living in metropolitan Kent, inBlackheath and Greenwich, was John Angerstein, a founder of Lloyds, whoowned a one-third share in a Grenada plantation; there was also AmbroseCrowley, the iron manufacturer with extensive wharfing interests inGreenwich, whose manacles and chains were supplied for slave ships andto plantation owners. Duncan Campbell (1726-1803), lived in Greenwichand owned ‘Saltspring’ a plantation in Hanover parish, Jamaica. In 1784he bought property at West Kingsdown, subsequently paying a total of£21,458 for 2,000 acres; at his death his son inherited the Jamaica estates.Thomas King, with a house near to Blackheath Common, was a partner ina firm of slave agents, Camden, Calvert and King. Nearby were the homesand estates of John Boyd (1718-1800) at Danson House, Bexleyheath, SirAlexander Grant (1705-1772) in Eltham, and John Sargent (1714-91) atMay Place, Crayford.Boyd’s father, Augustus, was a director and vice-chairman of theEast India Company; he owned property in Lewisham, plantations inDAVID KILLINGRAY112St Kitts, and at his death in 1765 left an estate valued at £50,000. Hisson, John, inherited four West Indian estates from his grandmother andfrom his father giving him sufficient wealth to have Danson House builtas a Palladian villa. John Boyd, created a baronet in 1775, had been inpartnership with fellow expatriate Scots, Richard Oswald (1705-84) andAlexander Grant, a company in which Sargent was a shareholder. In 1748Oswald, Grant & Co. had bought the former Royal African Companytrading post on Bance Island, Sierra Leone, from where they barteredwith Africans for slaves who were then sold on to European traders fortransport to the Americas.11 During the Seven Years’ War with Francefrom 1756 to 1763, Boyd bought several plantations in the islands ofGrenada and Dominica, but his interests were hit by the fall in the priceof sugar, the capture of St Kitts by the French, during which brief perioda number of his slaves died from starvation, and the collapse of his bank.The onset of the American Revolution further hit his finances. Boyd’seldest daughter married one of his partners, John Trevanion, elected MPfor Dover in 1783, who acquired plantations in the Windward Islands andlater in the eastern Caribbean. When Sir John Boyd died his will providedan annuity of £1,200 to his wife Catherine out of his ‘plantation with theslaves and other appurtenances … in the island of St Christopher …’.12John Sargent, a shareholder in Oswald, Grant & Co. and thus intimatelyconcerned with the success of the Bance Island venture, became a directorof the Bank of England and a leading light in the Ohio Company. Heserved in the Commons as member for Midhurst (1753-60) and then forWest Looe (1765-8), selling his Bance Island interest in 1771, when hebought Halstead Place, on the North Downs overlooking Sevenoaks. Onhis death the estate passed to a relative, George Arnold Arnold, who ownedland in neighbouring Knockholt, bought with income derived from thefamily firm that had East Indian and west African interests. In the earlynineteenth century, Halstead Place was bought by the London AldermanAbram Atkins, whose wealth was based on shipping with Bermuda andJamaica. Two other associates of Oswald, Grant & Co. were Robert Scott,who had an estate at Blackheath (he also owned plantations in Grenadaand St Vincent), and Robert Stratton with property at Charlton.Colonial plantations, mainly in the Caribbean, were bought by merchantsbut also often came by marriage settlement or inheritance. When MaryAnn, the daughter of David Orme of Lamorby, Bexley, married NeillMalcolm in 1797, she received a settlement of lands in Jamaica whichincluded 207 slaves.13 The Malcolms, of Poltalloch, Argyllshire, hadmade great profit from their Jamaican plantations. Robert Marsham,Lord Romney, of Mote Place near Maidstone, in 1724 married Priscilla,daughter and sole heir of Charles Pym of the island of St Christopher(St Kitts). When Pym died in 1740, Romney thus became, through hiswife, owner of those estates valued at £19,000 sterling.14 Romney died inKENT & THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE: A COUNTY STUDY 1760s-18071131793 and the St Kitts estates were inherited by his son Charles who wasMP for the County in three successive parliaments; he pulled down theMote and rebuilt it. James Beckford Wildman (d.1816), who owned threeJamaican properties – Salt Savannah estate, Papine in St Andrews, andLow Ground in Clarendon, with a total of 640 slaves – bought ChilhamCastle in 1792.15 The profits derived from the slave trade and slaverycontributed to certain Kentish family fortunes, although lack of datamakes it impossible to quantify how much and also how such incomewas used or invested.16There were several members of Parliament for Kent constituencies, forexample Charles Romney and John Trevanion, who owned slave estatesin the Caribbean or had a vested interest in the slave trade. WilliamGeary (1756-1825), of Oxenhoath, one of the County members from1796-1806, and again from 1812-18, in the Commons in Spring 1804questioned the propriety of immediate abolition arguing that such actionwas likely to benefit other nations. Joseph Marryatt (1757-1824), whoowned an imposing house in Sydenham, was a merchant and ship ownerwith interests in the Caribbean islands of Grenada, Jamaica, Trinidad,Martinique and Guadeloupe, as well as in north America. As agent forTrinidad, and then for Grenada (agents representing islands were activelobbyists), he petitioned Parliament against abolition in February 1807.Elected MP for Horsham in 1808, and then for Sandwich four years later(until 1824), he spoke on aspects of the slave trade and slavery, arguingthat there was no need for a registry of slaves as this would infringethe legislative rights of individual islands, and that since the slave tradehad been abolished plantation owners had a vested interest in treatingtheir slaves humanely. He further argued that the imperial Parliamentshould not emancipate slaves as the system of slavery would die a naturaldeath.17 Those commercial men who became Kentish landowners, theplantation owners resident in the County, and MPs with commercial andfamily interests in the American colonies, undoubtedly presented an antiabolitionist presence in Kent. However, to what extent they exercisedthat influence is difficult to calculate. It is a subject well worth furtherinvestigation, particularly at the local level, although there are obviousproblems in quantifying the extent of their opposition in defence ofthe slave trade and later to the manumission of slaves in the colonies.Analysing the changing views of electors is clearly a challenging task.The West Indian lobby, as it has been called, collectively representedby the Society of West Indian Merchants that emerged in the 1760s, andembraced planters in 1773, was not a homogenous body. Its members didnot speak with a common voice as they represented different islands and avariety of often conflicting interests. The American war divided plantationinterests and put the West Indian Committee on the defensive, but at thesame time it greatly altered the relationship between the West IndianDAVID KILLINGRAY114legislatures and the home parliament.18 Within Kent there were voicesready to rally to the support of the West Indian interest, for example withletters to the local press.19 The Reverend Thomas Thompson (1708/9-73),formerly employed as a missionary in North America and in west Africaby the Society for the Propagation of the Gospel (the SPG owned slavesin the Caribbean), while vicar of Reculver, wrote a pamphlet, publishedin Canterbury, arguing that slavery was consistent with humanity andChristian principles.20The abolitionist campaignThe successful assault on the British slave trade was a great achievement.Opponents of the slave trade from the 1780s onwards set out to bringto an end a system of trade that was widely regarded as essential to thecontinuing economic prosperity of Britain and her overseas Empire.There has been no shortage of studies of the significance of the Atlantictrade, and particularly the contribution made by the slave trade and slaveproduction to the fortunes of the British economy in the eighteenth andearly nineteenth centuries, from the influential ideas of Eric Williams inthe 1940s to the detailed economic analysis of Joseph Inikori in 2002.21Whatever the precise figures for the value of that trans-Atlantic trade,it was of undoubted significance to the British economy and perceivedto be so by many people at many levels. And it seems clear from theexamples given above that individual and family fortunes partly turnedon it. To challenge and secure legislation to remove from this economicedifice the transhipment of slaves from Africa to the American colonieswas a serious and daunting task involving a twenty-year struggle thateventually secured abolition in 1807. The obstacles were enormous.Slavery and the slave trade had been a global and European activity formany centuries. The West Indian economy relied upon the continuedimportation of slaves to maintain a labour force which demographicallyfailed to reproduce itself. And contrary to the view that the West Indianeconomy was in decline in the years 1793-1807, it now seems thatslave productivity was increasing and that West Indian wealth was notdiminishing. In short, abolitionists were assaulting a vital and thrivingcomponent of the domestic and Imperial economy.22 Abolition wasnot gained solely by parliamentary manoeuvres pressured by extraparliamentary lobbying. Great political events such as the American andFrench Revolutions not only altered perceptions of Empire and patternsof overseas commerce but also changed peoples’ world political views.However important these external factors, the domestic campaign topersuade people and parliament that the slave trade was immoral andthat its continued practice had negative political value is among the firstgreat popular lobbies in British history.KENT & THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE: A COUNTY STUDY 1760s-1807115Although slaving practices were pursued in the Atlantic world, blackpeople were generally recognised as fellow human beings despite thecontinued circulation of books and pamphlets that suggested otherwise.Since the beginning of the age of reconnaissance in the fifteenth century,people from Africa had come to Britain. By 1770 they probably numberedjust over 10,000 (one contemporary estimate suggested double thatfigure), mainly living in London (Westminster, and the City), Liverpool,and Bristol.23 Some eighty per cent were men who worked as servants,labourers, artisans, and as sailors who were invariably itinerant workers.Black sailors were not uncommon in Kent ports, particularly Deptford,Gravesend, and on the lower Medway. Many West Indian planters andmerchants trading to the Americas brought black servants with them toBritain; black retainers are a common feature in many family portraits ofthe period. The legal position of black people in Britain was ambiguous.The slave trade from Africa was a legal commerce in property, and thecolonies’ local legislation stated that black slaves could be bought, soldand owned as chattels. But what was the legal status of black slaves oncethey were brought into Britain? Some slaves, and also some owners, falselybelieved that baptism endowed them with freedom; some opponents ofthe slave trade argued that no human being could be a slave on Englishsoil. Despite various judicial and extra-judicial statements the law wasunclear.The first moves to challenge the slave trade came in the late 1760s and1770s with successful attempts by Granville Sharp (1735-1813) to securethe release of black slaves brought into England whose owners attemptedto ship them back to the colonies. These actions helped to promotepublic awareness of the brutalities of the slave trade and excite humanesentiment. One of the first cases was that of Thomas Lewis, a black manseized at night time in Chelsea by Robert Stapylton and shipped downriver to be sold to the West Indies. Lewis’ cries for help were heard. Sharpwas alerted, and he succeeded in securing a writ of habeas corpus whichwas served by the mayor of Gravesend for Lewis’ release.24 A significantcase, brought by Sharp in 1772, resulted in the release of a slave namedSomersett, and the declaration by Lord Justice Mansfield that black slavescould not be forcibly removed from England and Wales.25 This did notstate that black people could not be slaves in England, but the declarationeffectively marked the beginning of the end of the idea that slavery couldexist in this country. An illustration of the continuing vagueness of the lawis a comment attached to the baptism of little Thomas West at Chislehurstin January 1788: ‘a negro of about 6 years of age, who had been sentover as a present to Lord Sydney from Governor Orde of Dominica’!26Whatever Sharp’s actions in raising consciousness about the slave trade,he did not start an anti-slavery movement. That had to wait until the endof the American war in the 1780s, the slow mobilisation of Quaker anti-DAVID KILLINGRAY116slavery activity, which included petitioning Parliament in 1783, and thegrowing political confidence of opponents of the slave trade that theycould press for legislative change.James Ramsay (1733-89), Vicar of Teston, 1781-9, an oil painting by Carl Frederikvon Breda, 1788. (Courtesy National Portrait Gallery, London)Plate IIKENT & THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE: A COUNTY STUDY 1760s-1807117The Anti-Slavery Society was formed in London and held its firstmeeting in May 1787. Within four months the Committee had expandedits membership and activities and begun to collect the names of subscriberscounty by county. Two significant figures in the extra-parliamentarycampaign were Thomas Clarkson, and the Reverend James Ramsay(1733-89) who held the livings at Teston and Nettlestead on the Medway.Clarkson had secured a Cambridge University Latin prize for An essayon the slavery and commerce of the human species. Returning to Londonfrom Cambridge, where he had read his essay, he had a ‘Damascusroad’ experience which turned him to an active life of opposition to theslave trade and then to slavery. Ramsay’s abhorrence of the slave trade,and his deep concern that slaves in the West Indian islands should hearthe Christian Gospel, had been cultivated by nineteen years’ residencein St Kitts first as a medical doctor and then a clergyman. His viewswere set out in two influential books that he published in 1784 on thetreatment and conversion of slaves in the British sugar colonies, andon the effects of the abolition of the slave trade.27 Ramsay’s living atTeston and Nettlested was due to the benefaction of the pietistic andcharitably-minded Elizabeth Bouverie (c.1726-98) who lived at TestonHouse (the present Barham Court, Teston). Bouverie, a single lady, wasan evangelical and she shared her home with her close friends MargaretMiddleton and her husband, naval politician Sir Charles Middleton, laterLord Barham (1726-1813). Boverie and the Middletons opposed theslave trade.28 The other figure in the Teston ‘circle’ was Bielby Porteus(1731-1809), Bishop of Chester and then of London, who had preachedand written against the slave trade; he held the nearby living of Huntonwhere he spent a good part of each year.29In the summer of 1786 Clarkson spent a month with Ramsay atTeston. They were frequently joined by the Middleton’s and Porteus,and also by the evangelical Hannah More (1745-1833), a close friend ofMargaret Middleton. In these discussions the merely ameliorative ideasof the Teston ‘circle’ were challenged, Ramsay became more outspokenagainst the slave trade, and Clarkson’s career took a new direction as hedeclared himself ‘ready to devote myself to the cause … of the oppressedAfricans’. Hannah More wrote that this time at Teston would prove tobe ‘the Runnymede of the negroes, and that the great charter of Africanliberty will be there completed’.30 Clarkson left Teston promising toprovide ‘my friend Mr. Ramsay [with] a weekly account of my progress’,but after four weeks it had become ‘so voluminous that I was obliged todecline writing it’.31 In the autumn of 1786 Wilberforce visited Testonto talk with Ramsay. Several months later, in May 1787, he met withPitt and Grenville at the former’s estate, Holwood in Keston, to the westof the County, where it was agreed that he would introduce a Bill inParliament to end the slave trade.DAVID KILLINGRAY118It is apparent that the initial geographical focus of the LondonCommittee included the metropolitan areas of surrounding counties. InDecember 1788 subscriptions were advertised in the Morning Chronicleand the General Evening Post, London newspapers that circulated in themetropolis and the neighbouring counties, addressed to those ‘residing inLondon and its vicinity’, which presumably embraced metropolitan Kentand the towns of Deptford, Woolwich, and Greenwich.32 Many of the firstsupporters and subscribers contacted in Kent appear to have come throughthe Quaker network. The first supporters of the Abolition Committee canbe taken from the List of subscribers published in 1788, the minute bookof the Committee, and also from the local press. In 1787 of the over 2,000subscribers throughout the country, a mere 20 or so can be identified byname and place as living in Kent, nearly half of them in Canterbury. TheList includes four women, two of them aristocrats, Lady Middleton andGrizel the Dowager Countess Stanhope of Chevening, plus ElizabethBouverie and Mrs Ringsford of Canterbury. ‘Mrs Bouverie’ (older singleladies were so described) contributed five guineas, a sum matched byPeter Nouaille, the owner of a silk works at Greatness, Sevenoaks.33Quakers subscribers in Dover included Richard Low and Richard Baker,and in Canterbury John Chalk, a hoyman, and William Pattison, a glover(not included in the 1787 List).34 By 1788 other supporters had beenenlisted and included William Cooper of Rochester, and Ellington Wrightof Erith who wrote to the Committee on 24 June 1788, both of whom wereknown to Clarkson. When the Committee sent out its first annual report inAugust 1788, fifty copies went to the Revd Thomas Cherry (1748-1822),the Church of England headmaster of Maidstone Grammar School, anAnglican supporter and one assumes a signatory of the Maidstone petitionof that year (see below).In 1788 Clarkson toured the south coast of England, beginning in Julyin Kent, to raise support for abolition. The visit to the County was not asuccess and lasted less than a month with Clarkson returning to Londondue to ‘the difficulties which have occurred during the late Journey ofexciting a sufficient degree of public attention to form Committees’.35 Kentwith its naval towns and vested establishment interests was clearly not afruitful field. In certain towns, for example Rochester, those who mightlend their support to the abolitionist cause could or would not because this‘would involve counteracting obligations of political support’.36 Therewere two great petition campaigns directed at Parliament demanding theabolition of the slave trade; they came from all over the country and fromthree sources: institutions such as guilds and universities, counties, andtowns and boroughs. In 1788 there were 100 petitions and in 1792, amore popular response, when 519 petitions were submitted to Parliament.Most petitions came from the north of England and the industrial areas.There was a poor response from the densely populated counties of theKENT & THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE: A COUNTY STUDY 1760s-1807119south. The only petitions from Kent came from two boroughs: Maidstone,in 1788, and Folkestone in 1792,37 although the Lord Mayor and 20Alderman meeting in the Court of Common Council in Canterbury, in earlyFebruary 1788, unanimously agreed to petition Parliament, and appointeda committee to act.38 Writing to Samuel Hoare in late December 1787,James Ramsay said that Sir William Bishop, the Mayor of Maidstone, was‘desirous of giving the assistance of his Office for procuring a petition forthe abolition of the Slave Trade from the Corporation to the parliament.He only wishes to have a form, that it may meet your wishes, and knowwhen you would that they should come forward’.39 Meanwhile, in 1790,Clarkson, with Middleton’s support (he was then at the Admiralty) waslooking over 160 vessels at the ‘sea stations’ of Deptford, Woolwich,Chatham, and Sheerness in an unsuccessful attempt to gather evidence onthe conduct and impact of the slave trade.40Why only two Kent towns produced and presented petitions is a subjectthat requires further research; it may be, as with Canterbury, that petitionswere proposed but for some reason not proceeded with. Maidstone’spopulation included a sizeable radical element among paper makersand those who worked on the river, plus a good number of dissenters.In the case of Folkestone it may be that influential individuals embracedthe cause of abolition and organised the petition through their localcontacts and influence. Although the ‘weight of government’ and officialpatronage had a heavy influence in Kent towns from Greenwich to Dover,there were also several pockets of working class radicalism. In the 1790sbranches of the United Corresponding Society were active in Rochester,where there were 200 members, and in Linton, Brompton, Gravesend,and also in Maidstone. One of the first statements of the Society was onhuman equality, and John Gale Jones, in his political tour through northand mid Kent on behalf of the Society in 1796, openly denounced notonly the slave trade but also slavery.41 Kent was not dominated by largelanded interests and a tradition of yeoman independence pervaded thelimited electorate. In addition, in the old heartlands of religious dissentsuch as the towns and villages of the Weald, there were undoubtedlythose who instinctively opposed the slave trade. Generally across thecountry, the opponents of the slave trade, both men and women, weredrawn from the ‘middling sort’. A close scrutiny of local newspapers mayreveal abolitionist subscribers and petitioners, although in an age whenthe franchise was highly restricted the voices of working men and womenmay not have been registered. The common voice may be better recordedin church records. For example, in 1789, Pastor John Lloyd, of TenterdenParticular Baptist church, was requested to ‘preach a Discourse relativeto the African Slave Trade in Order to Discountenance the Same’.42Although other Baptist associations in southern counties subscribed toand financially supported the work of the London Committee, the KentDAVID KILLINGRAY120and Sussex Association of Baptist Churches appears to have said nothing.Other denominational records would be well worth investigating to seeif dissenters, and also Methodists following John Wesley’s forthrightdenunciation of the slave trade, made their views known across theCounty.The anti-Jacobin reaction of the 1790s (and the slave risings on theFrench island of Saint-Domingue, and on Grenada and St Vincent in 1794-5) helped to suppress protest of various forms, and determined that the1792 petition against the slave trade was not followed by others. However,as Drescher has argued, this did not mean that public opinion ceased toplay a significant role in the pressure that eventually brought about thepassage of the Foreign Slave Trade Abolition Bill of 1806, prohibitingBritish ships from carrying slaves to foreign ports, and the total abolitionof the British slave trade in 1807.43 In 1784 Sir Charles Middleton wona seat at Rochester, ensuring one sympathetic voice for abolition fromthe County in the Commons. According to Humphries, over the next twodecades the Kentish press ‘was unusually silent on national affairs’ and‘the early struggles against the slave trade were not the issues to inspiremass agitation’.44 And yet, Edward Knatchbull, elected an MP for theCounty in 1790, two years later argued in the Commons that the slavetrade be ended in 1796, a motion passed there but subsequently rejectedin the Lords. Another abolitionist was the undistinguished MP for Dover,C.S. Pybus, who voted for the Abolition Bill in 1796 and also in support ofthe Slave Trade Limiting Bill in 1799. But these appear to be alone amongKent MPs who were in favour of either outright abolition or regulation ofthe slave trade during the 1790s. At the Canterbury by-election of 1800,Joseph Royle, a radical candidate who supported abolition, was defeatedbut not necessarily because he was an abolitionist. In the 1802 election hestood again denouncing the system of representation and proclaiming thathe was ‘a decided enemy to the Slave Trade in all its branches’. After 1805(did victory over the French and Spanish at Trafalgar have an influence?)parliamentary sentiment was changing. In the parliamentary elections ofNovember 1806, John Calcraft, at Rochester, spoke of his recent supportfor abolition, while the three County candidates also identified withthe abolitionist cause. Sir William Geary stated that ‘no one was moreanxious for its abolition than himself’ and associated his sentiments withthose of Wilberforce; Knatchbull felt likewise and recalled his motionof 1792 for the discontinuance of the trade, while Honeywood describedthe slave trade ‘as disgusting to human nature, as it was disgraceful toEnglishmen’.45 However, although the principal topic of debate from thehustings was the slave trade, as the Kentish Chronicle stated ‘this wasscarcely an issue capable of swaying large numbers of voters, even had thecandidates disagreed violently’.46 But for at least one Kent elector it wasnot just sufficient to vote for a local abolitionist candidate; Francis CobbKENT & THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE: A COUNTY STUDY 1760s-1807121of Margate expressed his support for Wilberforce in the Hull election of1807 and received in return a letter of thanks from the grateful victor.47One consistent although unpredictable voice opposing the slave tradein the Lords was that of the reform-minded Whig, Lord Stanhope ofChevening (1753-1816).48 In notebooks, titled ‘Slave Trade 1’ and ‘SlaveTrade 2’, he recorded details of the slave trade, along with occasionalpersonal comments. From these notes we know that he read OlaudahEquiano’s Narrative, published in 1789, a best-selling two-volumeaccount of an African’s experience of the slave trade and slavery, thatwent into several editions.49 Wilberforce wrote to Stanhope, in January1788, soliciting his support for the abolitionist cause:For many reason, I am clear, and Pitt is of the same opinion, that ‘tisextremely desirable that petitions for the abolition of the trade in flesh andblood should flow in from every quarter of the kingdom: they are goingforward in many places and counties, nor is there any need of generalmeetings in the case of the latter, which might be inconvenient at thisseason of the year, and on such a short notice we can only allow on thisoccasion. I know how friendly you must be to my motion, and I trustyou will lay a load of parchment on the shoulders of the members of theCounty of Kent … .50Stanhope was in contact with the London Committee, in 1789 expressing‘in the warmest manner his disposition to promote the cause in the Houseof Lords’. In 1804, during the Lord’s debate on Wilberforce’s measure toabolish the slave trade, he made what Wilberforce described in his diary,as ‘a wild speech … [that] contained some most mischievous passages,threatening the Lords that by means of his stereotype press he wouldcirculate millions of papers among the people and deluge the countrywith accounts of the cruelties of the Slave Trade and of the barbaroustreatment of the Slaves in the West Indies’.51ConclusionThe campaign to end the British slave trade was successful in 1807. Thetransatlantic trade in Africans, with all its harsh and murderous methods,became illegal for British subjects. The Committee for Effecting theAbolition of the Slave Trade had achieved its purpose, but slavery remainedin the colonial empire.52 The struggle to end slavery took another thirtyyears and was only finally achieved in 1833 following the greatest masspetitioning campaign then in British history. Full emancipation came in1838 after a further four years of lobbying. The abolitionist movement bythe late 1780s, as Brown argues, ‘had come to enjoy moral prestige …because antislavery sentiment … had become uncontroversial and, moreunusually, because antislavery organizing had come to seem worthy ofDAVID KILLINGRAY122esteem’.53 From then, using the tactics of ‘modern’ organisation, sentimentwas mobilised nation-wide to press the cause on Parliament. A good dealis known about the ideas and actions of the organisers of abolition, that is,of the politics from above. Far less is known of the politics from below, theresponses and actions at the local level that actually turned this cause intoa popular movement. What did people think in the shires? Did they readthe numerous pamphlets and books that denounced the slave trade? Howdid they respond to the demands to boycott slave-grown sugar and otherproduce in the 1790s? What was said in churches and places of assembly?Who was prepared to put his hand in his pocket, and who was willing toturn out and vote for the cause, and why? Did the urban and rural workingclass support abolition? Women were clearly involved in the campaign,but to what extent? And how did the West Indian interest react in Kent inthe years 1792-3, and what influence, if any, did they try to exercise inparliamentary elections, and over tenants and other dependants? Furtherresearch is required to investigate to what extent the question of abolitionexercised minds and political passions in Kent during the period 1780s1807. Existing research on the years 1807-1833, which also needs to berevisited, argues that the clamour for the emancipation of slaves in theBritish Empire was not an issue that greatly exercised Kentish electors orMPs.54 This article has merely sketched the process of abolition in Kentand must be considered as ‘work in progress’ that hopefully will succeedin challenging others to undertake further research.endnotes1 E.g. the parish records of Aldington, 1734; Aylesford, 1670; Burmarsh, 1680, 1692,and 1701; Dymchurch 1680; East Farleigh, 1680s; Loose, 1685; Murston, 1670 and 1754;Tenterden, 1628; and Yalding, 1735. As late as 1817 a Tunisian corsair, one of a pair, wasapprehended in the Channel and brought ‘into the Downs’.2 Christopher Leslie Brown, Moral capital: foundations of British abolitionism (ChapelHill, NC, 2006), provides a skilful analysis of the trans-Atlantic roots of abolitionism. Seealso Roger Anstey, The Atlantic slave trade and British abolition, 1760-1807 (London,1975), and Adam Hochschild, Bury the chains: the British struggle to abolish slavery(London, 2005). On the slave trade, see James Walvin, Black ivory. A history of Britishslavery (London, 1992), and more broadly, Hugh Thomas, The slave trade. The history ofthe Atlantic slave trade 1440-1870 (New York, 1997).3 Local studies include E.M. Hunt, ‘The north of England agitation for the abolition of theslave trade, 1780-1850’, MA thesis, University of Manchester, 1959; Hunt, ‘The anti-slavetrade agitation in Manchester’, Lancashire & Cheshire Antiquarian Society, Transactions,CXXVI (1977); and on Bristol, Madge Dresser, Slavery obscured. The social history of theslave trade in an English provincial port (London, 2001), chs 4-5.4 James A. Rawley, London, Metropolis of the Slave Trade (Columbia MO and London,2003), chs. 2, 3 and 8.5 Nigel Tattersfield, The forgotten trade: comprising the log of the Daniel and Henry of 1700and accounts of the slave trade from the minor ports of England, 1698-1725 (London, 1991), pp.202-11. See also W.H. Bowles, Records of the Bowles family (London, 1918), pp. 30 ff.KENT & THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE: A COUNTY STUDY 1760s-18071236 William Boys, An Account of the loss of the Luxborough Galley by Fire, on her voyagefrom Jamaica to London … in the year 1727 (London , 1787). Is the Thomas Boys, masterof the brigantine Adventure at Jamaica in 1709 with 120 slaves (TNA, Kew, CO142/14),and later in the century recorded as trading in slaves from Gambia to Virginia, of the samefamily?7 Centre for Kentish Studies (CKS), East Kent Archives Centre. Cobb papers. U1453/O28/1; U1453/B5/4/97; and B5/4/167.8 Beyond the period under discussion, but perhaps pertinent, is the entry in the shippingregister relating to the Emma of Ramsgate (133 tons), owned by Sir William Curtis Bt(1752-1829) of Ramsgate, which was ‘condemned as a prize at Sierra Leone on 5 October1822 for being engaged in the slave trade’. CKS. East Kent Archives Centre. RBS/Sal/1.9 Cranbrook Museum Archives, Cranbrook, 5266 2.1, TIT, is an indenture for the sale ofthe estate and the slaves, who are listed, dd. 1806. See also Anthony R. Titford, ‘A family ofDissenters: the Titfords of Somerset, Kent & London, ts., 2005, vol. 1, part 3, pp. 9-13. Theauthor is grateful to Stuart Bligh and to Betty Carmen for this reference.10 William Cobbett, Rural Rides (1830; Everyman edn, London, 1957), vol. 1, p. 45.11 David Hancock, Citizens of the world: London merchants and the integration of theBritish Atlantic community, 1756-1785 (Cambridge, 1995), describes in splendid detail thecommercial interests of Oswald, Grant and Co.12 Bexley Local Studies and Archive Centre (LSAC), Bexley. Danson papers. LS CO/DAN/9. A brief account of slave owners in Bexley is by Oliver Wooler, The great estates(Bexley, 2000), pp. 32-3, 60-5, and 100.13 Bexley LSAC. DR/2/38-39, 1797.14 CKS, Maidstone. Romney papers. Marriage settlement U1300 T4/7, 1724; CKS 1515E284, will dd. 16 March 1741, ‘An estimate of the reall and personall (sic) estate of the lateCapt. Charles Pym in the Island of St Christopher’.15 Edward Hasted, The history and topographical survey of the County of Kent, vol. VII,1798, p. 276; addendum in Vol. VIII, p. 544, corrects ‘Thomas’ to James. Robert Gordon,The Jamaica church: Why it has failed (London nd., c.1872), p. 10.16 For an example from Wealden Sussex, where the Fullers used proceeds from Jamaicanestates to invest in charcoal, iron and gun founding, see D.W. Crossley and R. Saville, eds,The Fuller letters: guns, slaves and finances, 1728-1755 (Lewes: Sussex Record Society,vol. 26, 1991).17 Joseph Marryat, Thoughts on the abolition of the slave trade … (London 1816). RalphBernal, MP for Rochester 1820-41, and owner of inherited Jamaican estates, also argued forthe slow pace of emancipation; as a representative of West Indian interests he stressed thatslaves were legal property; see Ralph Bernal, Substance of the Speech of Ralph Bernal Esq.in the House of Commons, on the 19th May, 1826 (London, 1826).18 See Andrew J. O’Shaughnessy, An Empire divided. The American revolution and theBritish Caribbean (Philadelphia PA, 2000).19 E.g. Kentish Gazette, letters from ‘E.B’, 16 May 1788, p. 2; from ‘GRENADA’, 3 June1788, p. 2; and from ‘A Speculist’, 8-12 August 1788, p. 2, and 22 August 1788, p. 2.20 Thomas Thompson, The African Trade for Negro Slaves. Shewn to be Consistent withPrinciples of Humanity, and with the Laws of Revealed Religion (Canterbury, 1772). Elevenyears later Charles Crawford, born in Antigua of a slave-owning family, wrote an antislavery poem, Liberty: A Pindaric Ode (first published in Tunbridge Wells, Canterbury,Maidstone and London, 1783); in a lengthy footnote he argued that Christian principlesdemanded that Africans be treated as equals and as brethren, that the slave trade was theopprobrium of England and should be abolished immediately, but (and contrary to the ideasof the ‘profane scribbler’ Thomas Paine) that emancipation of slaves in the West Indiesshould be gradual.DAVID KILLINGRAY12421 Eric Williams, Capitalism and Slavery (1944; London, 1964); Joseph E. Inikori,Africans and the industrial revolution in England (Cambridge, 2002). For these debates, seeKenneth Morgan, Slavery, Atlantic trade and the British economy, 1660-1800 (Cambridge,2000).22 See David Richardson, ‘The British Empire and the Atlantic slave trade, 1660-1807’,in P.J. Marshall, ed., The Oxford History of the British Empire. Vol. II. The eighteenthcentury (Oxford, 1998), pp. 440-64.23 See Peter Fryer, Staying power. The history of Black people in Britain (London, 1984).Also Kathy Chater, ‘Untold histories: Black people in England during the British slavetrade, 1660-1807’, Ph.D thesis, University of London, 2007 (forthcoming).24 Thomas Clarkson, The history of the rise, progress, and accomplishment of theabolition of the African slave-trade by the British parliament, 2 vols (London, 1808), I, pp.73-4.25 See Stephen M. Wise, Though the heavens may fall. The landmark trial that led to theend of human slavery (Cambridge MA, 2005).26 Chislehurst baptism records, 20 January 1788. Lord Sydney, Thomas Townshend(1733-1800), was Deputy Lt of Kent, a minister in various Pitt administrations, and in 1787spoke but did not vote against the slave regulation bill. The author is grateful to Mr PeterJ.R. Masson for this reference.27 See Folarin Shyllon, James Ramsay: the unknown abolitionist (Edinburgh, 1977).28 William Cowper’s anti-slave trade poem, ‘The Negro’s Complaint’, written at therequest of the Anti-Slavery Society, was published in the Kentish Gazette, 8 August 1788,with the comment that it had been ‘sent to a lady who had interested herself much in the causeof the slave trade’, possibly a reference to Elizabeth Bouverie or Margaret Middleton.29 On the Teston ‘circle’, see Brown, Moral capital, pp. 341-52, 362-77.30 Anne Stott, Hannah More: the first Victorian (Oxford, 2003), pp. 100-101. Oldfielddescribes it ‘as surely one of the most important events in the history of British antislavery’: J.R. Oldfield, Popular politics and the British anti-slavery. The mobilisation ofpublic opinion against the slave trade, 1787-1807 (London, 1998), p. 72.31 Clarkson, History, I, p. 242.32 British Library [BL] Add Mss. 21255, Anti-Slave Trade Committee minute books.Entry for 9 December 1788; and 21256, entry for 19 May 1805. See Kentish Gazette, 15January 1788, p. 3.33 List of the Society, Instituted in 1787, For the Purpose of effecting the Abolition of theSlave Trade (London, 1788).34 BL Add Mss. 21254, entry for 17 July 1788.35 BL Add. Mss 21255, entry for 26 August 1788.36 Peter F. Dixon, ‘The politics of emancipation: the movement for the abolition ofslavery in the British West Indies, 1807-33. D.Phil thesis, Oxford, 1971. p. 112.37 Thomas Baker (1751?-1840) was then mayor; a Mr Eubulus Smith of Folkestone isalso mentioned in the London Committee letter books as a supporter.38 Kentish Gazette, 5 February 1788, p. 3.39 Ramsay to Hoare, 29 December 1787. Huntington Library, San Marino, CA., Clarksonpapers. CN 141, quoted by Oldfield, Popular politics, p. 49. Bishop also wrote to the LondonCommittee, 6 February 1788.40 Clarkson, History, II, p. 174.41 John Gale Jones, A political tour through Rochester, Maidstone, Gravesend, etc(London, 1796; new edn, Rochester, 1997), pp. 28-9.42 Minutes, Tenterden Particular Baptist Church, 5 April 1789. The author is grateful toMr Stephen Pickles for this reference.KENT & THE ABOLITION OF THE SLAVE TRADE: A COUNTY STUDY 1760s-180712543 Seymour Drescher, ‘Whose abolition? Popular pressure and the ending of the Britishslave trade’, Past & Present, 143 (2004), p. 146; the speeches were recorded in the KentishGazette, 8 November 1806. See also Dixon, ‘Politics of emancipation’, pp. 113-5.44 Peter Leslie Humphries, ‘Kentish politics and public opinion, 1768-1832’, D.Philthesis, University of Oxford, 1981, p. 134. The Kentish press was not silent on the slavetrade in 1788; no literate person who read the local Kent press for that year can have beenignorant as to the Parliamentary and extra-Parliamentary debate on abolition.45 Humphries, ‘Kentish politics’, pp. 191-2, 228, and 230.46 Kentish Chronicle, 24 November 1806.47 CKS, East Kent Archives Centre. Cobb paper. U1453/C278. William Wilberforce toFrancis Cobb, dd, Brighton, 27 August 1807. Francis Cobb (jnr) was one of the principalorganisers of the anti-slavery cause in north-east Kent in the 1820s-30s; see U1453 O43,etc.48 Earlier, Sharp and other abolitionists had urged William Legge, Earl of Dartmouth(1731-1801), the pious and evangelically-minded Secretary of State for the Americancolonies, who had an estate in Blackheath, to promote the anti-slave trade cause inParliament. Dartmouth failed to respond, appearing to prefer public office to risking possiblepublic obloquy.49 CKS, Maidstone. Stanhope paper. U1590 C/72/1, 2.50 Aubrey Newman, The Stanhopes of Chevening: A family biography (London, 1969),p. 147.51 Quoted by Newman, The Stanhopes of Chevening, p. 163.52 BL Add Mss 21256. It is worth noting that the Committee, on 31 January 1792, deniedclaims made by the West Indian interest that they sought the ‘emancipation of the Negroes inthe British colonies’, stressing that they adhered to their ‘original Purpose’ – ‘the abolitionof the Trade to the coast of Africa for Slaves’.53 Brown, Moral capital, p. 458.54 Dixon, ‘The politics of emancipation’.DAVID KILLINGRAY126

1PAPER No. 003THE PAPERMAKERS OFSNODLAND c.1740-1854Dr. ANDREW ASHBEEThis paper has been downloaded from www.kentarchaeology.ac. Theauthor has placed the paper on the site for download for personal oracademic use. Any other use must be cleared with the author of thepaper who retains the copyright.Please email admin@kentarchaeology.ac for details regardingcopyright clearance.The Kent Archaeological Society (Registered Charity 223382) welcomesthe submission of papers. The necessary form can be downloadedfrom the website at www.kentarchaeology.ac 2THE PAPERMAKERS OF SNODLAND c.1740-1854ANDREW ASHBEEPreambleThere are already two excellent studies of Snodland Paper Mill1, so it may seempresumptuous to add a third. Between them Alfred Shorter2, Michael Fuller andKenneth Funnell have thoroughly researched the surviving records and there isprobably little more to find in official documentary sources. It is very regrettable thatthe extensive Snodland Mill records, which had survived the devastating fire of 12August 1906, were all pulped in the mid-twentieth century before they could beexamined by historians. So this paper turns rather to genealogical sources concerningthe early owners and papermakers, which reveal a fascinating web of connectionsbetween people and places. The arrival of the Hook family in 1854 makes a suitableend; they took the Snodland mill into expansive and profitable development.Papermakers seem to have moved regularly from mill to mill and Snodland mill (likemany others) was often but a stepping-stone for both owners and employees.Movement between local mills is of course to be expected - and there were many in theMaidstone area, but so far as Snodland is concerned there are also strong links with theprincipal papermaking area in England: the Wye valley in Buckinghamshire, wheremore than thirty mills were active in the early nineteenth century. Information onSnodland’s earliest papermakers is sparse. Owners and principal lease-holders can betraced through Overseers’ and Churchwardens’ Accounts and Land Tax assessments,but their workers can only be glimpsed briefly in apprenticeship indentures, settlementclaims, Petty Sessions records and the like. The addition of a ‘father’s occupation’ inthe format of baptismal registers from 1813 onwards is helpful. A further great leapforward occurs with the censuses from 1841 onwards, providing details of familieswhich can often be used retrospectively. Yet persistent research is required frominterested parties if papermaking families are to be traced from census to census andplace to place. The burgeoning study of family history and the presence of an on-lineversion of the International Genealogical Index [IGI] are two major tools which I havereadily seized upon, not omitting casual findings on family history web-sites. Althoughmany gaps remain in the evidence, I am particularly grateful to several people whohave been willing to share their research into families and ancestors who includedpapermakers from Snodland and who have readily agreed to my publishing detailshere: Mrs Debra Buchanan (Mayatt); Martin Clark (Clark, Mason, Gurney, Weedonand the family connections), Mrs Jilly Coles (Kidwell); Mrs Margot Corbett (Clark,1 Michael J. Fuller, Watermills of the Leybourne and Holborough Streams, private edition of sixcopies, 1990, partially reprinted and revised as Snodland and Holborough Watermills, SnodlandHistorical Society pamphlet 9 (Snodland, 1998), pp. 1-39; also ‘British Papermills: Snodland Mill,Kent’, in British Association of Paper Historians Quarterly, nos. 28-30 (Oct. 1998, Jan. 1999, June1999); Kenneth Funnell, Snodland Paper Mill, C. Townsend Hook and Company from 1854(Snodland, 1979 and 1986).2 Alfred H. Shorter, Paper Mills and Paper Makers in England 1495-1800 (Hilversum, 1957); PaperMaking in the British Isles: An Historical and Geographical Study (1971); Studies on the History ofPapermaking in Britain, ed. Richard Hills (Variorum Collected Study Series, CS 425, Aldershot,1993) 3Weedon); Mrs Rosemary Crouch (Mayatt); Mrs Pamela Hawker (Mecoy/Macoy); PaulPenn-Simkins (Spong and Fielder); Mrs R. Wallis (Robert Wagon/Waghorn); RogerThornburgh (Loose papermakers: Gurney). Further responses will be welcome. Therecitation of names, dates and places in this survey is tedious, but necessary to build upthe overall picture. Entries from parish registers are given as fully as the informationgleaned allows.3 The IGI is of some help, but as will be seen there is a very strong nonconformist element in the story, where surviving registers are often much moreinformally and irregularly kept. Many of these have not yet received the same attentionas the Church of England ones or have been lost. A large number of christenings andmarriages of the people recorded here simply do not appear at present on the IGI.Pending firm evidence I have tried to avoid undue speculation.EARLY OWNERSHIPNo evidence has been found to show that a paper mill existed in Snodland before about1740, although two snippets may suggest otherwise. The parish clerk was particularlydiligent in keeping the church registers between 1698 and 1706, systematically enteringthe occupations of all persons during that time. On 5th January 1705/6 this included theburial of ‘James Smith, paper-maker’. There are no other Smiths recorded in Snodlandthen, and no other references to paper-makers, so it remains doubtful that a paper millwas active until later. However, we can also note in passing that John Short, son ofJohn, baptized at Snodland on 23 July 1666, later moved to Sutton-at-Hone to becomea papermaker by 1691.4John May senior of Birling acquired the Snodland Courtlodge estate from the Crowfamily in 1732, when the deeds describe it as containing 'Houses, Oasthouses,Dovehouses, Barns, Stables, Edifices, Buildings, Mills, Malthouse and Maltmill andCistern therein' - no mention of paper5. This is echoed by the manorial meeting held on5 April 1733, when the transfer from John Crow to John May of ‘Snodland CourtLodge and malthouse, two barns, two stables with the outhouses, one acre of hopground, orchard and 60 acres of arable land, meadow and saltmarsh’ was recorded.6The next document in the sequence of deeds is dated 24 January 1743/4, when JohnHicks was in 'actual possession' of the property for a year. This refers not only to theCourtlodge, but also to 'the Paper Mill, Drying Houses and other Erections andBuildings lately Erected and Sett up by the said John May on the said premises', andthen goes on to make the same list as before. Further evidence that a paper mill washere comes from the lists of alehouse-keepers which shows that Jane Munt wasvictualler at 'The Paper Mill' at least between 1746 and 1759 (the records areintermittent only).7 The site of this alehouse is currently unknown, but may have beennear the mill. John May (d.1761) lived in a modest house in Horn Street, Birling, buthad acquired considerable wealth and became one of the local gentry. Around 1750 heacquired much property from Thomas Pearce, including the extensive Holloway Court3 The original format is not retained. Entries are from the registers of All Saints, Snodland, unlessotherwise noted.4 CKS: U47/45/T48: deed dated 11 September 1691 between John Short of Sutton-at-Hone,papermaker, and John Taylor of Snodland, ropemaker.5 CKS: Q/RDz3/1-17 6 CKS: CCRb/M1. 7 CKS: Q/RLv, passim. 4estate at Holborough, where his son John (1734-1805) set up home. John senior’s will,made on 8 November 17608, bequeaths all the Pearce acquisitions in Snodland,Halling, Luddesdown and Meopham, together with the lease of Halling Rectory, to hisson John, and all his property in Borden, Bredgar and Tunstall, together with the ‘RedLion’ in Snodland and its associated wharf, to his son William. The rest of the estate,which included the paper mill, was to be shared between John junior and William astenants in common. William died on 25 August 1777, so all this in turn devolved to hisbrother John, who held it until his own death on 2 September 1805. Since he had noimmediate family, John entrusted his large estate to four trustees, giving the family ofeach first benefit of particular parts of it. They were John Spong the younger ofSouthwark, hop-factor; John Simmons Esq. of Rochester; Edward Wickham theyounger of Birling, farmer; Mary, widow of Thomas Simpson, of Rochester.Closer inspection reveals links between at least some of the trustees. In his will Maymentions his late cousin Elizabeth Halfhead. She (as Elizabeth Littlewood) was marriedto John Halfhead at St Margaret’s, Rochester, on 23 September 1767. Their daughterLaetitia (bap. 26 October 1774) married John Spong [the younger] at Snodland on 30July 1793 and their daughter Sarah Eleanor (bap. 2 October 1776) married JohnSimmons on 9 June 1803, also at Snodland. There were two other daughters, Elizabeth(bap. 25 September 1771) and Mary (bap. 24 March 1773). I have not been able toascertain whether Elizabeth was the wife of Edward Wickham, or Mary the wife of‘Thomas Simpson of Rochester’, but it seems quite likely.9Snodland Court Lodge with 50 acres in Snodland and Birling, the Manor of Veles inSnodland and Snodland Mill and Wharf were allocated to Mary Simpson.10 FromMichaelmas 1794 May had leased the Court Lodge estate to Thomas Beech and IsaacWenman the younger for 14 years at £160 p.a.. A new lease was made by MarySimpson on 3 February 1806 on Snodland Court Lodge for eight years to ThomasBeech, junior, at £110 p.a. (This was the farm rather than the mill.) Young ThomasBeech was buried at Birling on 16 October 1806, and, as executor, his fathersurrendered the lease on 25 September 1807.It would seem that it was the Spong family who acquired the mill, probably when itwas put up for sale in 1807.11 John Spong of Aylesford, father of the John Spongassociated with May, was a coal merchant and had paid parish rates on the coal wharfat Snodland since 1793. Evidently it was he who made the purchase since in his ownwill of 20 August 1814 he bequeathed ‘Snodland mill and the several cottages attachedthereto’ to his son William, then living at Snodland.12 This merely confirmed the statusquo, for the manorial meeting of 25 October 1810 had already noted the transfer of themill from John May to William Spong and his partner Isaac Wenman, the papermakermaster. The Spong family continued to own the mill until at least 1842, leasing it tovarious papermaker masters. After Wenman’s death in 1815, his widow Ann alienated8 PRO: PCC PROB 11/1761, q.65.9 Edward and Elizabeth Wickham were the witnesses at the 1803 wedding. 10 PRO: PROB 11/ . It should be noted that William would only have come of age (21) on 14 February1811.11 Fuller, Snodland and Holborough Watermills, pp. 9 and 38 notes this from ‘Jackson’s OxfordJournal’ of 2 May 1807. The mill was totally destroyed by fire on 17 December 1807, but wasimmediately re-built.12 PRO: PROB 11/1564 5Snodland Court Lodge (being a house and 22 acres) to James Martin. On 28 October1818 the manorial meeting minuted:Be it Remembered that at this Court the Homage [Jury] present that James Martin sometime since purchased of the Representatives of the late Isaac Wainman a Messuage, Barnand about twenty two acres of Land, being part of Snodland Court Lodge Farm and thatthe remainder of the said Farm, consisting of a Paper Mill, Six Cottages and about eightacres of Land, is now the property of Willm Spong and which he purchased of the lateJohn May. The whole of the said premises are held at the annual rent of 18s. 8d. And theHomage apportion the Rent as follows: vizt. the said James Martin to pay the annualsum of 6s. and the said Willm Spong to pay the annual sum of 12s. 8d.13The Land Tax Assessments (and later the censuses) show that the house formerly inthe High Street, eventually occupied and enlarged by the Hook family and named'Veles' by them, was also the home of most of the previous mill managers, beginningwith Isaac Wenman the younger (1796-1806). Others who lived there were ThomasCleaves (1807-10) - not a papermaker (but he was a beneficiary in John May’s will),William Spong (1811-23), William Joynson (1824-33), John Clark (1834-40) andWilliam Wildes (1847?-1854?). Ownership of the property in this period is shown asJohn May (1793), John Spong (1795-1801), John Spong junior (1802-7), ThomasCleaves (1808-10), William Spong (1812-22), John Dudlow (a local lawyer andlandowner) (1823-39); Henry Phelps (Rector of Snodland) (1840-65).BEFORE 1807JASPER CROTHALL (1748-1781)From at least 1748 the paper mill manager was Jasper Crothall, from Benenden.Unfortunately the Benenden registers are defective so we cannot trace his birth there.He was a son of John, a tanner (buried 4 October 1738), and Mary Crothall (buried 19February 1752) and born after 1720, so he was a relatively young man when he settledin Snodland. Crothall leased the mill from the Mays, paying the parish rates on it. By1758, although he owned another house in Snodland, he himself was living in 'ProspectCottage' in Holborough Road, the old house next to the Willowside estate. Almostcertainly it was he who added the brick part to the property around 1780. He was aprosperous man, owning three houses and land, and able to make bequests of around£1000 in his will. After his death in 1781 the mill was run by his nephew IsaacWenman, also born at Benenden. Isaac was working in Snodland no later than 1765.Robert Cummings (-1748-1781)The eighteenth-century mill would have been a small affair, perhaps worked by justtwo or three men. On 2 July 1748 at the Petty Sessions, 'Robert Cummings, now ofSnodland, on Oath saith that he was bound an Apprentice and Served 7 years to oneLuke Bale of Duffeild in the County of Derby, Papermaker, and that he has not gaineda settlement since'. The judgement was that he belonged to Duffield, so on 2 May 1752he tried again, having married in the meantime. Again the Court made an order toremove him. A third attempt on 3 February 1759 to gain a settlement here met with thesame response. This time he noted that 'he served ... Luke Bale ... about three yearswhen he the said Robert Cummings ran away from his said master'. In spite of hisfailure to gain a settlement in Snodland, Cummings remained here with his wife Anne13 CKS: CCRb/M4. 6and children Anne and Robert. Records for 1754 and 1757 note that Richard and JohnEason, Francis Aldridge and Elizabeth his wife, and Robert Cummins and Ann his wifefreely held two tenements, two barns and three pieces of land (c.5 acres), occupied byRichard Eason, John Craft and Richard Hales, and that these were transferred to Halesin the latter year. It is probable that this property was the 'Old Bull' with adjacenthouses and land on the east side of Holborough Road at the corner with the HighStreet. At any rate, after living in the village for at least 33 years, 'Robert Cummins,Paper-maker', was buried on 4 September 1781. His son became a butcher, moving toTeston in 1780.Charles Lock (1761-4-)The Petty Sessions also tell of another papermaker, Charles Lock:3 November 1764: Charles Lock, now residing at Snodland, born at Ansham, county ofOxford; was bound apprentice to William Fachion of Woolvernett, Oxford, Papermaker,for 7 years (and served 5 years and 4 months); then was a journeyman in Worcestershireof 11 weeks; then about 3 weeks in Shropshire and three years with Thomas Overton, aPapermaker.He is presumed to be the Charles Lock baptized at Eynsham on 4 July 1736 andtherefore would not be the man who married Elizabeth Clampard at Snodland on 30January 1749. But on 12 May 1761 he married Sarah Lawrence, both parties describedas ‘of Snodland’, and a son Thomas was baptized on 9 November 1764, perhaps thereason he applied for settlement. Since nothing further is heard of him it is possible thathe moved away, to be replaced by Crothall’s nephew, Isaac Wenman.ISAAC WENMAN [I] (1765-1785)Isaac was baptized at Benenden on 4 August 1740, son of William and Martha (néeCrothall). He was in Snodland by 14 February 1765 when he was a witness at awedding (the first of three such duties he undertook that year). His own wedding wasat St Margaret’s, Rochester, on 26 August 1765, by licence, to Elizabeth Hales,daughter of Richard, victualler at the Red Lion, and Sarah. A succession of childrenwas born to them: Jasper (1766, died in infancy); Isaac (1768-1815), Robert (1771-);Martha (1773-1791); John (1774-); William (1777-1784); Jasper (1779-1866).Elizabeth was buried at Cuxton on 14 October 1784 (her parents had previously beenburied there) and Isaac died a year later on 22 December 1785. He too was buried atCuxton and his estate valued at around £1000 was divided between his five survivingchildren. Of these Isaac became the paper mill manager.William King (1769-1776?)In 1769 William King of Birling was apprenticed to Jasper Crothall until he reached theage of twenty-one.14ISAAC WENMAN [II] (1785-1815)Baptized on 11 December 1768, son of Isaac [I] and Elizabeth, Isaac continued aspaper mill manager until his death in 1815, aged 47, from ‘unskilful treatment of anabscess’ according to the Rector, who buried him on 1 June.Disaster struck on 17 December 1807, reported on the 22nd in the Maidstone Journaland Kentish Advertiser:14 CKS: P29/i 4/1/54. No William King is recorded in the Birling registers. 7Thursday night a very alarming fire broke out at Snodland paper Mill, which in a shorttime entirely consumed the same and all its contents, the whole to a very considerableamount. The great Double Barrelled Engine of the Kent Fire Office arrived at the spotwith great expedition, but two [sic] late to effect any good purpose, as the destructionwas complete.A note in the Overseers accounts acknowledges that Wenman's rates would needmodifying: 1 May 1808: '2 sets allowd as agreed at the Vestry for Mill being destroy'dby fire'.Edmeads, George and Thomas (1781; 1797-1816-)Among the apprenticeship records of Birling is one of 1781 for George Edmeads toIsaac Wenman of Snodland, papermaker. Edmeads fell ill in October 1791 andSnodland parish paid him poor relief, followed by £1. 5s. 'To Nursing & Burying G.Edmeads' (but the burial is not recorded in the register of All Saints). Maybe theThomas Edmeads mentioned below was George’s brother or other relation. There aremany Edmeads entries in the Birling register, but the baptism there of Thomas, son ofThomas and Elizabeth, on 2 May 1762 seems too early for our man. There were otherEdmeads who were papermakers elsewhere: from the 1780s a Robert Edmeads was apartner with Thomas Pine at Ivy Mill, Loose, and other later partnerships between thetwo families involved a John Edmeads and William Edmeads. The last two weredeclared bankrupt in 1813.15 The Snodland registers record5 November 1797: baptism of Thomas, son of Thomas and Phoebe Edmeads aliasCook.29 September 1799: baptism of William, son of Thos and Phoebe Cook4 October 1801: baptism of Joseph, son of Thos and Phoeby Cooke. Presumably hewas the ‘Joseph Cook drowned near the Mill’, aged 6, on 9 August 1807.15 May 1803: baptism of George, son of Thomas and Phoebe Cook10 February 1805: baptism of Ann, daughter of Thos and Phoebe Cook (born on 2January)1 November 1806: burial of James Cook, aged 9 days17 April 1808: baptism of Sarah, daughter of Thomas and Phoebe Edmeads (born on18 February)2 September 1810: baptism of John, son of Thos and Phoebe Cook (born on 15August)3 January 1812: baptism of Henry, son of Thomas (‘papermaker’) and Phoebe Cook.7 August 1814: baptism of Francis, son of Thomas (‘papermaker’) and Phoebe Cookalias Edwards [Edmeads].24 September 1814: burial of ‘Frances’ Cook, aged 6 weeks.14 January 1816: baptism of Philip, son of Thomas (‘papermaker’) and Phoebe Cookalias EdmeadsStephen Outridge. (-1801-1814-)8 March 1801: baptism of Sarah, daughter of Stephen and Ann Outledge27 March 1803: baptism of Ann, daughter of Stephen and Ann Outridge23 September 1804: baptism of Mary, daughter of Stephen and Ann Outridge (buried30 November 1804)15 See A. H. Shorter, ‘Paper Mills in the Maidstone District, IV’, in Studies on the History ofPapermaking in Britain ..., 247-9. 825 December 1805: baptism of Henry, son of Stephen and Ann Outridge31 January 1808: baptism of Sophia, daughter of Stephen and Ann Outridge31 July 1814: baptism of Mary, daughter of Stephen Outridge, papermaker, and AnnWilliam Hadlow. (-1805-)On 2 September 1805 a complaint was aired at the Petty Sessions:Isaac Wenman of Snodland, Paper Maker, on his Oath saith that his apprentice WilliamHadlow hath in his Service been guilty of several Acts of Misbehaviour. Andparticularly on the 26: of August last he quitted his Service & went to Strood Fairwithout his knowledge or Consent. (Hadlow was committed to hard labour for 14days.)16The Hadlows were well established in Snodland. This was probably William, son ofWilliam and Margaret, baptized at All Saints Snodland on 12 February 1786.1807-1823WILLIAM SPONG (1810-1823)As noted earlier, from around 1810 Isaac Wenman’s partner is recorded as WilliamSpong, son of John, who had purchased the mill three years before. Following thedeath of John in January 1815 (buried at Aylesford on the 28th) he continuedownership until 1823, at which time he moved to Cobtree Manor, near Maidstone.Born at Aylesford on 14 February 1790, Spong married Jane Fielder at St Mary,Newington, Surrey, on 25 January 1811. (She was baptized at St Mary Newington,Surrey, on 4 April 1788, daughter of Thomas, a rich stockbroker, and Jane Fielder.)He died at Cobtree on 15 November 1839.5 September 1813: baptism of Jane, daughter of William Spong, papermaker, and Jane17 September 1815: baptism of Charles Mansfield, son of William Spong, papermaker,and Jane2 March 1817: baptism of Elizabeth, daughter of William Spong, Gent., and Jane18 October 1818: Martha Rowan, daughter of William Spong, Gent., and Jane26 November 1820: baptism of Henry Summerfield, son of William Spong, Gent., andJaneFour more children were born to the couple 1822-1829, all baptized at Aylesford.James Loosely. (-1811-1813-)5 May 1811: baptism of James, son of James and Mary Loosely (born 25 December1810)27 June 1813: baptism of Mary Ann, daughter of James Loosely, papermaker, andMary AnnJames Dickson. (-1813-)3 January 1813: baptism of Henry, son of James Dickson, papermaker, and Gwine (onthe same date (and time?) as Henry, son of Thomas and Phoebe Cooke)16 CKS: PS/Ma 6. 9Robert Waghorn. (-1813-1825-)27 June 1813: baptism of Robert, son of Robert Waghorn, papermaker, and Ann18 February 1816: baptism of John, son of Robert Wagon, papermaker, and Ann19 July 1818: baptism of William, son of Robert Wagon, papermaker, and Ann23 April 1820: baptism of Stephen, son of Robert Waghorn, papermaker, and Ann5 October 1823: baptism of Harriet, daughter of Robert Waghorn, papermaker, andAnn13 March 1825: baptism of Edward, son of Robert Waghorn, papermaker, and AnnNot long after, it appears the family moved to East Malling, where further childrenwere born between 1828 and 1832. They were still living in one of the mill houses in1851. In a nearby house was the family of another papermaker, Richard Wagon and hiswife Phoebe. Richard was perhaps Robert’s brother, since his children were bornbetween 1817 and 1836.William Mecoy. (-1815-1854)1 January 1815: baptism of Louisa, daughter of William Mecoy, papermaker, and Eliz.(buried 4 September 1827)24 November 1816: baptism of Eliz., daughter of Wm. Macoy, papermaker, and Eliz.(buried 24 April 1833)7 February 1819: baptism of Sarah, daughter of William and Elizabeth, at East Farleigh[?]21 October 1821: baptism of John, son of William Macoy, labourer, and Elizabeth. Heis listed, aged ‘15’ in the 1841 censusWilliam was born around 1777 in ‘Maidstone’. It is possible that he was the WilliamMecoy that married Elizabeth Hobley at East Farleigh on 24 November 1799.17 Oncesettled in Snodland they remained for the rest of their lives18, succeeded by latergenerations.THOMAS FIELDER (-1816-1818-)Insurance documents and overseers’/churchwardens’ accounts show Fielder to haveoccupied the mill in these years, replacing Wenman as papermaker master.19 He mayhave been the brother-in-law of William Spong: baptized at St Mary, Newington,Surrey, on 1 June 1789, son of Thomas and Jane; died at Chobham, Surrey, on 18 June1862.William Randall. (-1816-1818-)11 February 1816: baptism of Jane, daughter of William Randall, papermaker, andElizabeth2 August 1818: baptism of Elizabeth, daughter of William Randall, papermaker, andElizabeth17 The 1851 Snodland census states that she was born in Ireland. 18 William was buried at Snodland on 23 August 1854, aged 77; Elizabeth was buried at Snodland on14 January 1856, aged 7819 Details in Fuller, op. cit (as Snodland Historical Society pamphlet 9), 9-10. 10Joseph Mayatt. (-1816-1836)26 February 1816: marriage of Joseph Mayatt and Frances Elizabeth Hawks, both ofSnodland26 January 1817: baptism of Mary Elizabeth, daughter of Joseph Mayatt, papermaker,and Frances Elizabeth. She married Joseph Phillips, a papermaker born in St MaryCray, where the couple were living in 1851.19 July 1818: baptism of Elizabeth, daughter of Joseph Mayatt, papermaker, andFrances Elizabeth.4 June 1820: baptism of James, son of Joseph Mayatt, papermaker, and Frances. Hemarried Caroline Phillips on 16 June 1841 at Deptford. Three children were born tothem at St Mary Cray: Caroline Frances (1844), James (1848), John Phillips (1851).20 October 1822: baptism of Charles Henry, son of Joseph Mayatt, papermaker, andFrances. He married Ann Phillips on 25 July 1844 at Bromley. Five children wereborn to them at St Mary Cray between 1845 and 1854, their daughter Ann WellerMayatt was born at East Malling in 1857 and two more children at Snodland in1867 and 1869.13 June 1824: baptism of Jane, daughter of Joseph Mayatt, papermaker, and Frances.1 February 1825: burial of Jane Mayatt, infant, of Snodland15 October 1826: baptism of Frances, daughter of Joseph Mayatt, papermaker, andFrances24 March 1827: burial of Elizabeth Mayatt, aged 8, of Snodland22 February 1829: baptism of Jane, daughter of Joseph Mayatt, papermaker, andFrances22 November 1832: burial of Sarah Mayatt, aged 14 months, of Snodland20Joseph is one of the few paper mill workers named in the Overseers’ accounts and isshown to be living in a house belonging to John Goodhugh between 1818 and 1836.This was on the north side of the High Street at a point where the by-pass now cutsthrough. It would appear that around the latter date the family moved to St Mary Cray,where the two sons James and Charles Henry brought up their families for a time(recorded 1844-1854) and where, no doubt, they were employed by William Joynson.The baptism of Ann Weller, daughter of Charles at East Malling in 1857 shows he atleast had moved again, to be followed by a further move to Snodland later that year.The whole third generation of his family were in Snodland by 1867 and Mayattscontinued working at Snodland Paper Mill for several more generations.The Church Book of the Independents records that ‘Mr Charles Mayatt wastransferred from the church at Malling to this church Sep. 19. 1857’. Later he becameone of the Trustees for the Providence Chapel, Holborough Road, and is named assuch on the deed of 2 August 1888 acquiring the new site for the High Street Chapel.Thomas Kidwell. (-1817-d.1860)Baptized 14 July 1776, All Saints, Maidstone, second son of Thomas and MaryKidwell (née Newton); three brothers and five sisters. Married (1) Ann (surnameunknown), c.1799 (she died in 1805). Children: Ann, Thomas, Phillis; (2) ElizabethGibbs, 24 November 1806, Tardebigge, Worcestershire (she died in Maidstone in April1830). Children: Thomas, Avis, Elizabeth, William; (3) Ann Fielder (nee Bassett),widow, 4 April 1831, All Saints, Maidstone. No children.20 Possibly a daughter of William and Hannah (see below) rather than Joseph and Francis? 11Thomas is presumed to have lived in Maidstone with his first family; perhaps he wasemployed at one of the paper mills. Following the death of his first wife he travelled toWorcestershire around 1805-6 and married again, at Tardebigge. Two of his childrenwere baptized at nearby Ipsley and Beoley and his son Thomas died at Tardebigge in1813, where there were paper mills.21 By 1817 the family had moved back to Kent andThomas’s son William was baptized at All Saints, Snodland, on 2 February 1817.Elizabeth Kidwell, aged 18, was buried from the Paper Mill on 15 February 1830 andher mother, Elizabeth, on 13 April following. Thomas lived in Snodland for the rest ofhis life, but married a third time at All Saints, Maidstone, in 1831. Presumably this AnnFielder22 (née Bassett) was the widow of John Fielder, a carpenter of Holborough, whowas buried at Snodland on 22 December 1826, but why should the marriage have beenat Maidstone? In spite of the records of births, marriages and deaths in Anglicansources, Thomas was a Non-Conformist. On 7 June 1824 his house in Mill Street wasconfirmed as ‘a place of Religious Worship by an Assembly or Congregation ofProtestants’23. This seems to have been at the instigation of William Joynson, the newowner of Snodland Paper Mill. The Church Book of the Independents gives thebackground:The gospel was introduced into Snodland by agents of the Chatham Itinerant Societyabout the year 1822. At first worship was conducted in a cottage [Kidwell’s], andafterwards a chapel, capable of accommodating about 200 persons was fitted up, chieflyat the expense of Mr William Joynson, who occupied the paper-mill. Mr. J. was not onlythe honoured instrument of providing a chapel without any charge for rent, but also ofinducing many to attend. Twelve persons from this village were received into the churchat Chatham, under the pastoral care of the Rev. J. Slatterie.LaterThose persons who had joined the church at Chatham, now became desirous of formingthemselves into a separate church. Accordingly steps were taken to bring this about andon the 8th of March 1836, a church, comprising 12 members, was formed on theprincipal of Congregational or Independent Dissenters.24Among these first twelve was Thomas Kidwell. His wife Ann is first listed on 18 June1837. Both appear in the 1841 census at ‘Snodland Wharf’ and there again in the 1851census. In the later list Thomas is given as a ‘pauper paper maker’, so presumably hadretired. Ann was buried at All Saints on 30 May 1852 and Thomas died on 13 August1860.William Jordan. (1820-1825)3 December 1820: baptism of Mary, daughter of William Jordan, papermaker, andMary2 February 1822: William and Mary Jordan were witnesses to the marriage of DanielHurd (a papermaker) of Charlton, and Elizabeth Oliver (q.v.):1 June 1823: baptism: Sarah, daughter of William Jordan, papermaker, and Mary21 See A. H. Shorter, ‘Paper-Mills in Worcestershire’, in Studies on the History of Papermaking inBritain, Aldershot, 1993, 280-286. 22 She was the daughter of John and Elizabeth Bassett, born on 19 Dec 1776 at Ightham and marriedthere to John Fielder on 4 May 1795.23 CKS: DRa/Rm/22. 24 Now at the Medway Archives and Study Centre, Strood, in N/URC/342. The Tithe Map of 1844shows the Chapel, apparently made by combining Kidwell’s house with another next door. 129 Oct 1825: baptism: Elizabeth, daughter of William Jordan, papermaker, and MaryA younger William Jordan (born c.1818) was a papermaker in Snodland in 1861. Hewas born in Boxley and may well have been a son of William the elder, who perhapswas working at one of the mills between Aylesford and Sandling before moving toSnodland.WILLIAM TRINDALL (1821-1823)William Trindall (1821-1823) was at Forstal Mill, Aylesford between 1816 and 182125,then worked as papermaker master at Snodland between 1821 and 1823.Daniel Hurd. (-1822-)2 February 1822: marriage of Daniel Hurd of Charlton and Elizabeth Oliver ofSnodland. Witnesses: William and Mary Jordan13 October 1822: baptism of Alfred, son of Daniel Hurd, papermaker, and Elizabeth.By combining all these names, it would appear that at least six to eight men wereemployed at the mill at this time26, together with an unknown number of women (asrag sorters and the like) and a few boys:1813 1814 1815 1816 1817 1818I. Wenman I. Wenman I. Wenman T. Fielder T. Fielder T. FielderW. Spong W. Spong W. Spong W. Spong W. Spong W. SpongR. Waghorn R. Waghorn R. Waghorn R. Waghorn R. Waghorn R. WaghornT. Edmeads T. Edmeads T. Edmeads T. Edmeads T. Kidwell T. KidwellS. Outridge S. Outridge J. Mayatt J. Mayatt J. MayattJ. Dickson W. Randall W. Randall W. RandallJ. Loosely W. Mecoy W. Mecoy W. Mecoy W. Mecoy1819 1820 1821 1822 1823 W. Trindall W. Trindall W. TrindallW. Spong W. Spong W. Spong W. Spong W. SpongR. Waghorn R. Waghorn R. Waghorn R. Waghorn R. WaghornJ. Mayatt J. Mayatt J. Mayatt J. Mayatt J. Mayatt W. Jordan W. Jordan W. Jordan W. JordanT. Kidwell T. Kidwell T. Kidwell T. Kidwell T. KidwellW. Mecoy W. Mecoy W. Mecoy W. Mecoy W. Mecoy D. Hurd25 Shorter, Studies in the History of Papermaking [...], 231. 26 Any unmarried men are of course unrecorded. Judging by later records there must have beenadditional youthful workers at the mill as well as women rag-sorters/cutters. 13WILLIAM JOYNSON: 1823-1833WILLIAM JOYNSON came to Snodland from High Wycombe in 1823.11 September 1827: baptism of William, son of William Joynson, papermaker, andAnn Catherine (buried 29 September 1827)19 September 1828: baptism of Edmund Hamborough, son of William Joynson,papermaker, and Ann Catherine31 January 1830: birth of Ann Catherine, daughter of William Joynson and AnnCatherine; baptized at The Ebenezer Chapel, Chatham, 9 February 18309 October 1833: baptism of Mary, daughter of William Joynson, papermaker, and AnnCatherineJoynson moved on to St Mary Cray, where he was extremely successful, building up apaper mill of acknowledged quality and considerable size. It employed 120 people in1842 and 630 by 1865. A paragraph from The Church Book of the Independents(quoted below) states that Snodland mill was shut briefly after Joynson’s departure andthat several of his work-force went with him. This was probably so, but the records arelargely unhelpful in confirming this. Certainly there was a steady movement of workersbetween Snodland and St Mary Cray, but this is more easily traced in the 1840s than in1833. In any case Joynson retained an interest in Snodland and the IndependentChurch there, putting up money for land for a new chapel and school in 1855. Both heand his son Edmund Hamborough Joynson were among the trustees who ran them.Another paper mill had been established at St Paul’s Cray by Thomas Nash fromaround 1824, he having moved from Hertfordshire, but no Snodland people are yetknown to have worked there.27Thomas Mullard. (1823-)21 September 1823: baptism of Thomas Moses, son of Thomas Mullard, papermaker,and AnnConstantine Weedon. (1823-)23 June 1823: marriage of Constantine Weedon and Sarah Sells at St. Nicholas,Rochester, both of St Nicholas parish16 November 1823: baptism of Sarah, daughter of Constantine Weedon, papermaker,and SarahNo link is known to connect Constantine with the other Weedens who worked atSnodland (see below)William Streeton/Stratton (1824-1825)7 March 1824: baptism of Priscilla, daughter of William Streeton, papermaker, andAnn4 December 1825: baptism of Sarah, daughter of William Stratton, papermaker, andAnnWilliam Fryer. (1825-1830)24 July 1825: baptism: Joseph, son of William Fryer, papermaker, and Mary27 See W. S. Shears, William Nash of St Paul’s Cray: papermakers, London, 1950, rev. edn. 1967. 145 July 1826: burial: Hester Fryer, aged 3, from Paper Mill5 July 1826: burial: James Fryer, aged 4, from Paper Mill21 Oct 1827: baptism: Helen, daughter of William Fryer, papermaker, and Mary23 November 1829: birth of Eliza, daughter of William and Mary Fryer; baptized at theEbenezer Chapel, Chatham, on 9 February 183030 Nov 1857: marriage: Samuel Fryer, from East Malling, papermaker, son of WilliamFryer, papermaker, to Sarah Elizabeth Privett, daughter of Joseph, carpenter (amember of the New Church and closely associated with the Hook family).It seems highly likely that the Fryers came to Snodland from West Wycombe, with (orprompted by) William Joynson. There are many families of that name in the WestWycombe registers and even a ‘Fryer’s mill’, known to have been operating between1725 and 1844.28 The baptism of Esther, daughter of William and Mary Fryer, isrecorded at West Wycombe on 13 April 1823, perhaps the same child buried atSnodland in 1826. If so, it is likely that the West Wycombe baptisms of Elizabeth, 12July 1818 and Henry, 14 November 1819, whose parents were also William and Mary,were further children of the couple. Samuel has not been traced, but he at least seemsto have found employment at nearby East Malling by the time of his marriage. (Heremained there.) So did Joseph (born 1825), who had married Maria from UpperHalling, and whose children were born there from c.1849 onwards. Also at EastMalling at the time of the 1861 census was their mother, Mary Fryer, widow, aged 64,born in Buckinghamshire, living with her daughter Mary Ann (married to JamesMarlow), aged 24, a papermaker, also born in Buckinghamshire. ‘Mary Ann Marlow’was a witness at Samuel Fryer’s Snodland wedding.Thomas Wright. (1825)24 July 1825: baptism of Thomas, son of Thomas Wright, papermaker, and SarahJames Line. (1826-1829)1 August 1826: baptism of Moses, son of James Line, papermaker, and Rebecca6 August 1826: burial of Moses Line, infant, from the Paper Mill23 September 1827: baptism of Moses, son of James Line, papermaker, and Rebecca8 November 1829: baptism of Elizabeth, daughter of James Line, papermaker, andRebeccaGeorge Harding (-1827-)2 April 1827: birth of Lucy, daughter of George Harding of Snodland, papermaker,and Sophia; baptized 17 June 1827 at the Wesleyan Chapel called Bethel atRochester.George is listed as papermaker at East Malling in 1861, aged 71, born in Hertfordshire(wife Sophia aged 70, born in Surrey; daughter Emily born c.1830 in Kent).Samuel Tovey. (-1828-1830-)3 June 1827: married Sarah Johnson at St Peter’s, Aylesford.12 Oct 1828: baptism: George, son of Samuel Tovey, papermaker, and Sarah.14 Feb 1830: baptism: John, son of Samuel Tovey, papermaker, and Sarah.28 A. H. Shorter, ‘Paper Mills in the Wye Valley, Buckinghamshire’, in Studies on the History ofPapermaking in Britain, 174-181. 15William Mayatt. (-1829-)6 December 1829: baptism of William son of William Mayatt, papermaker, and Hannah(née Brown)Probably a brother of Joseph (see above), but no firm relationship has been established.The 1851 St Mary Cray census (no. 8) shows William the elder, aged 54, born atWycombe with wife Annie [=Hannah?], son William, a papermaker, born in Snodland,aged 21, and his wife Charlotte, aged 21. The marriage of William Mayatt to CharlotteWale on 23 February 1850 at St Alfege, Greenwich, is probably them. Both parties aredescribed there as of full age; at the wedding each William was described as a‘mechanic’, as was George, the father of Charlotte.John Lynn. (1830-)14 February 1830: baptism of Ann Sophia, daughter of John Lynn, papermaker, andHannah(In the 1851 census for St Mary Cray (no. 73) is Henry Lynn, papermaker, aged 27,married to Frances, aged 25, born in Snodland.)Edward Brown. (1831-)20 March 1831: baptism of Sarah, daughter of Edward Brown, papermaker, andMargaret.Thomas Oliver. (1831-)26 June 1831: baptism of Thomas Syril, son of Thomas Oliver, papermaker, andElizabethDaniel Dean. (1832-1833-)15 January 1832: baptism of William, son of Daniel Dean, papermaker, and Hester10 February 1833: baptism of George, son of Daniel Dean, papermaker, and Esther.James Proctor. (1832-1833-)9 December 1832: baptism of Kezia, daughter of James Proctor, papermaker, andLydia25 January 1833: burial of Kezia Proctor, infant, of Snodland.1823 1824 1825 1826 1827 1828W. Joynson W. Joynson W. Joynson W. Joynson W. Joynson W. JoynsonJ. Mayatt J. Mayatt J. Mayatt J. Mayatt J. Mayatt J. MayattT. Kidwell T. Kidwell T. Kidwell T. Kidwell T. Kidwell T. KidwellW. Mecoy W. Mecoy W. Mecoy W. Mecoy W. Mecoy W. MecoyT. Mullard W. Streeton W. Streeton J. Line J. Line J. LineC. Weeden T. Wright G. HardingR. Waghorn R. Waghorn R. Waghorn S. Tovey 16 W. Fryer W. Fryer W. Fryer W. Fryer1829 1830 1831 1832 1833W. Joynson W. Joynson W. Joynson W. Joynson W. JoynsonJ. Mayatt J. Mayatt J. Mayatt J. Mayatt J. MayattT. Kidwell T. Kidwell T. Kidwell T. Kidwell T. KidwellW. Mecoy W. Mecoy W. Mecoy W. Mecoy W. MecoyW. Mayatt J. Lynn T. Oliver D. Dean D. DeanS. Tovey S. Tovey E. Brown J. Proctor J. ProctorW. Fryer W. Fryer J. WeedenJ. LineJOHN CLARK’S TENURE 1834-1842By an agreement dated 1 January 1834, Thomas Spong of Mill Hall, coal merchant,leased the mill to Reuben Hunt, a papermaker of Wooburn, Bucks., for 21 years at£220 p.a.29. It appears that Hunt immediately re-assigned the lease to John Clark, whois shown to be paying rates on the mill by 1835. This is confirmed by the Church Bookof the Independents, which records thatAbout the year 1832 Mr Joynson removed to St Mary Cray, and the paper-mill was shutup: several of his workmen also, who had received the gospel, accompanied him. Thisoccurrence proved a severe trial to the friends of the gospels, and caused its enemies torejoice. At length, however, this dark cloud was removed by the arrival of Mr. JohnClarke, a member of an Independent Church in Buckinghamshire, who, having enjoyedthe paper-mill, became a resident in the village, and espoused with all his heart the infantcause. [...]It was not only John Clark who came, but many friends and relations, including hishalf-brother James. Both their grandfather James [I] (c.1749 - 21 June 1827) andfather James [II] (bap. 13 December 1772 - bur. 1810) were papermakers at Wooburn.James [II] married (i) Lucy Lacey at Wooburn30 on 16 February 1792. They had threedaughters and a son JOHN. Lucy died in 1800 and was buried at Wooburn inFebruary. James married (ii) Elizabeth Stiles, a lacemaker, at Wooburn on 13 July1802. Four more children were born: James [III], Daniel, Hannah and Jonathan, all ofwhom were employed in paper manufacture. James I’s sister Mary (bap. Wooburn, 16May 1790) married Benjamin Healy, a paper maker, at Hedsor, Bucks., on 26 July1806. Their son Jeremiah, born on 23 December 1819, was baptized at Cores EndChapel on 5 March 1820. He too became a papermaker and was working at Snodland29 Hunt may have decided on working a different mill: William and Reuben Hunt were described aspapermakers at Sandling Mill (Pigot’s Directory, 1839), but by December 9th Reuben was declaredbankrupt. ‘Wm. Hunt’ is still listed at Sandling in Pigot’s 1840 directory. 30 All references to Wooburn registers are to the Cores End, Bethel Chapel. 17mill at the time of the 1841 census, having married a Kentish girl, Elizabeth. Thebaptism of their son John took place at the Independent Church, Snodland, on 17December 1843.JOHN CLARK.Baptized 1 July 1797, Independent Bethel Chapel, Cores End, Wooburn, Bucks.;married Susannah Aldridge, at Great Marlow, 10 June 1816. She was baptized atCookham on 13 July 1794, a daughter of James and Susannah (née Cossington) andwas sister to Christiana who married John’s half-brother James (q.v.). By 1824 he wasa paper maker at Eghams Green, Bucks.Children:Moses: born c.1817 at Wooburn; married Mary Ann [...], but where is as yet unknown.She was born in Ditton and their first son John was born at Sandling, Maidstone,around 1841, so Moses probably travelled to Kent with his father’s family. Aroundthe same time there is a Sandling connection too for his uncle John Mason (seebelow). Three other children were born to the couple at St Mary Cray between1845 and 1850. They lived on the Chislehurst Road and Moses was described as anengineer.31 On 31 January 1855 ‘Moses Clark of Saint Mary Cray paper manufacturer’ was oneof seventeen trustees sold a piece of land in Windmill Field, Snodland, by WilliamJoynson, for the purposes of building a chapel and other buildings on it.32James: baptized at his father’s house in Wooburn; died 1834Mary Ann: born at Wooburn 1819Thomas: born at Wooburn 1821. A papermaker in Snodland by 1841 (census). At the1851 census he was a papermaker at St Paul’s Cray with his wife Sarah (aged 28,born St Mary Cray) and children Annetta (2), William (1 month) and a nurse SusanaBeesely, aged 51, from Wooburn.Annette: born at Wooburn 1823Susan: born at Wooburn 1824; in Snodland at 1841 censusSarah: born at Wooburn 1826; in Snodland at 1841 censusJane: born at Wooburn 1827; in Snodland at 1841 censusLucy: born at Wooburn 1828; in Snodland at 1841 censusMaria: born at Wooburn 1831; in Snodland at 1841 census‘James John Clark son of John Clark Paper Maker formerly of Egham’s Green,Wooburn but now of Snodlen Kent by Susannah his wife formerly SusannahAldridge was born November 10th 1834 Baptized at Wooburn June 7th 1835.’Joseph: born 13 September 1836; baptized at the Independent Church, Snodland, 20November 1836; in Snodland at 1841 censusJohn Clark’s bankruptcy was reported in The Times of 9 September 1840: ‘John Clark,Snodland-mills, near Maidstone, paper manufacturer, to surrender Sept. 18 at 12o’clock, Oct. 20, at 11, at the Bankrupts’ Court: solicitors, Messrs Walters and Reeve,Basinghall-street; official assignee, Mr. Groom, Abchurch-lane.’ The London Gazettefor 3 June 1842 records ‘John Clark formerly of Hoxton, Middlesex then Snodlandpapermaker then Blackwell Hall near Chesham, Bucks. Foreman to a papermaker.Bankrupt.’31 Information from the 1851 St Mary Cray census. 32 Photocopy held at Snodland Millennium Museum. 18A little more can be added from a document within a bundle of title deeds concerningsome Snodland property in which both Clark and William Joynson had an interest.33This mentions a ‘Fiat in Bankruptcy’ dated 31 August 1840 against John Clark andrecords T. Stephens the younger (‘then late of Old Broad Street but then of Lime HseSquare, London, merchant, as creditors’ assignee of the estate and effects of the saidJohn Clark of Snodland, miller’); John Clark was ‘then of 26 Ray St., Clerkenwell,Middlesex’.James Clark.Baptized 30 May 1803 at Wooburn. Married Christiana Aldridge, 31 October 1824 atWooburn; she was baptized at Cookham, Berks. 9 January 1803, daughter of Jamesand Susannah (née Cossington) and was sister to Susannah who married James’s halfbrother John. Papermaker at Eghams Green, Bucks., by 1825; living at SnodlandWharf in 1841 census; was a ‘labourer’ living in the parish of St Giles in the Fields at 4White Lion Passage at 31 March 1851 (census); a journeyman papermaker atCostessey, Norfolk on 8 April 1861 (census); died before 1871 census; Christiana stillliving at Costessey at 4 April 1881 (census), aged 78.Children:Ann: baptized 1825; buried at Cores End in 1828.Susannah: baptized 1826; in Snodland at 1841 census; married John Mullett, 1849 andthey were at Sawston, Cambridgeshire, -1851-1871-.Thomas Aldridge: baptized 1828; in Snodland at 1841 census; at Costessey (1871): awidower and fishmonger.Harriet: baptized 1830; in Snodland at 1841 census.Ann: baptized 1832; in Snodland at 1841 census; at St Giles in the Fields (1851); atCostessey (1861), unmarried.James: baptized 1834; in Snodland at 1841 census; at St Giles in the Fields (1851).William: born in Snodland 25 April 1836; baptized at the Independent Church,Snodland, 21 August 1836; in Snodland at 1841 census; at St Giles in the Fields(1851).Elizabeth: born 26 March 1838; baptized at the Independent Church, Snodland, 29April 1838.Annetta: born in Snodland; in Snodland at 1841 census; at St Giles in the Fields(1851); married Thomas Holt, 1859; at Costessey (1861).John: born at Chesham, Bucks., c.1843; at St Giles in the Fields (1851); at Costessey(1861) as Agricultural labourer; emigrated to Nova Scotia in 1873 becoming aBaptist pastor.Joseph: born Denbigh, Wrexham, 1845; at Costessey (1861) as agricultural labourerA daughter of James [II] and Lucy was Jane, baptized at Wooburn on 29 April 1799.On 27 December 1830 she married John Mason, a mill board and papermaker, atHedsor, Bucks. Their daughters Eliza and Jane were born at Wooburn in 1832 and1834 respectively, but other children were born at Aylesford/Boxley between 1838 and1849, so by then the family had moved to Kent. Mason occupied the New Mill,Pratling Street from 183734. He had moved on to become ‘Foreman of Paper Boards33 CKS: U1882/T1. 34 Shorter, Studies on the History of Papermaking ..., 230, quoting an Excise General Letter dated 27October 1837. 19Manufactory’ at Loose village paper mills at the time of the 1851 census. His brotherin-law, Henry Gurney (see next paragraph), was named as a ‘visitor’ there: aged 60,married, born at Wooburn, a ‘Paper Boards Manufacturer’ employing four men andtwo boys.Another daughter of James [I] and Lucy was Eliza, baptized at Wooburn on 7November 1794. She married Henry Gurney, a shepherd and later a papermaker. Theirson Henry, born 26 September 1817 at Wooburn, baptized at Cores End Chapel on 17November 1817, was a papermaker at Snodland by the time of the 1841 census, havingmarried Ann Susannah Butler (daughter of John and Elizabeth35, baptized at Snodlandon 20 July 1820) and already with two sons, Henry (born 10 March 1839; baptized atthe Independent Church, Snodland, 22 July 1839) and John (born 11 November 1840;baptized at the Independent Church, Snodland, 12 December 1840). Henry was thus anephew to John and James Clark. At the 1841 census Henry senior was working thePratling Street mill near Aylesford with his brother-in-law Daniel Clark; presumablythey had taken over from John Mason (another brother-in-law). By 1845 he and hisfamily had moved to Cray Street, St Mary Cray, where four more children were born,all recorded in the 1851 census. A further move to Loose, near Maidstone, apparentlytook place by May in that year, where the lower of the two mills (Excise No. 303)undertook millboard production by Henry Gurney senior and junior.36 Evidently theyounger Henry’s wife Ann had died and he was now married to Susan, by whom hehad four more children. At the time of the 1861 census he was a ‘Mill BoardManufacturer’ employing nine men, one woman and one boy. By 1871 the list was of 5men, one woman and one boy.On 31 January 1855 ‘Henry Gurney of the parish of Loon [recte Loose] nearStaplehurst’ was one of seventeen trustees sold a piece of land in Windmill Field,Snodland, by William Joynson, for the purposes of building a chapel and otherbuildings on it.The Weeden family were also part of this extended group. According to the 1851census John Weeden was born around 1792-3 at Wycombe Marsh, Bucks. On 25December 1817 he married Esther/Hester Clark at West Wycombe. Born in 1797, shewas cousin to John Clark and daughter of Thomas (son of James [I] and Sarah. Theyseem to have been the earliest members of the extended Clark/Gurney/Healy/Weedongroup to have moved to Snodland, shown by the baptism of their daughter Annetta inMay 1833.Children born to this couple are:James, born at Sheepridge, Little Marlow, Bucks., 22 October 1818; baptized atCores End Chapel, Wooburn, 22 November 1818; married Frances Kemp at Stroodon 12 May 1839 (she baptized at All Saints, Snodland, on 7 March 1819);papermaker at Snodland (1841 census). The baptism of their daughter Elizabethtook place at Snodland on 10 December 1843; Both James and Frances are listed aspapermakers in the 1851 Snodland census.35 Both John and Elizabeth were among the twelve members forming the Independent Church inSnodland on 8 March 1836.36 See A. H. Shorter, ‘Paper Mills in the Maidstone District, IV’ in Studies on the History ofPapermaking in Britain ..., 249 and R. J. Spain, The Loose Watermills, I, Archaeologia CantianaLXXXVII (1972), 43-79, especially 54-61. 20Sarah, born 17 November 1820, Flackwell Heath, Wooburn, Bucks. Baptized 10December 1820, Cores End Chapel, Wooburn; paper worker at Snodland (1841census); returned to Buckinghamshire with her parents; married Timothy Adams atChesham on 7 February 1846.Daniel, born 30 January 1823 , Flackwell Heath, Wooburn, Bucks.; baptized at CoresEnd Chapel, Wooburn, 4 March 1823; papermaker at Snodland (1841 census);married Mercy Savage at Bromley on 16 February 1845. They were living at StMary Cray in 1881, where Daniel continued as a papermaker.Thomas, baptized 29 January 1825, but buried later that year.Samuel, baptized 7 May 1828.Annetta, baptized at Snodland 12 May 1833; buried there, aged seven, on 10 March1840.Mary Ann, baptized at Snodland 19 July 1835; buried there, aged five, on 17 February1840. Evidently the two girls succumbed to a common illness.William, born 13 February 1838; baptized 29 April 1838 at the Independent Church,Snodland.The family returned to Chesham, Bucks., by 1843 and John died there in 1855.37 Hiswidow, Esther, with other members of her family, were working at St Mary Cray by1861. William was in Snodland again with his family by 1871, working as a cement orgeneral labourer until his death in 1902.Clark evidently felt the need to modernise the mill and borrowed money to do so. In1838 the rates were increased because the mill had been 'improved'. A detaileddescription survives of the machinery at this time:2 October 1838One Rag Engine with Shafts and Drivers in the Mill worked in Gear by Water Wheel orcondensing Engine. One set of Glazing Rolls attached to paper machine - one KnotStrainer attached to Paper Machine. A Small Steam Engine of two Horse power - TwoBoard Tables in the Soll - One pair of small Rollers with swing Shafts and Wheels andTimbers erected in the Soll for rolling Boards - Tube Steam Boiler fourteen horse powerhigh pressure - A large cylinder steam Boiler of Twenty horse power with cocks, pipesand valves erected in the Yard - A sixteen horse power steam engine high pressure andcondenser with pipes and cocks; balance wheel, Spur Wheel and large Shaft erected inthe new building in the Yard - a Rag Duster with Drivers - Two washing Engines withRolls, plates and pinions; Water pumps to supply the same erected in the new building inthe Yard - A new Bleaching Chest with Racks for braining stuff erected in the bleachinghouse - A Rag Cutter with Shafts and Drivers - Four shaving Boilers with Pipes andCocks in the lower Drying House. A Pair of large Mill Board Rollers for Glazing withShafts and Wheels erected in the Soll. A Grind Stone with Shafts and Wheels erected inthe Soll. A Grind Stone with Shafts and Pinions - sixty pairs of new Trebles marked J.C.38Clark planned more and drew up an agreement on 1 June 1840 forA New Steam Boiler of 20 Horse Power - A New High and low pressure Steam engineof 20 Horse power, with Shafts and Blocks and pinions and the apparatus therewith asgoing gear connected - Four new Cast Iron Rag Engines with pumps and Apparatus37 A John Weedon, born at Chesham c.1843, was working as a papermaker at St Mary Cray in 1881and may have been another son.38 CKS: Q/RDZ2/000001(2)c. 21complete - A New Paper Machine with Drying Cylinders, Machinery, Utensils andApparatus39and a splendid diagram survives which shows the position of the machinery new andold. Unfortunately when Clark went bankrupt the plans for this second phase fellthrough.40The 1841 Snodland census lists twenty-five persons as ‘papermaker’, ‘paper worker’,or ‘paper labourer’, all of whom are presumed to be workers at the Snodland mill. Ofthese thirteen (i.e. half) were born out-of-county: as we have seen, many came fromBuckinghamshire.We have already noted Clark (3), Gurney (1), Healey (1), Kidwell (1), Mecoy (1),Weeden (4). Here is a list of the remainder41:Surname Forename age Occupation ‘x’ = born outside KentAllchin Joseph 20 papermakerBateman Jabez 15 papermaker xBateman Thomas 25 papermaker xBoorman Frederick 30 papermakerBowler William 15 papermaker xBryant James 20 papermakerDandridge Daniel 20 papermaker xEason Thomas 15 papermakerJones Albion 14 papermakerKelvie Edward 15 papermakerNorris George 15 papermakerRalph Thomas 15 papermakerWingate John 35 papermakerWoodger Augustus 15 papermakerNone of these persons are listed in the 1851 Snodland census, so all had movedelsewhere in the meantime. Although the ages are approximate (within five years orso), it is very apparent that this is a youthful workforce. (Old stalwarts like ThomasKidwell and William Mecoy were still on hand though.) Snodland was a relativelysmall community of 500 persons (102 houses) and the papermaking fraternity formedclose-knit groups within this. It is not surprising to find the young men lodging withtheir peers. Using the census numbers: Thomas Bateman was at (54); FrederickBoorman at (55), having Daniel Dandridge and George Norris as lodgers; WilliamBowles, Joseph Allchin and Thomas Ralph were all lodging at (56). Towards the lowerend of the High Street were James Weeden (68); John Wingate (71); James Bryant(lodging at the Red Lion) (72); John Clark lived in the papermaker master’s house inthe High Street (75) (called ‘Acacia Cottage’ in 1861 and later rebuilt as ‘The Veles’);Henry Gurney (77); Jeremiah Healey (79). On Snodland Wharf Thomas Eason andAlbion Jones lodged together with Mary and Emily Boorman (mother and sister ofFrederick) (84); John Bateman’s family, including his son Jabez and lodger Edward39 CKS: Q/RDZ2/000001(2)g. 40 On Clark’s financial difficulties at Snodland see Fuller, op. cit., 16. 41 Almost certainly there were more women employed too as rag cutters, but none are named. 22Kelvie (85); Thomas Kidwell (86); James Clark (87); John, Sarah and Daniel Weeden(88) and in nearby ‘Brook Lane’ [Brook Street] was William Mecoy and his lodgerAugustus Woodger (92). There is no certainty about the following identifications ofthe youngsters from the IGI, but they may rate as possibilities.Joseph Allchin, baptized at East Malling on 4 September 1825, son of Thomas andElizabeth.William Bowler (certainly a common name in Buckinghamshire registers): either theson of Thomas and Sarah, baptized at Shenley, Bucks., on 12 February 1826, or theson of Richard and Elizabeth, baptized at Fulmer, Bucks., on 7 May 1826. Thelatter only is near the papermaking valley.Daniel Dandridge, married Martha Smith at Snodland on 28 June 1841; his father wasJohn, a papermaker.Thomas (Barton) Eason, baptized at East Malling on 22 February 1825, son ofSamuel and Elizabeth.Edward Kelvie, baptized at East Malling on 14 July 1825, son of William and Eliza.In 1881 he was a bricklayer living at New Hythe, aged 56, with his wife Maria.George Norris. A boy of this name was baptized 21 January 1827 at Ryarsh, son ofJohn and Ann. In Snodland Millennium Museum is a copy of a book of Isaac Wattshymns inscribed ‘George Norris December 1839, Snodland’, suggesting he was aNon-Conformist. A Mary Norris was one of the twelve members forming theIndependent Church at Snodland on 8 March 1836, but left (moved?) on 8 January1841. Maybe she was George’s mother.Thomas Ralph (‘Relph’ is a variant), baptized 24 January 1830 at East Malling, sonof Joseph and Jane.No likely identification has come to light for James Bryant, and no record has beenfound for an Augustus Woodger (although he may have belonged to thecontemporary East Malling family of that name. Woodgers have flourished in Snodlandsince the 1870s).Frederick Boorman.John (1755-1837) and Thomas Boorman, probably brothers, seem to have arrived inSnodland around 1817 to work the windmill. Both were Baptists from Headcorn andthe (infant) baptisms of many of their children are recorded in the registers of theBaptist Chapel there. Several subsequent adult baptisms took place at All Saints,Snodland. Among these was Frederick, son of John and Mary, first baptized atHeadcorn on 9 July 1805, but again at Snodland on 20 November 1836, when he wasdescribed merely as ‘labourer’. Thomas and his family disappear from view after 1826,although he may prove to be the Thomas Boorman who leased the lime works at NorthHalling in 1832.42 John remained in Snodland until his death in April 1837; his widow,‘daughter of Robert and Mary Dence’ was baptized at All Saints on 24 December1837. As we have seen, she was living at Snodland Wharf with her daughter Emily in1841, with papermaker lodgers. By this time Frederick occupied a separate house, was42 Edward Gowers and Derek Church, Across the Low Meadow, Maidstone, 1979, 54. 23married to Harriet and had two children of his own. The eldest, William, was baptizedat All Saints on 20 November 1836; the younger, Hannah, on 19 July 1840. By 1846the family had moved to St Mary Cray, where another daughter, Mary, was born, andthey appear in the 1851 census there. No doubt Frederick was employed by WilliamJoynson: he is now listed as ‘papermaker’.43Finally there is Thomas Bateman, born at Wooburn, Bucks. around 1813. He wasalmost certainly a son of the John and Elizabeth who in 1841 were living at SnodlandWharf (census no. 85) with three other children: Jabez, Martha and Louisa. This is theonly record of John and his family in Snodland. John’s age is given as ‘60’ whichsuggests he was born around 1780. Thomas and his wife Mary (born at EatonHastings, Berks.) first appear in this census, where he is shown as ‘papermaker’, butwith the upheaval following the bankruptcy of John Clark he seems to have movedbriefly to St Mary Cray, where a son William was born in 1842. By 1844 he was backin Snodland, but had turned to the trade of grocer (already pursued a few doors awayby Joseph Bateman, probably another brother). Joseph later moved to Aylesford, butThomas continued in Snodland until his death in 1883 and the business continuedthrough his son William.On 31 January 1855 ‘John Bateman of Saint Mary Cray grocer ... Jabez Bateman ofSaint Mary Cray, paper maker44 ... Joseph Bateman of Aylesford ... Thomas Batemanof Snodland’ were among seventeen trustees sold a piece of land in Windmill Field,Snodland, by William Joynson, for the purposes of building a chapel and otherbuildings on it.Thomas and Mary had been admitted into the Independent Church at Snodland on 18June 1837, where the baptism of two of their children took place on 3 January 1858.Later five children of William were all baptized there on 14 April 1887.Writing in 1894, the Snodland printer John Woolmer showed that Thomas also playeda part in founding the school attached to the new chapel, which wasto be free from that class of religious instruction usually taught in Church Schools ... Inthe vestry of the Congregational Chapel the Nonconformists started a small school underthe charge of Miss George. Afterwards it was fortunate when there was a great increasein the child population of Snodland, and a corresponding necessity for another schoolbeside the National, that the late Mr. Thomas Bateman was able to prevail upon hisfriend the late Mr. Joynson, of St. Mary Cray, to build these schools (in 1857).451842-1854In 1842 the mill was leased to HENRY HOLDEN, a papermaker of ‘Fulham andSnodland’, who perhaps ran the business from London; certainly the house in the HighStreet was not regularly occupied until the next manager, ‘Wildes’, took up residencein 1847. The mill appears to have been closed in 1846 since it has a ‘Nil’ assessment inthe Overseers accounts. This prompted further movement of the workforce and StMary Cray seems to have been a refuge for them. Holden leased the mill at £200 p.a.also agreeing to take as an apprentice a son of Thomas Spong ‘not exceeding43 He and his wife are still there in 1881, living in retirement. 44 The 1881 census shows Jabez to have been born at Wooburn, c.1824. 45 John Woolmer, Historical Jottings of the Parish of Snodland, Snodland, 1894, reprinted asSnodland Historical Society pamphlet 3, 1999. 24seventeen years of age to learn and be instructed by him in the trade or business of aPaper-Maker.’Further papermakers shown in the registers 1844-1854 are:Richard Burgess (1844-1847)18 October 1840: baptism of Charles, son of Richard Burgess, labourer, and Martha1 September 1844: baptism of Harriet, daughter of Richard Burgess, papermaker fromSt Mary Cray, and Martha23 May 1847: baptism of George Richard, son of Richard Burgess, papermaker fromSt Mary Cray, and MarthaPossibly the son of Solomon Burgess, baptized at Snodland on 12 February 1815; itmight be his marriage to Martha King at East Malling on 23 October 1836. He workedas a lime labourer before becoming a papermaker. He and his family were living at MillBridge, St Mary Cray, at the time of the 1851 census and they were still there in 1881.Charles also became a papermaker at St Mary Cray: he and his family are listed there inthe 1881 census.William Bowery (1845-1850)14 September 1845: burial of Mary Ann Bowery, infant22 February 1846: baptism of William James, son of William Bowery, papermaker, andDeborah30 July 1848: burial of Henry George Bowery, infant3 June 1849: baptisms of John Francis and Ellen Maria, children of William Bowery,papermaker, and Deborah17 November 1850: baptism of Adilein, daughter of William Bowery, papermaker, andDeborahThomas Barton (1851-1853)6 January 1850: baptism of Walter, son of Thomas Barton, papermaker, and Frances;buried 30 November 185120 February 1853: burial of Frances Barton, aged 33.John Hasle [Hazell] (1852)12 December 1852: baptism of William Henry, son of John Hasle, foreman of thepaper mill, and Ann.William Henry became a papermaker. Later records show him at Wells, Somerset, in1881, at Flint, North Wales, in 1882, but in Snodland again in 1891.The Charles and Ann Hasle/Hazell in the 1851 census were probably related to John. Amarriage of Charles Hazell to Ann White at Bexley on 20 September 1835 may bethem.Frederick Fentiman (1852-1855)12 December 1852: baptism of Frederick Henry, son of Frederick Fentiman,papermaker, and Emma (Emma, born Orpington, c.1824) 2511 March 1855: baptism of Emma Alma, daughter of Frederick Fentiman, papermaker,and Emma.Frederick had died before 1881, when his widow Emma and children were living inChurch Road, ChislehurstBenjamin [Berryman?] Austin (1851-1854)24 July 1853: baptism of Amelia Jane, daughter of Benjamin Austin and Mary Ann12 November 1854: baptism of Joseph Alexander, son of Benjamin and Mary AustinGeorge Silvester23 July 1854: baptism of Louisa Elizabeth, daughter of George Silvester, papermaker,and Harriet.Probably the George Silvester living at Croydon, aged 53 in 1881: a corn dealer, bornat Bexley, whose wife Harriet was born at Godalming. They were in Deptford betweenat least 1857 and 1869.Thomas Kelsey17 December 1854: baptism of Maria Lawrence, daughter of Thomas Kelsey,papermaker, and Caroline.Probably the Thomas Kelsey living at Stone, Dartford, aged 50 in 1881: an enginefitter, born at Orpington, whose wife Caroline was born at Wrotham. They were atPlaxtol between at least 1866 and 1878.HENRY ATKINSON WILDES (1847-1854)Contemporary directories show Henry Atkinson Wildes first as an attorney in StFaith’s Street, Maidstone (Pigot’s: 1840), and later as ‘deputy clerk of the peace, andclerk to the Lieutenancy of the county’ (Kelly’s: 1851). It is ‘H. A. Wildes Esq.’ whois assessed for the rates for the mill in the Snodland Overseers’ accounts, but it isWilliam Wildes, (his son?) aged 26, who is named as papermaker master at the 1851census, employing 13 men, 39 women and 4 boys46. Of these all the men and boys, butonly 22 of the women can be identified in the Snodland census. Some of the othersprobably came from outside the parish, including two from Ham Hill, Birling: ElizaNorris, aged 44, and Ann Martin, aged 27, a rag sorter. The Snodland workers are:Name Age Occupation Place of BirthWilliam Wildes 26 papermaker master MaidstoneSophia Wildes 18 papermaker RochesterBerryman Austin 34 engineer, paper mill RochesterJane Baker 31 papermaker West MallingJames Baker 14 papermaker SnodlandCharles Baker 12 papermaker Snodland46 At East Malling in the 1861 census, George F. Busbridge (with three mills) employed 49 malesand 99 females. 26Thomas Barton 31 paper maker MaidstoneFrances Barton 32 papermaker MaidstoneCaroline Beadle 20 papermaker HadlowWilliam Bowry 35 papermaker Wycombe, Bucks.Susannah Chittenden 27 papermaker West MallingElizabeth Costen 32 papermaker BirlingAnn Dartnell 23 papermaker East MallingMary Dartnall 20 papermaker BirlingJohn Endsor 48 papermaker Tamworth, Staffs.Walter Endsor 19 papermaker (cutter) High Wycombe, Bucks.Freeman Endsor 17 papermaker (cutter) High Wycombe, Bucks.Mary A. Fissenden 31 papermaker St George’s, MiddlesexFrances Goodhew 13 papermaker East MallingMary Hadlow 37 rag cutter (papermaker) PlaxtolSusannah Harden 33 papermaker BredhurstCharles Hazell 37 papermaker WilmingtonAnn Hazell 32 papermaker Suffolk: HelmingtonCharles Hazell 12 papermaker ChislehurstThomas Kidwell 76 pauper papermaker MaidstoneMary Lawrence 17 papermaker WrothamJane Lawrence 13 papermaker WrothamWilliam Mecoy 74 papermaker MaidstoneElizabeth Mecoy 72 papermaker IrelandJames Muddle 54 engine driver; paper mill Isfield, SussexPhebe Muddle 44 papermaker Isfield, SussexJemima Muddle 17 papermaker Isfield, SussexAlfred Muddle 13 engine boy; paper mill Isfield, SussexJohn Norris 58 engine driver; paper mill SnodlandMary A. Phillips 21 papermaker BirlingJames Weeden 32 papermaker BuckinghamshireFrances Weeden 32 papermaker SnodlandJane Wood 17 papermaker SnodlandA considerable change is evident between the 1841 and 1851 lists. Very few of theworkers appear in both. The number of women employed in 1851 suggests greateractivity in sorting and cutting rags, but the apparent increase may be somewhatmisleading since it is possible that the enumerator for 1841 was less concerned withrecording the women’s occupations. (It seems unlikely, for instance, that Elizabeth 27Mecoy only took up work very late in life. Frances Weeden was also present in 1841.)The opportunity that papermaking allowed for women to earn a proper wage wasseized upon by wives (eight here), daughters (four), sisters and sisters-in-law (four),niece and visitor (one apiece). It also gave Elizabeth Costen and Mary Fissenden,young widows, a job other than the more usual ‘washerwoman’ to which they mightotherwise have had to turn. What is also clear is the transfer to people born locally andto a greater variety of occupations under one roof. Wives and children supplementedtheir husband’s/father’s incomes as ‘agricultural labourer’, ‘lime labourer’ ‘gardener’,‘groom’, or whatever. Very few workers now retain the Buckinghamshire connection.The Baker, Beadle, Chittenden, Costen, Dartnall, Goodhew, Hadlow, Kidwell,Lawrence and Mecoy families remained in Snodland. Those who had moved on by the1861 census were Austin, Barton, Bowry, Endsor, Harden, Hazell and Norris. JaneWood was a niece of John Norris and married Richard Wooding at Snodland on 19June 1854, where they remained. The death of Phoebe Muddle in 1854 may haveprompted her family to move, although her son Thomas remained for a while, workingas a lime labourer.47 The Weedens moved on too, but other members of the familyremained in Snodland, some as papermakers.In 1854 the business passed into the hands of Charles Townsend Hook, whose name itstill bears.Snodland Mill seems to have begun as a small enterprise, but grew steadily during itsfirst hundred years, mixing local workers with expertise brought in from more distantparts. There was a particular ‘invasion’ from Buckinghamshire between 1823 and1845, but by the mid-nineteenth century there was less reliance on this ‘foreign’ skill.Most workers seem to have stayed for a relatively short time before moving on toother mills. It was not until after the Hook family took over that the new techniques ofmanufacturing paper from straw/esparto grass rather than rags came into play.Increasing use of machinery brought in the first ‘engine drivers’ to run the steam plant.There is no doubt that the principal employers in Snodland in both papermaking andlime working were a powerful force in controlling the social life of the community. Intheir time Jasper Crothall and the two Isaac Wenmans served their turns dutifully aschurchwardens and overseers. We see less of William Spong, although he was not anabsentee gentleman until his retirement from the scene in 1823. With William Joynson(1823-1833) and John Clark (1834-1840) we meet two managers who werepassionately involved with the Non-Conformist Church, which they promoted andestablished in Snodland. It would appear that many of their workforces were alsoactive members of such churches, both in Buckinghamshire and in Kent. Even afterthey had moved away from Snodland the Joynsons continued to foster the‘Independent Church’ in Snodland and William in particular provided money for a newchapel and school in the 1850s. This involvement with both papermaking and religionseems to have created a very close-knit community at the mill between about 1823 and1845. So far as the lists of members of the Independent Church show, the link wasdissipated after that. But the arrival of the Hook family in 1854 led to a newinvolvement: they were followers of the teachings of Emanuel Swedenborg and soonbuilt up a Swedenborg Society in Snodland which in turn flourished for more than a47 The Muddles were originally from Isfield, Sussex, where there was a paper mill: see Shorter,Studies on the History of Papermaking... ‘Paper Mills in Sussex’, 172. 28hundred years. Initially they formed this with three other families who had come withthem from Wiltshire and Gloucestershire.

PAPER No. 004Cholera and typhoid fever in KentChristopher CollinsThis paper has been downloaded from www.kentarchaeology.ac. Theauthor has placed the paper on the site for download for personal oracademic use. Any other use must be cleared with the author of the paperwho retains the copyright.Please email admin@kentarchaeology.ac for details regarding copyrightclearance.The Kent Archaeological Society (Registered Charity 223382) welcomes thesubmission of papers. The necessary form can be downloaded from thewebsite at www.kentarchaeology.ac Cholera and typhoid fever are bacterial diseases that are acquired by theconsumption, mainly of water, but sometimes of food, that has been contaminated bysewage containing the excrement of people suffering from the diseaseThe natural home of cholera is the Indian subcontinent where it had been knownfor many years. In the nineteenth century, however, for reasons that are not clear, itchanged and caused a number of epidemics. It then travelled along the trade routesto most corners of the known world, causing several pandemics. In three of theseduring 1826-1838, 1846-1854 and 1863-1868, it entered Britain, causing widespreadepidemics: Pandemic years Epidemic years in Britain1826-1838 1826-18381846-1854 1848-49 and 1853-1854 1863-1868 1865-1866 Since the 1866, however, there have been only occasional cases in Britain, usuallyin travellers from abroad.Typhoid fever has been with us for centuries, probably since Roman times andhas caused many isolated cases, minor outbreaks and a few major epidemics. Thehistory of the disease is clouded. For many centuries it was confused with otherdiseases. In Britain, before 1869, it was included among the ‘continued fevers’, suchas typhus, characterised by a high temperature and a skin rash. In the mid-19thcentury, however, physicians and pathologists noted that in certain cases the feverwas not continuous but showed a diurnal variation; and in fatal cases there werelocalised lesions in the submucosal lymphoid tissue of the small intestine (Peyer'spatches, concerned with immunity). Physicians were then able to distinguish betweentyphus and typhoid (i.e. ‘typhus-like') fevers. After 1869 the disease was recordedseparately in the Registrar General's Reports, albeit as ‘enteric fever' whichencompassed typhoid itself and the three paratyphoid fevers, A, B and C, which wererecognised only after bacteriological investigation became possible. Unfortunatelythere may still be some confusion in nomenclature, as in the German languagetyphoid fever is known as typhus, typhus itself is called fleckfieber.CholeraAn attack of cholera begins with violent diarrhoea and vomiting. At first the stoolslook normal but they soon become watery with flecks of mucus – ‘rice water stools’.There is rapid and severe dehydration and prostration. Electrolyte imbalance leads toperipheral circulatory failure and renal failure and often death. Milder forms of thedisease are known.Kent is largely a maritime county, bounded on the north by the Thames estuaryand on the east and south by the Straits of Dover. There are several ports along thisextensive seaboard. On the west the northern end of the county boundary iscontiguous with London. The ports and the roads and railways which passed throughthe county provided gateways for the entry of cholera and other communicablediseases. In addition, there was a seasonal immigration of Londoners for the hop andfruit picking. Kent also had a number of barracks, military and naval, and, in theThames estuary, several prison ships: the ‘hulks’ so well described by Dickens(1869). Cholera (‘choleraic disorders’) may well have been established in 1831 in thewarships anchored in the River Medway (Creighton, 1895a), but there appears to beno record of its spread to the shore.The county was affected by all four of the epidemics and the governmentresponded to the threat of the sea-borne importation of cholera by reinforcing thequarantine restrictions. All shipping on its way to London was quarantined atStangate Creek in the Medway estuary (see ‘Cholera at Sheerness’, below).Quarantine was also enforced at Dover, Faversham, Milton, Whitstable andRamsgate (Maidstone Gazette, 1821a).The General Board of Health in London had already issued instructions about thecreation of local boards of health. A number of towns (Chatham, Gravesend,Maidstone, Sheerness, Faversham, Tonbridge and Dover) followed these andcreated local Boards (.(Maidstone Gazette, 1821b). That at Chatham asked theAdmiralty for a hospital ship, and the Ordnance Board to flush the local drains. Thevarious boards arranged for the feeding and clothing of the poor, the fumigation andlime washing of premises, cleansing of streets and drains, the removal of nuisances,and also arranged for certain building to be used as hospitals. Unfortunately, neitherthe General nor the local Boards had powers to insist that such work be done, andthere was opposition from so-called ‘dirty parties’, generally on the grounds thatratepayers would have to meet the cost (Yates et al. 1944). Nevertheless, some localauthorities did implement the suggested reforms. The Kentish Gazette (1854)published a set of precautions against cholera:_____________________________________________________________________1. Apply to a medical man immediately in case of looseness of the bowels, as it maybring on cholera.2. Do not take any salts or other strong medicines without proper advice.3. Beware of drink, for excess in beer, wine or spirits is likely to be followed by cholera.4. Avoid eating meat that is tainted or unwholesome, decayed or unripe fruit and stalefruit or vegetables.5. Avoid fasting too long. Be moderate in meals.6. Avoid great fatigue or getting heated and the chilled.7. Avoid getting wet or remaining in wet clothes.8. Keep yourself clean and your body and feet dry and as warm as your means andoccupation will permit.9. Keep your room well cleaned and lime washed; open the windows as often aspossible; remove all dirt and impurities immediately.10. Use chloride of lime or zinc to remove any offensive smells11. If there are any dust or dirt heaps, foul drains, bad smells or other nuisances in thehouse or neighbourhood make complaint without delay to the local authorities havinglegal power to remove them; or if there be no such authorities or you do not know whothey are, complain to the Board of Guardians _______________________________________________________________The first seven of these followed the advice given by the Royal College ofPhysicians and the General Board of Health. It is of interest, however, that Nos. 8and 9 were concerned with the cleanliness of persons and premises and Nos. 10 and11 with smells. At that time, when the real cause and mode of transmission ofcholera was still unknown, it was commonly believed that smells (miasmas), fromdecomposing human, animal and vegetable waste, was responsible: 'All smell isdisease' (Chadwick, 1842).The outbreaks of 1832 - 1835Cholera first entered Kent in the spring of 1832. The first two cases were a femalevagrant from London, who died in Rochester (Maidstone Gazette, 1832a) and aseaman at Chatham who worked on boat that plied between that town and London(Yates et al. 1944). There were 80 deaths on the prison ship Cumberland (includingthe surgeon). The disease spread rapidly. There were twelve deaths in Sheerness(Armstrong, 1994), another dozen in Faversham (Maidstone Gazette, 1832b) and 47in Minster in Sheppey.In September 1832 there was a debate in The Maidstone Gazette (1832c) aboutthe advisability of employing of hop-pickers from London. It was thought that as therewas cholera in the Metropolis, such people might bring it into Kent. There hadalready been twelve cases among those people in the East Farleigh district and thenthere nineteen more at Barming (Maidstone Gazette, 1834). After that, there seemsto have been a lull. In 1834, however, cholera appeared again, this time on the NorthKent coast. There was an outbreak at Whitstable, followed by another at Herne Bayin which 28 people died. As this town was a seaside resort, attracting summervisitors from London, attempts were made by the local authority to prevent publicity.One year later it surfaced again among the hop-pickers at East Farleigh, causingthirteen deaths (Maidstone Gazette, 1835).The outbreaks of 1849 – 1850There were two major outbreaks during these years. The first of these, in 1849,occurred at East Farleigh among hop-pickers at the same farm as that where therewere cases of cholera in 1832. This second incident, which cost the lives of 43people, is considered below. A further thirty hop-pickers died at the neighbouringvillages of Yalding and Loose ((Maidstone Gazette, 1849). The second outbreak wasin Canterbury and the surrounding parishes where there were forty-five deaths(Bateman, 1988).There were nine deaths in Upper Rainham. Sporadic cases occurred in several ofthe North Kent towns – Gravesend, Rochester, Chatham, Milton Regis, Herne Bay,Margate and Ramsgate, as well as at Sheerness, Maidstone and Tonbridge.The outbreaks of 1853 - 1855 The three most serious outbreaks of cholera during these years occurred atCanterbury and district (sixty deaths), Sandgate (forty-eight deaths) and Tonbridge(one hundred and 70 deaths). The latter two are considered below.Other towns and areas affected include Greenwich, Sheerness, Milton,Sevenoaks, Maidstone, Tunbridge Wells and Ramsgate, from whence the diseasespread to High Halden, Staplehurst, Sturry and Eastry (Barker-Read, 1982). The lastoutbreak in this period occurred at Shorncliffe Barracks (near Folkestone) in 1855,where the deaths totalled forty-one. There was a major outbreak at Sandgate (seebelow).The outbreaks in 1865 - 1866 In this period, during the last epidemic of cholera in Britain, there were onlysporadic cases in Kent. The disease was carried by ship from London to Gravesendand thence by barges to Faversham, Sittingbourne, Maidstone, Sheerness andAylesford and finally Chatham. Various mid-Kent villages, Yalding, Hunton, Teston,Marden, Staplehurst, Otham, Bearsted and Barming, were also affected to a minordegree.According to Creighton (1895b) the total death toll in Kent for the four events was2,684. This is distributed as follows:Years 1832-35 1849-50 1853-55 1865-6Deaths 135 1208 1056 285In Creighton's ‘league tables’ of the data for 43 counties and administrative areasof England and Wales Kent may be placed 22nd in the first period, 11th in the second,2nd in the third, and 11th in the fourth.Figure 1 shows the sites of the outbreaks in the county (excluding sporadiccases). The distribution of the green dots on this map suggests that cholera travelledalong lines of sea, river and land transportation.Figure 1. Dot map (●) showing sites of outbreaks of cholera in Kent Roads ——— Navigable river ——— Railway - - - - - -The cholera outbreaks in four areas in the county merit more detailedexamination. These are: Sheerness and the Isle of Sheppey, East Farleigh,Tonbridge, and Sandgate.Cholera in Sheerness and Sheppey The Isle of Sheppey, on the northwest coast of Kent, is separated from themainland by a navigable waterway, the Swale, which connects the Medway estuaryon the west to the Thames estuary on the east (Figure 2).Figure 2. The Isle of SheppeySheerness is the principal town, a port and, in the nineteenth century, was animportant naval establishment. Apart from the arrival of cholera in 1831 and 1832, ithad a long association with other importable infectious diseases (e.g. plague andyellow fever) because the naval authorities there had control of a quarantine stationin Stangate Creek. At the beginning of the 19th century the government built a‘lazaretto’ on Chetney Marsh (see Figure 2) for the isolation on shore of cases ofsuch diseases that occurred on quarantined ships. This shore station was never usedbecause it was built on unsound ground. In the 1920s it was abandoned (Froggatt,1964). Nothing now remains.With the threat of cholera, which had arrived in Sunderland, quarantine of shipsbringing coal from that area was enforced. Stangate Creek soon became crowdedwith coasters and other shipping. Letters from passengers and crew of thequarantined ships were opened, fumigated (with vinegar) and then resealed beforedelivery to the Post Office in Queenborough (Froggatt, 1964). Quarantined goodswere ‘aired’ on the decks of hulks.In 1831 there was cholera on the hulk Euryalus, moored off Chatham and used asa prison ship mainly for boys aged 8 – 15. Naval records indicate that a lighter tookconvicts from this hulk to Sheerness for transportation to New South Wales andTasmania. The ship’s surgeon’s log of the transport vessel Waterloo recorded that214 convicts were taken aboard at Sheerness. Because of gales the ship had toanchor off Margate where its anchors were lost. It had to return to Sheerness forreplacements, but as there was cholera aboard it had to be quarantined. Thesurgeon recorded 40 cases of cholera, with eight deaths (Kennedy, 2003).By mid-1832 there had been 135 deaths in 11 areas of Sheppey. Sheerness itselfand the neighbouring township of Minster were most affected (Minster suffered 38deaths).The Blue Town area, in the western part of Sheerness was invaded again duringthe 1853-1855 and 1866 outbreaks (Judge, 1849).There were several cases in Eastchurch. It is of note that while two harvestlabourers who succumbed there were buried in fenced-off graves in accordance withgovernment instructions, another victim, Vice Admiral Sir Richard King, Commanderin Chief, Nore, was interred in the chancel of the parish Church(www.allsainstchurch.info), where his memorial (Figure 3) may still be seen.Apparently, cholera victims varied in their threat to others!Local response The response of the local authorities was sketchy. In 1849 cholera returned toSheppey (South Eastern Gazette, 1853). Although a local Board of Health had beenin existence for four years, not one of the original nuisances had been removed(Ranger, 1849). The new outbreak did stimulate an inquiry, however, and a reportwas made to the General Board of Health (Ryan, 1853). This noted the scale of theoutbreak and the high mortality, criticised the overcrowding, poor ventilation, theinadequacy of the water supply and lack of sewers, drains and privies. Manyrecommendations were made but to little effect. Even in 1860 Sheerness had nodrains. There was a survey by the local Board of Health in 1857 (Kennedy, 2000).This again detailed the sanitary shortcomings of Sheerness and nearby Minster.Figure 3. Memorial plaque to cholera victim Vice Admiral Sir RichardKing, C. in C., Nore, who is interred in the chancel of All SaintsChurch at Eastchurch. Reproduced by permission of the Rector andChurchwardens of All Saints Church. The only public water supply undertaking in 1834 was that of the SheernessEconomical Society, which distributed water by donkey and cart from a local well.This enterprise was purchased in 1864 by the local Board of Health, and the firstmains were laid (Martin, 2003).Cholera in Tonbridge In the nineteenth century Tonbridge was a small market town on the RiverMedway. It suffered outbreaks of cholera in 1832, 1849, 1851-54 and 1866, but thereappear to be no actual numbers of deaths on record for the first and last of these. Inthe second outbreak there were 39 deaths and in the third 48 (Barker-Read, 1983).The town was divided geographically and socially, into three areas (Chalklin,1983), marked A, B and C in Figure 4. In the northern area, A, well above the GreatBridge over the River Medway, there were the larger houses of the more well-to-dopeople. The middle area, B, between the Great Bridge and the railway, through whichfive separate side-streams of the Medway (not marked on map) passed, was on theflood plain of the river and housed the poorer classes, especially between the LittleBridge and the railway. The southern area, C, on rising ground and south of therailway, was developed for better-class housing in the mid-century. Thisgeographical-social division was emphasised by the overall mortality rates: 24.3 perthousand in areas A and C and nearly 28 per thousand in the much less salubriousmiddle area B. Between January 1851 and September 1854 there were 22 deathsfrom cholera among the total of 59 for infectious disease, and in the six months up to30th September 1854 there were 48 due to cholera, of a total of 66 for all fevers(Neve, 1933).In the 1850s the few sewers and drains that existed were inadequate, beingbarrel-shaped with flat bottoms and therefore readily blocked. Five of them emptieddirectly into the River Medway or into its separate streams.. Privies connected tothem were untrapped and no water was available for flushing. Some privies emptied,via wooden chutes, directly into ditches or one of the streams (and hence into theMedway). Some new houses were built over sewers.Until 1852 drinking water was obtained from wells at the Town Hall and CageGreen and from the River Medway at Little Bridge, all therefore liable to pollution.The Tonbridge Water Company opened its waterworks in 1852 (Martin, 2003). Theopening ceremony was marred by an ‘intolerable stench’ from cesspools and drains(Neve, 1933). Nevertheless, in 1852 only 176 of 1120 houses in the town had pipedwater.Figure 4. Tonbridge, mid-nineteenth centuryReproduced by courtesy of Dr C Chalklin, with additional material (in red:demarcation of zones of cholera incidence and approximate sites of areasinvestigated by Dickens, 1854).In September 1854 cholera was rampant, especially in the wholly insalubriousareas behind the High Street in the central part of the town (area C).A local newspaper (Tonbridge Miscellaneous Advertiser, 1894) commented.Cholera is still raging in the town. Who can expect to meet anything but disease inthose houses where pigsties are almost adjacent to the back doors, and filth andrubbish of vegetables and other matter are thrown in a heap, with house slops, torot.In December of that year, in spite of opposition from some ratepayers whothought that no progressive measures were necessary to stay the cholera, asufficient number of citizens voted that a petition be sent to the General Board ofHealth, requesting an inspection and public enquiry. An Inspector, Mr A.L.Dickens was sent down from London. His Report (Dickens, 1854) was damning.Apart from the conditions mentioned above, those in See-hoe Square,Whittaker's Row and Wingate’s Cottages (Figures 5 and 6) are of particularinterest as they highlight the inadequacy of sanitation and the pollution of theriver from privies.Dickens also commented on the stagnation of some of the Medway streams,the dirty, unpaved roads and dung heaps, offensive privy cess pools, as well ascataloguing filthy premises.Water extracted from the River Medway west of the town was not filtered. Itwas not clear and contained animalcules and vegetable matter.Figure 5. Seehoe Square, Tonbridge, showing privies (■) and surface drains (-- - - ) to River Medway[From Dickens, 1854)Figure 6a . Whittaker’s Row, showing privies.[From Dickens (1854]Figure 6b. Wingate’s Cottages, showing privies. [From Dickens (1854]Local response The Dickens Report did stimulate some local interest, but little action. Theproblems were (1), central legislation was permissive, not statutory; (2), local vestedinterests were opposed to any changes that might well affect their pockets; and (3),boundary problems, as Tonbridge and Tunbridge Wells formed a single parish butresidents in the latter were unconcerned. Moreover, changes in legislation left someuncertainty about which act and which central authority was responsible for dealingwith petitions (Neve, 1933). As a result, nothing of note was achieved for fifteenyears, until the setting up of the Local Government Board. Then the Tonbridgeauthorities agreed to a sewerage system. New drains and sewers were built, leadingto a ‘sewage farm’. Nevertheless, the effluent from this was discharged into RiverMedway and no information is now available about the efficacy of the treatment ofsewage. There was another cholera outbreak in 1866. The Registrar-General’s Report thatyear shows, again, the difference in the incidence of the disease between the upperand lower parts of the town; a rate of 16 per 1,000 north of the Great Bridge and 25per 1,000 south of it (Barker-Read, 1983).Cholera in East Farleigh East Farleigh is a village on the River Medway, some 14 miles down river fromTonbridge. The various farms in the parish were visited each summer by a largenumber of hop-pickers (known locally as 'strangers'), most of whom came from theEast End of London and Ireland (www.kentishpeople.com/article).In September 1849 there was an outbreak of cholera among several hundred hoppickers who came to work at Court Lodge Farm (Figure 7). Dr P Plomley, MedicalOfficer to the Maidstone Union, investigated the incident. His report was published inthe local newspaper (Maidstone and Kentish Journal, 1849a). He stressed that theconditions under which these hop-pickers were accommodated, in huts, barns andsheds, were very bad, overcrowded and ill-ventilated. Drinking and washing waterwas drawn from wells contaminated by run-off from cow yards and by human waste.The people were half-starved and compelled to eat impure food, putrid fish andadulterated bread sold at cheap rates by unprincipled and itinerant vendors.Figure 7. East Farleigh district showing hop garden (site of cholera outbreak)and sites associated with the Maidstone typhoid epidemic The number of cases and deaths increased during the first few days of theoutbreak and the local clergy (Catholic as well as Anglican and nonconformists, asmany of the victims were from Ireland) opened the National School as a hospital andworked among the sick. Doctors and nurses (two of whom caught cholera) camedown from London to help, as local medical assistance was limited andoverwhelmed. Residents in the neighbourhood contributed personal assistance, food and material(Maidstone and Kentish Journal 1949b). In spite of medical and lay assistance,however, there were about 300 cases of cholera with 45 deaths. Forty-three of thelatter, which included eight children under ten years old), were buried in East Farleighchurchyard, where their memorial may still be seen (Figure 8).Figure 8. Memorial (of wood) to 43 hoppickers who died during the EastFarleigh outbreak. The inscription, nowbarely readable, isIN MEMORY OF FORTY-THREESTRANGERSWHO DIED OF CHOLERA SEPR 1849RIP.[Photograph Dr T Donovan, reproduced bypermission of the Rector andChurchwardens]At the time there was no public watersupply in the area. Residents probably obtained their water from springs along theMedway valley (Martin, 2003). It is of interest that there were no cases of choleraamong these people, nor in Maidstone, a few miles downstream, where, at that timethe water from the Medway was unusable. People had to obtain drinking water formold wells which yielded only about 20,000 gallons a day (Smith, 1979).Local response The immediate response, of doctors, clergy and residents, is indicated above.Although the outbreak was extensively reported in the local newspapers and haspassed into local folklore no record of local authority action seems to be available.A possible source of the outbreakDuring the 1849 outbreak in Tonbridge raw sewage from houses where there werecases of cholera drained to was or deposited in the River Medway (as describedabove). The site of the outbreak (Court Lodge Farm, East Farleigh) is only fourteenmiles downstream from Tonbridge and near to the river. At the normal flow of theriver, two-three miles an hour, water containing the agent of cholera would reach thehop garden area within seven hours. It is possible, therefore, that the cholera victimscould have ingested contaminated water directly from the river or from wellscontaminated with river waterCholera in Sandgate In the nineteenth century Sandgate (now a suburb of Folkestone) was a smalltown (little more than a village) two miles east of Folkestone, lining the road to Hythe.It was visited by cholera in 1854, having escaped during earlier national epidemics.Before 1848 there were no main sewers. Latrines and privies nearest to the seadischarged their sewage directly onto the beach. Most of the wells, which provideddrinking water to many of the residents, were polluted. In that year, however, thelocal ratepayers applied, under the Public Health Act 1848, for a local Board ofHealth to be established. In 1849 Mr T W Rammell of the General Board of Healthwas sent down to inquire into the sewerage, drainage, supply of water and thesanitary condition of the inhabitants of the town. His Report (Rammell, 1849),resulted in some improvements. By 1852 a sewage works was in operation andmany cesspools had been filled in.In 1854, however, cholera attacked the area. There were 94 cases, with 48deaths, and another inspection and inquiry were instituted (Rammell, 1854). Severalimportant and interesting facts emerged during that inspection. In the first place, noconnection could be established between the first case, a resident who had not beenaway from the town for several moths, and the disease in other parts of the country.It was noted that when some of the cesspools had been filled in (above) the ‘soil’ inthem had not been removed, permitting seepage. Moreover, the joints of the newsewers and house drains leaked. The inspector concludedBriefly it may be stated that the public and private drainage of Sandgate is, fromdefective construction, insufficient for the purposes required; that the escape ofthe liquid sewage and water necessary to its perfect action contaminates thesoil; that the surface drainage and cleansing, although in some measure latelyimproved, are much neglected; that many of the cesspools formerly in use arestill open, or only imperfectly closed; that the private sources of water supply arein many cases polluted; and that the public water supply is liable to be very shortin quantity and not exceptional in quality.The piped water supply came from two water companies, Sandgate andFolkestone, and from private wells. An analysis of the figures in the Report revealsthe following: Source Fatal cases Nonfatal casesSandgate Water Works 15 8Folkestone Water Works 6 5Sandgate and wells 7 12Folkestone and wells 3 2Wells only 14 14The immediate conclusion was that the water from the Sandgate Works suffereda higher level of pollution than that from Folkestone. But clearly, the wells inSandgate were also contaminated.Local response The local Board of Health acted on the Report, particular in respect of cesspools,which were emptied where possible, and properly capped The Sandgate WaterCompany took steps to safeguard its well against external pollution. Regrettably,local records at the Folkestone Reference Library yielded little useful informationabout actions by the local authority but Hastings (1982) has given a good account ofthe events.A possible source of the outbreakIn the Report of the outbreak at Sandgate (Rammell, 1854) it is made clear thatcontaminated drinking water was suspected as the source of the disease. There isalso mention of the building of a sea wall some years earlier, before theestablishment of the water companies. This wall was intended to prevent seawaterfrom seeping into the land and entering the wells, so making the water taste brackish.But the wall may not have been properly maintained. At that time all sewage fromhouses in Sandgate was discharged into the sea. Moreover, coastal shipping,passing inshore, could have discharged their bilges or ships’ privies into the sea.Thus there were two possible sources of water containing the cholera agent thatcould have seeped into the wells on land.Typhoid fever The incubation period of typhoid fever, after ingestion of the agent, is 14-21 days.During the first week of the disease there is fever, general malaise, abdominal pain,diarrhoea and mental confusion. Later, there may be an abdominal rash (‘rose spots')and complications including intestinal perforation and haemorrhage, osteomyelitisand meningitis. In untreated patients the mortality rate is about 10%. About 5% ofthose who recover become carriers and excrete the bacteria in their stools or (lessoften) in their urine.Typhoid fever was an accepted fact of life during the 19th century, affecting allwalks of life. Prince Albert died of the disease and the Prince of Wales (later EdwardVII), his servant and Prince Leopold contacted it while staying at a country house.There were epidemics in Britain in 1801, 1816-19, 1837-38, 1846-47 (Creighton,1894c) but these were largely confined to the midlands and the north of England.Creighton does not mention any outbreaks in Kent, where there appears to havebeen only sporadic cases in, for example, the Tunbridge Wells area. The MedicalOfficer of Health in Maidstone expected only five or six cases a year.The last major epidemic of the 19th century was at Maidstone in 1897. Thiscommenced in mid-August. By 9 September 117 cases had been reported; withinthree weeks there were 774 and by 9 October the number had risen to 1200, with 42deaths. The epidemic was over by the end of December, apart from a few, probablysecondary cases. The total number of cases was 1847, with 132 deaths (Report,1898), but this may well be an underestimate (Stanwell-Smith, 2000). Some mildcases may have not been reported or notified.The water supplyThe lessons of the mid-century water-borne cholera epidemics had been learned andthe Medical Officer of Health suspected the local supply. His investigations showedthat water from the reservoir at Barming, a short distance west of Maidstone, wasresponsible. The town was supplied by the Maidstone Water Company, a privateenterprise. The pumping station was at the bridge over the R. Medway (Figure 8).Water was obtained from several springs: at Tutsham and Ewell, west of thepumping station at Farleigh Bridge, and at Cossington and Boarley, north ofMaidstone, at the foot of the North Downs (Hales, 1983) Before 1896 samples of thesupply had been tested at monthly intervals but the Town Council, in the interests ofeconomy, had reduced this to quarterly (Hales, 1984).. Although these werechemical, not bacteriological tests the former would certainly have indicated pollution.The last samples to be tested before the epidemic were in June. Later, a localnewspaper commented that the epidemic was the penalty of such economy (SouthEastern Gazette, 1897).Epidemiological investigations showed that there had been 1583 cases amongcustomers supplied with water from the Farleigh area (Tutsham and Ewell), but only29 and 69 respectively from the springs are Cossington and Boarley (Report, 1988).There was also evidence of gross faecal contamination of the area around theTutsham spring. There were hop gardens nearby and accommodation for the hoppickers was highly unsatisfactory and the sanitary facilities were non-existent. Thehop-pickers defaecated anywhere, just as they had in the cholera epidemic in thesame area in 1849. There had been little or no improvement in sanitation since thattime. The conclusion that these people were responsible for the contamination and,in consequence, the typhoid epidemic, was fuelled by local prejudice. There was amismatch, here, however, as the hop-pickers arrived on 20 August, after the firstcases of cholera on 17 August and the incubation period for the disease is at least afortnight. Moreover, the Public Inquiry (Report, 1898) found no evidence of typhoidfever among the hop-pickers.The sanitation in Maidstone Town was also most unsatisfactory. Nearly half ofthe houses with WCs had no means of mechanical flushing, and 4000 of the 6000houses had WCs connected to imperfectly flushed drains (Report, 1898).Typhoid vaccination A successful trial of a typhoid vaccine was carried out a among the staff at theBarming asylum by Prof A (later Sir Almoth) Wright. This led to its general use in thearmed forcesLocal response At the peak of the epidemic, on 20 September, the supply from the Tutshamsprings was cut off, followed, a few days later by closure of other local supplies. On16 October the water in the Barming reservoir was treated with chloride of lime andacid, under the supervision of a distinguished pathologist (Dr Sims Woodhead). Thismay have been the first attempt at the chlorination of a public water supply.The Town Council issued a handbill, recommending the boiling of all drinkingwater and milk. A laundry was opened to wash and disinfect (free of charge) allclothing, bedding, etc from houses where there had been cases of typhoid. Suchhouses were disinfected with sulphur and carbolic acid and cleansed. Emergencyhospitals were opened, staffed mainly by volunteer doctors and nurses, some ofwhom came from London. Local people did their best to help and publicsubscriptions, to assist the poorer townsfolk were founded. Contributions came frommany parts of England (Hales, 1984).Out-of-town traders and would-be visitors stayed away and trade generallysuffered inspite of advertisements in local newspapers that their merchandise wassafe and in no way connected with the water supply. Schools were closed; churchbells and factory whistles were silent. The law court sessions were transferred toCanterbury and public gatherings were cancelled. There was a marked fall in thenumbers of rail passengers to the town. Town councillors and those connected withthe Water Company were pilloried in the local press and the events were widelyreported in the national press.The Public Inquiry There were some initial local difficulties in the setting up of a public inquiry, but itwent ahead and reported in 1898. There "was no hesitation on the conclusion thatthe epidemic was caused by pollution of the water supplied by the MaidstoneCompany from their Farleigh sources." The Report (1898) was critical of both theTown Council and the Water Company.Typhoid in Faversham Although typhoid fever did not reach epidemic proportions in Faversham theMedical Officer of Health reported that there were 103 cases between 1893 and 1906and the annual variation is of interest: 1893 19 1900 * 1984 'a small number' 1901 * 1895 8 1902 7 1896 2 1903 13 1897 15 1904 16 1898 * 1905 6 1899 * 1906 17 In spite of quite detailed investigation, the Medical Officer and his staff wereunable to find any point sources for any of the incidents. The water supplies weretested and any found to be 'suspect' were closed. The sewerage in the town was notof a very high order, affected as it was by the proximity of the Faversham Creek, butwas improved by the local authority over the period. It is possible that some, at least,of the 15 cases in 1897 were associated with or secondary to the epidemic inMaidstone in that year, as there was commerce between the two towns. The return todouble figures (17) in 1906, however, cannot be explained. After that year, however,the annual numbers returned to single figures, consistent with the general endemicityof typhoid fever at the time. The reports of the Medical Officer are held by the Faversham Society (www.faversham.org).ReferencesArmstrong, F.A. (1994). The population of Victorian and Edwardian Kent.Archaeologia Cantiana, 114, 17-20.Barker-Read Barker-Read, M. (1982). Southern History, 4, 1180-200.Barker-Read, M. 1983). Local Government in Mid-Victorian Tonbridge. In MidVictorian Tonbridge. Ed. Chalklin, C.W. Kent County Libraries. pp. 1-21.Bateman, A. (1988). Public Health in Nineteenth Century Canterbury. Dissertation,University of Kent at Canterbury.Chadwick, E. (1842) Report on the Sanitary Condition of the Labouring Population ofGreat Britain. London, HMSO.Chalklin, C.W. (Ed.) (1983). Mid-Victorian Tonbridge. Kent County Libraries,Creighton, C. (1894a). A History of Epidemics in Britain. London, Cass, (reprinted19650 p. 795.Creighton, C. (1894b) op.cit. pp.821, 843, 852.Creighton, C. (1894c) op.cit. pp. 218-219.Dickens, A. (1854) Report to the General Board of Health on a Preliminary Inquiryinto the Sanitary Condition of the Town of Tonbridge, 1854. London, HMSO.Dickens, C. (1869-61). Great Expectations.Froggatt, P. (1964). The Chetney Hill Lazaret. Archaeologia Cantiana, 79, 1-15.Hales, I. (1983). Maidstone's water supply. Bygone Kent (….) 639-646.Hales, I. (1984) Maidstone's typhoid epidemic. Bygone Kent 5, 217-223. Hastings, E.P. (1982). Cholera in Sandgate 1854. Kent County Council. Judge, S. (1849) The Isle of Sheppey. Rochester Press, 102, 186. Kennedy, D.A. (2000). Personal Communication.Kentish Gazette 5 Sep, 1854. Maidstone Gazette (1821a), 15 Nov. Ibid. (1821b) 22 Nov. Ibid. (1832a),14 Aug, Ibid. (1832b), 11 Sep, Ibid. (1832c), 9 Oct. Ibid. (1934), 9 Sep. Ibid. (1835), 15 Sep. Ibid. (1849a), 16 Oct. Ibid. (1849b), 22 Nov. Ibid. (1854), 5 Sep.Maidstone and Kentish Journal (1849a), 16 Oct. Ibid. (1849b), 18 Sep. Martin, R. (2003) Personal communication.. Neve, A.H. (1933).. Tonbridge of Yesterday. Tonbridge Free Press. pp. 133 et seq.Rammell, T.W. (1849). Report to the General Board of Health on a PreliminaryInquiry into the Sewerage, Drainage, Supply of Water and the Sanitary Conditionof the Town of Sandgate 1849. London, HMSO.Rammell, T.W. (1854) Report to the General Board of Health on a further Inquiryheld in the Town of Sandgate and the Parishes of Cheriton and Folkestone in theCounty of Kent, 1854. London, HMSO.Ranger, W.E, (1849) Report to the General Board of Health on a PreliminaryInquiry into the Sewerage, Drainage, Supply of Water, and the SanitaryConditions of the Inhabitants of Sheerness. London, Clowes.Report (1898) Borough of Maidstone. Epidemic of typhoid fever, 1897. Report ofan inquiry and appendices, 1898. London, HMSO.Ryan, M.J. (1853) A Local Board of Health Survey. Journal of the Kent Local HistorySociety. Autumn, 1976.South Eastern Gazette, (1833), 27 Sep, 1853. Ibid. (1897), 28 Sep..Smith, F.B (1979). The Peoples' Health. London, Croom Helm. p 219.Stanwell-Smith, R (2000). Personal communication.Tonbridge Miscellaneous Advertiser, (1894), September.Yates, N, Hume, R. and Hastings, P. (1944). Religion and Society in Kent 1640-1914. Kent County Council History Project, p.18.Yates et al. (1944). op cit. pp.1934.

Margate CavesCliftonville© 2021 R F LeGear and C M PearsonIntroductionThe man-made underground structure known as Margate Caves was dug primarily as asmall chalk mine to procure chalk to burn for lime, with approximately 2000 tonnes removedduring the mine's active life. Sometime after abandonment it was rediscovered and adaptedfor use as a wine store, ice well and later was opened to the general public in 1863. Itremained open on and off as a popular visitor attraction until 2004 when it was forced toclose by the Health and Safety Executive because of safety concerns.The local community objected strongly to plans to build over the site and the Friends ofMargate Caves was formed to save the Caves from being sealed. In 2013 a CharitableIncorporated Organisation was formed (The Margate Caves Community Education TrustTMCCET) to secure a long-term lease on the site and raise the funds needed to re-open theCaves. Remedial work was undertaken so that the Caves fully complied with modern safetyregulations. In conjunction, an archivist was appointed to collate artefacts and archivalmaterial relevant to the Caves and research its history, testing and challenging asnecessary, the hitherto accepted ‘facts’. This occasioned a major revision of its history, theresults of which, with referenced sources, are now lodged in the Margate Caves Archive.This paper was originally published in 2009 and was based on a short report prepared forthe Heritage Development Advisor of Thanet District Council (TDC) and based on acceptedhistorical facts at that time. Since then a great deal of new background research has beendone by Chris Pearson, archivist of TMCCET, which has required a complete rewrite.AcknowledgementsThe authors would like to thank the following for their help and support in producing thispaper:The Margate Caves Community Education Trust; Members of the Friends of Margate Caves;Kent Underground Research Group members; the staff and volunteers at the Caves; andlocal photographer Frank Leppard for providing the photographs.Chris Pearson 1952 - 2021Sadly, co-author Chris Pearson was a victim of the Covid-19pandemic and passed away in February 2021 at the age of 68.Chris served as archivist and researcher for both the Shell Grotto inMargate and the Margate Caves and was a tenacious and thoroughresearcher, always seeking out primary sources and with aremarkable talent for unearthing new information. He was a quietgenerous man who will be sorely missed. Chris PearsonLocationThe Margate Caves site is located at 1, Northdown Road, Cliftonville, Margate, Kent, CT91FG and is centred on NGR TR 3573 7114. It is situated on the north side of NorthdownRoad, and lies approximately 350m east of Margate town centre and to the north of a dryvalley (Dane Valley) on a slight promontory known as Fort Hill.It is bounded to the west by a narrow alleyway running to the rear of houses in TrinitySquare and to the east and north by land formally associated with the Capital House officeblock which was demolished in 2011 and Sandhurst Place, a new housing development,built. The southern boundary faces onto Northdown Road.The underground features lie beneath the northern half of the plot which is roughly trapezoidin shape with sides of 82m, 66m, 22m and 24m, enclosing approximately 0.2 Hectares. Thelocation of the original entrance shaft to the Caves is TR 35733 71157. Google Earth Image (2019) of Margate Caves SiteGeologyThe Caves have been dug into Margate Chalk, a division of the Upper Chalk formed around72 - 86 million years ago. The chalk was originally overlain at this point with approximately1.0m of Brickearth. As the chalk in this area approaches the boundary with the Brickearth itbecomes loose jointed with narrow horizontal beds and numerous vertical joints. This jointingcan be observed in the entrance passage to the Caves and also in the unlined chalkpassage at the nearby Shell Grotto, which lies approximately 360m to the south east.Area HistoryThe Kent Historical Environment Record lists numerous small archaeological excavationsand finds within 500m of the site, which have indicated that there was a substantialprehistoric presence in the area.1The most significant recorded archaeology adjoins the Caves site to the east and north andwas the subject of an archaeological evaluation by the Canterbury Archaeological Trust(CAT) in January 2012, directed by Adrian G. Gollop BSc Hons.2The evaluation was made as part of the preparations ahead of the proposed redevelopmentof the site, consisting of the demolition of existing buildings, including the Capitol Houseoffice block, and the erection of fourteen houses and two apartment blocks to formSandhurst Place.The excavations found the remains of extensive Iron and Bronze Age occupation, includinga large ditch running north east to south west, which continued under the Caves eastern siteboundary. The evidence points to a hill fort or defended settlement on the top of the hillPrior to the erection ofthe new visitor centre,TMCCET commissionedan archaeologicalevaluation of the sitethat was undertaken bythe Swale and ThamesArchaeological SurveyCompany (SWATArchaeology) in April2018 and directed byDan Worsley.3It was conducted as acommunity-basedproject with members ofthe public encouragedto participate under theguidance of professional archaeologists. Community ExcavationThis was very successful, with a large number of volunteers helping to uncover the pastlandscape.The two-week excavation found the continuationof the above Iron Age ditch and evidence ofoccupation in the Bronze and Iron Age, withfinds including a crouch burial of a 34-year-oldIron Age male which was excavated on the lastday of the dig by an enthusiastic youngvolunteer.The archaeology examined by SWATArchaeology is likely to be an extension of theenclosed settlement associated with thepossible promontory Hill Fort some 250m away.Some of the finds are now on display in theMargate Caves visitor centre. Iron Age Crouch BurialThere was little substantial modern development in the area until the 18th century. The areawas then known as Hooper’s Hill, named after Captain Stephen Hooper, a retired seafarer,(c1734-1812) who had erected a horizontal corn mill on the hill just to the east of the Cavessite approximately 25/30m from the position of the original shaft.Hooper had patented the design of the mill in 1770 and ten years later erected the unusualdesign at Margate in 1780.4Hooper also had built a substantial dwelling house to the south west of the mill buildingsaround the same time as the mill was being constructed in the 1780s, which he namedHooper House. It is highly likely that he also built the red brick mansion abutting it on thewest side, which became known as Bryan house, later to be renamed NorthumberlandHouse. The house was situated on Hooper’s Hill, subsequently renamed NorthumberlandRoad, and now Northdown Road,Description North – South Gallery East – West GalleryThe Caves consist of a number of lofty hand-cut chalk galleries leading from a rectangularshaft, with other tunnels cut at right angles to them to form pillars of unworked chalk tosupport the ground above, a form of mining known as 'pillar and stall' or 'room and pillar'.At the end of the northern chamber a short passage leads to a well shaft more than 13mdeep, which also continues 8m upwards to the surface where it is capped. This passage alsogives access to the modern emergency exit stairs. The northern chamber also contains thebricked-up remains of an old entrance stairway. A low passage leads to a small circularchamber, which has another small passage that links with the north east gallery. The northeast gallery contains a small passage dug after mining had ceased, heading under thecircular chamber.Both of the western galleries have small blocked shafts in the roof that once opened to thesurface. The southernmost of the two western galleries has a modern iron utility pipe (asewer) crossing the roof.One of the western galleries has suffered minor roof falls over many years to the extent thatthe soffit has migrated up to within a few centimetres of the top of the chalk stratum.The two western galleries are linked by a short tunnel excavated post extraction.Off of one of the western galleries a small round chamber has been excavated in the floor ofwhich is the entrance to a former ovoid-shaped ice well.The other western gallery contains the entrance to a second ice well and has a series ofshallow recesses cut into the walls, which may have been associated with the use of theCaves as a wine cellar. The two ice wells are linked together by a small tunnel at a lowerlevel and joined to the main caves by a similar short passage.At the end of the two eastern galleries are deep alcoves dug post extraction and almostcertainly associated with the tourist industry. Old guide books describe one of the easterngalleries as having a fossil ammonite in the wall. There is, sadly, no trace of it now. It issuspected that it was removed by an unscrupulous visitor sometime in the past. Wall ArtOver the course of some two centuries the walls have been boldly decorated with paintingsdepicting various animals, soldiers, old kings, an icon, a giant and a hunting scene. Visitor CentreThe present entrance to the Caves is via a long, sloping, relatively modern passage from thevisitor centre. Plan of CavesMethod of WorkingA spot was chosen near to where the chalk was required. Initially a rectangular shaft, 1.7mby 1.0m, was sunk through the overlying Brickearth and topsoil into the chalk.After leaving approximately 2m for roofcover, three galleries were started, headingroughly north, east and west. A fourth to thesouth was started slightly lower down.The use of a rectangular shaft is somewhatunusual; a circular shaft is by far the mostcommon form, although other rectangularshafts have been recorded at Way nearManston5and at Brambling.6The chalk was hauled to the surface in stoutbaskets using either a simple windlass or apulley suspended from a stout wooden tripodor frame, and the rope attached to a horsewhich would walk away from the shaft topand thus pull up the heavy load. Original Haulage ShaftThe mining team would have consisted of two or three men on the surface to unload thebaskets and transport the chalk to the kilns and two men working underground: one to cutout the chalk from the working face and the other to barrow it to the shaft bottom.Smaller agricultural chalk mines known as chalkwells that were being dug in Kent around thesame time as Margate Caves had a smaller team of two on the surface and only one manworking underground. The cost to the farmer at that time was up to £10 for a mine that wouldyield around 350 tons of chalk, enough to give a heavy top dress of 60 tons per acre toabout six acres of farmland to neutralise acidic soil.7The principal headings at Margate Caves are in the order of 8.0m to 9.0m high and 2.5m to3.0m wide at floor level. The galleries were dug in stages, the miner first cutting a passage tothe height he could easily swing his pick (approx. 1.9 - 2.0m). Great care was taken inshaping the profile of the roof to give a strong load bearing cross section. This task wasalways undertaken by the most experienced of the underground team.To increase the output of the mine without extending its surface footprint, the shaft bottomwas lowered around 1.3 -1.4m and the floors of the galleries were progressively excavateddown to that level outwards from the shaft. This process was known as 'bottoming' and theamount removed known as a 'lift'. The bottoming was repeated several times at Margateuntil the galleries were about 6.8m deep.The northern and western galleries remain at this depth. This level can be discerned as afaint horizontal line in the walls of the other deeper galleries.Approximately 1150 tonnes of chalk were removed at this time.In a second phase of working the floor levels in the other galleries were taken down another2.6m, removing a further 760 tonnes and leaving gallery heights of 9.4m.A small remnant of the penultimate floor level can be seen as a platform 0.8m high at theend of one of the eastern galleries. Many chalk mines have these benches which have, inthe past, led to exotic tales of Druid's altars etc. At the ends of both eastern galleries aredeep recesses excavated post mining and thought to be associated with the tourist industry.The reason the miners did not take down the level of the northern and western galleries isnot clear. The commonest reason for a miner not to continue excavation in a particular set oftunnels was safety. If he considered that there was a possibility of roof falls or collapse, thearea was left, and no further work carried out in the immediate vicinity.Towards the west of the shaft the thickness of the chalk roof diminishes making the rooflevel vulnerable to failure.Crossing the northern gallery is a geological fault which may also have influenced thedecision to stop working in this area.Another possibility is that the shaft was reopened and the mine reworked at a later date and,noting the possible stability issues, the new miners only removed chalk from what theyassessed as the sounder areas.Tool marks are abundant throughout the caves and show that the excavation was dug usinga short-headed iron pick typical of underground mining work.The long gallery lengths indicate that some form of underground transport must have beenused to convey the chalk from the working faces to the base of the shaft. In chalk mines ofthis size a simple wheelbarrow was usually employed. As barrows were not generally usedin vertically accessed mines in Kent until sometime after the 14th century, the old guidebook8claim that the Caves were extant in Saxon times may be regarded as doubtful. In theroof at the base of the shaft are a number of shallow grooves cut by the rope as the heavyloads of chalk swung from side to side during haulage to the surface.The north east gallery has experienced sporadic roof falls and has also been used as adumping area by various lessees to deposit cleared chalk rubble from minor falls. It may alsohave been used to dump excavated chalk during some of the post-mining alterations.The relatively modern entrance passage was dug down from the Northumberland Housecellars but nearly missed the Caves. A short link tunnel had to be dug at right angles from anexisting alcove in the southern gallery to intercept the new tunnel. Before the top end of thepassage was stabilised as part of the remedial works, a rubble filled passage could be madeout heading west. It is possible that this was where the spoil from excavating the longsloping passage was taken to the surface, as it was unlikely that several tons of chalk wouldhave been taken up through the cellar.The layout of the Caves and the mining techniques employed would suggest they were dugin the mid to late 18th century, which would have made it a convenient source of chalk to beburnt for lime for the mortar used in the construction of the nearby Horizontal Mill, Hooper’sHouse and Bryan / Northumberland House.When chalk extraction ceased the mine was abandoned and the shaft was capped with abrick arch, set a little way down from the surface, and back filled to ground level.Post-Extraction HistoryThe history of the site as given in old guide books9states that in the latter half of the 18thcentury, a gentleman named Francis Forster built a large red-brick house on the site, whichhe called Northumberland House. In 1798 his gardener, whilst digging behind the building,discovered the Caves by having the ground give way beneath him. Another version refers toa rabbit hole under a pear tree which was found to enter the caves. The mention of a peartree is interesting, as in northern France it was common to plant a pear tree over a blockedmine shaft to mark its position.10One of the more recent guide books after April 1995, (drawing on a 1917 newspaperarticle14) gives the following description of the rediscovery of the caves:"Somewhere near the close of the 18th Century, a man of eccentric habits, namedFrancis Forster, built a large house which he named after the county of his birth —Northumberland House. In or about the year 1798 his gardener, digging behind thehouse, made the discovery of the Caves. A private entrance was cut. It was duringthis time that the cave murals were created. According to local folk-lore the pictureswere painted by a local artist named Brazier, who unfortunately destroyed manyinteresting and valuable tool marks on the great chalk walls in order to obtain asmooth surface on which to execute his handiwork."Research by archivist Chris Pearson has shown that the given discovery date of 1798 isextremely dubious.The red brick mansion was probably built sometime in the 1780s by Captain Hooper, and by1791,11 was in the occupation of Mrs Margaret Bryan, who ran a girls’ boarding school on thepremises, which was named Bryan House at that time. In 1798 she moved the school toBlackheath12 and records of the Sun Fire Office13 show the property was sold to ThomasBrett, who in turn sold it by auction to Francis Forster (1771-1835) in 1807. Up to that timethere were no references to any caves or underground features on the property.In 1917 a local historian named Charles James Fèret (1854-1921) visited the Caves andwrote several articles in the Isle of Thanet Gazette:14“Passing through a small archedpassage, we reach the entrance tothe small dungeon. On a wall hardby, cut somewhat deeply into thechalk, are the letters C.F.F. andthe date 1808, probably the initialsof a member of the Forster family.Mr Forster's name was FrancisForster. The letters and the dateare twice repeated, and in smallerand less distinct form, are thecharacters F R S T R”. Historic GraffitiThe initials were probably those of one of Forster's sons, Charles Francis Forster, whowould have been around 13 years old in 1808. The letters F R S T R could be simply Forsterwith the vowels removed. The date coincides with when Forster acquired the property andstrongly suggests the rediscovery of the Caves occurred soon after he took up residence. Itwas at this time that the house was renamed Northumberland House, after the county whereForster's family were based. Therefore if the Caves had been discovered in Forster's time itcould not have been before 1807.After the Caves were re-entered following their discovery, Forster had a proper entranceconstructed consisting of two sets of stairs from the surface, which entered the northerngallery, making a more convenient method of descent.Once the new entrance was in use, Forster began to commission some alterations to theunderground structure for his own use and amusement, including the addition of a number ofmurals on the chalk walls.A set of steps was cut from the northern gallery to the lower floor level and a similar set wascut from the western gallery to give easier access to the lower level.A short passage was excavated from the northern gallery to break into a 1.0m diameter wellshaft that descends 8.0m from the site of the stables above. The shaft descends a further13.7m from the passage floor where it reaches the local water table. The full depth of theshaft cannot currently be determined because of the amount of detritus and fill at the bottom.A little way up the well shaft is an opening on the north side which has caused severalrumours of the existence of a smuggler's tunnel at this point. However, when investigated bymembers of the Kent Underground Research Group (KURG) in 1993,15 the opening wasfound to lead into the bottom of an old cess-pit. At some time in the distant past, probably toavoid the cost of emptying, the wall of the cess-pit had been knocked through so that anyeffluent would drain into the (hopefully disused) well shaft. There is mention of the well in adescription of Northumberland House garden in 1854 in The South Eastern Gazette for the15th August p. 8:“Under a portion of the garden is a curious cavern, part of which is fitted up as a winecellar; it also contains an ice-well, and well of excellent spring water, &c. &c.”A small chamber was constructed to the right of the main western gallery and an ovoidshaped pit, to be used as an ice well, was dug in the floor.At some point, another ice well was excavated in the adjoining western gallery and a numberof recesses were cut into the walls of this gallery at the same time.A sketch plan of “The Vortigern Caves”,dating to about the time the property wasadvertised for sale in 1865 and 1866,shows only the northern ice well, which isclearly labelled as such. As the secondone is not depicted on the plan, thesouthernmost ice well was most probablyconstructed at a later date. Both of the icewells have small drainage sumps sunk intheir sloping bases to drain off melt water.Unlike a county estate, where ice collectedfrom lakes or compacted snow would havebeen used to fill the wells, Forster wouldhave had to purchase imported icesourced from America or Norway. Theimporting of ice to Britain was a bigbusiness; in 1888 the U.K. imported340,000 tons of ice from Norway alone.16Forster was said to have used the Cavesnot only as his private grotto but also tostore wine. At some time post mining asmall round chamber, similar to that abovethe northern ice well was dug to Early Sketch Planthe east of the main northern gallery. A small passage links this chamber to the north eastgallery where a short, seemingly unfinished, passage heads under the circular chamber. Thepurpose of these excavations is unclear although it is possible that a third ice well wasplanned but never constructed in this position.Both of the western galleries have small blocked holes or shafts in the roofs that onceopened to the surface. Their original use is unclear but may have been utilised when fillingthe ice wells with ice. It is also possible that one of them was the result of the minersbreaking into the bottom of a Bronze or Iron Age pit.Forster had the chalk walls of the Caves decorated with many paintings using distemperpaint. The images are thought to be similar to those that can be seen today, although, overtime some have faded away and have been lost.After Forster's death in 1835 his family and subsequent owners of Northumberland Houselargely ignored and neglected the Caves.In 1863, a flamboyant local shopkeeper, John Norwood, (1815-1889) rented the Caves fromEdmund Firkins. Edmund Firkins (c.1807-1880), was a builder and gentleman, formerfishmonger and licensed victualler, from London. When he actually purchased theNorthumberland House Estate is not certain; it could have been as early as the auction salein August 1854. However, in 1861 he married Margaret Daly, the housekeeper atNorthumberland House, and moved in with her. The mansion and rear garden, effectively,had been divided into two properties, and he occupied the west part, the part under whichthe Caves lay. Firkins had been trying to sell the Northumberland House Estate from 1862.He finally sold it around 1868 and moved out.The extent of Firkins’ involvement with Norwood in the “Vortigern Caves” project is uncertain.Perhaps it can be compared to the nearby Shell Grotto, when, three decades before,schoolmaster James Newlove saw the structure that lay under his garden as an asset to beexploited as a business venture by remodelling it as a visitor attraction, not necessarily torun himself, but to receive rental income, from a tenant. In Newlove’s case, James Stodartran the attraction for several years. Firkins may also have taken some responsibility for theremodelling and decoration of the Caves.Norwood was a well-known local entrepreneur who owned a hardware and grocery store inCecil Square, Margate. He was also a local postman and a bill-poster. He would have beenan excellent candidate to front and promote the “Vortigern Caves” venture.A small cottage, ticket office and shop were erected next to the Caves entrance and the sitewas open to the general public for the first time under the name “Vortigern Caves”.17Fèret, in the two articles published in the Isle of Thanet Gazette,18 mentions that work hadbeen carried out on the Caves in the years just prior to their opening, by his friend JohnGeorge Bushell (1842-1922)He quotes Bushell as saying:"When a boy, my friend and his uncle were employed by Mr. Forster to makeextensive alterations and excavations. He tells me that they excavated a greatquantity of chalk, which was carted away to the lime kilns.” (1917).Possibly resulting from the fact that he was illegitimate, there is a little confusion, as in the1919 version he states that his friend worked with his father not his uncle:“When a boy, assisted his father in connection with work at the Vortigern Caves”As Fèret's friend was born in 1842 it is unlikely that they were employed by Forster himselfas Forster died in 1835, although two of his daughters lived in Northumberland House until1855/6. Exactly when this work in the Caves was done cannot be accurately determined atthis time.If these excavations were done a little before 1863 they would coincide with the building of arow of seven houses, (nos. 5-11 East Crescent) and also no.17, which all formed part of theNorthumberland House Estate. It is possible that the 'chalk carted to the lime kilns' was usedin the construction of these properties. There is also a possibility that it was at this time thatthe second phase of excavation took place.Lighting for Norwood's visitors was initially provided by candles in sconces on the walls. By1866 the lighting was provided by gas jets and it was probably at this time that a smallventilation shaft was constructed through the main shaft capping. It is still possible to seesmall patches of soot on the walls from this naked flame illumination.The alcoves at the ends of the eastern galleries, at least one of which is said to have held areligious icon, were probably from this period.The illustrations on the walls from Forster's time were, by now, much degraded and veryfaint and most have been lost, overpainted, or repainted and enhanced, whilst completelynew ones were also added.It was Fèret’s friend, Bushell, through the filter of Fèret, who had claimed that a local artist,named Brazier (or Brasier), was responsible for at least some of the paintings, suggestingthat they had been done at the behest of Forster. As this is the only source for the name,Brazier, and, given that Bushell was not even born when Forster died, but had done work inthe Caves around Norwood’s time. The possibility cannot, therefore, be ruled out that“Brazier” may have been responsible for work done on the murals, for Norwood, or theCave’s then owner, Edmund Firkins, rather than Forster, and that he was not responsible forthe original “Forster” paintings.“When a boy, my friend and his uncle were employed by Mr. Forster to makeextensive alterations and excavations. He tells me that they excavated a greatquantity of chalk, which was carted away to the lime kilns. In those days they werecalled Forster’s Caves. The proprietor employed a clever workman, named Brazier,to paint some of them. Thus, one panel would represent a postchaise, the next a denwith a tiger, and a third a landscape. In all, Brazier embellished the caves with somethirteen or fourteen scenes. The last one depicted a prisoner in the care of sentrieswith fixed bayonets, chains enveloping the limbs of the unhappy man. In working in aroom just above, the boy and his uncle had a slight accident – they broke through thefloor into the recess occupied by the painter’s prisoner!”A description of the Caves a short time after they were opened can be found in an 1866 localguide book of the area19 which states:“There is an exhibition in Margate which goes by the name of the Vortigern Caves,and is a good deal patronised by courting couples and nurses with young children,simply, we suppose, because it offers to the juvenile mind the attraction of a faintkind of horror. We find it mentioned in print that "the antiquity and use of these cavesbeing recorded in history, any attempt to describe them would fail to convey to themind the ingenuity and labour bestowed on their construction. These caves are themost extraordinary that have yet been discovered; and there can be no doubt,sheltered the Saxons from the ruthless cruelty of the Danes” We need hardly tell thereader that there is no foundation whatever for these statements, and that no oneknows when and by whom the excavations were made.“They were discovered by a mere accident by an old gentleman who owned the landabove, and he being of a whimsical turn of mind had them decorated in the absurdfashion in which we find them at present. We should mention that the entrance intothe so-called Vortigern Caves is by a narrow turning beside the schools belonging toTrinity Church. You enter a little shop where ginger beer and barley sugar, andLondon Journals and Family Heralds are retailed, and are ushered down a flight ofsteps when, by the dim light of a few jets of gas, you discern a series of excavations,and gradually recognise some wretched paintings in distemper on the flat surfaces ofthe chalk.”It is also highly probable that many of the myths and stories about the Caves can be sourcedback to Norwood's time. Despite being a popular site for visitors, after only five years, theenterprise foundered and the site was put up for rent as the following advertisementappeared in a local newspaper;“TO BE LET - The celebrated V0RTIGERN CAVES, MARGATE, together withCOTTAGE, containing Three Rooms.—For Particulars apply to Mr. Firkins,Northumberland House, Margate.” 20No tenants were found to take over the business and the site remained closed, althoughsome access was still possible, as a letter in Keble’s Gazette in 1902 stated:“…there is a large cave or series of caves running under the garden of the HolyTrinity Vicarage. The caves are entered from a cottage at the rear of the TrinitySchools and although now closed to visitors, permission can be obtained from theowners of the adjacent stables to explore them.”Several years later the western half of Northumberland House was taken over as thevicarage for Holy Trinity Church, which had been constructed to the north west of the siteand was consecrated on 11th June 1829.The Reverend Michael Pryor (1857-1929) was inducted to Holy Trinity on 16th October 1902and became a hardworking, dedicated vicar known for his driving forward restoration workand alterations to the church. In 1906 he was awarded a Doctor of Divinity degree and theparish presented him with a cheque for £50 to defray the cost of his robes. In 1915 he wasappointed to an honorary canonry at Canterbury. He died on the 11th June 1929.21Dr Prior developed a great interest in the Caves and in 1907 re-opened the old entrancestairways and started clearing out the accumulated debris from the Caves with a view torestoring them to public view.In 1908 he found the tops of the ice well or wells during clearance in the western galleries.Most accounts state that it was he who had the lower level passage dug to access thebottom of the pits and link them together. He may possibly have even gone further, and havebeen responsible for the second pit, constructed to enhance the visitor experience.He set about cleaning up and revitalising the Caves as a tourist attraction, instituting manyimprovements, such as upgrading the stairways and possibly cutting the new entrance fromthe vicarage cellar.During this time two sets of photographic postcards were produced, one set dating to nolater than 1908, when some bear that post date.Some of the photographs seem to include workmen. Thesecond set, originally photographed by Edwin MajorDungey (1871-1963), are probably a little later, betweenabout 1912-1914. Together they are a useful source fortracing the development of the Caves – for instance oneof the 1908 postcards the ‘Thanet Hunt’ mural has beencut through by a large recess in the position of themodern entrance passage. As the arch was supposedlymade as part of Pryor’s new entrance from the vicaragecellars, usually dated to 1914, it suggests that the newentrance may possibly have been earlier.One of the noticeable features of the photographs is thatthe paintings, executed up to 100 years before, are barelyvisible. Ghost images of some of these older paintingscan still be discerned today.The passage to the well was cleared by 1910 and theenterprising vicar opened the Caves to the publicwhereupon they quickly became a popular Margateattraction once again. 1908 PhotographIn a letter dated 6th September 1912, addressed to The Vicar of Holy Trinity Church, theReverend Michael Pryor, Miss Grace Brookes (1859-1929), Francis Forster’s great granddaughter gives an account of the circumstances surrounding the discovery of the Caves.22She writes:-6th September. 1912.To the Rev. M Pryor."Sir,—On visiting the Vortigern Caves this evening I learnt from the Verger that thefrescoes adorning the walls were supposed to have been executed by smugglers. Ishould like to correct this error. My great grandfather, the late Francis Forster, ofNorthumberland House, Margate, was, I believe, the discoverer of these caves, hisgardener, while digging, chancing to come upon a hole which, on investigation,proved to lead down into the Caves; he opened them out to a certain extent, and hadthe walls adorned with pictures. He used to take his friends down and used to lightthem up, but the Caves were not open to the public till after his death, when theproperty passed out of the family.Francis Forster died in the year 1835, aged 63 and had been living inNorthumberland House for some years prior to his death. He named the house afterhis county, he being a member of the Forster family of Etherston and Bamborough,Northumberland. He was the last of his family to own the Northumberland Estates,the entail of which was cut off, and the estate sold to pay his debts. My late motherwas a Miss Forster.I am, faithfully yours, Grace Brooks"The old guide books and othersources23 state that in 1914 a slopingpassage was cut from the cellars ofthe Vicarage so that the incumbentscould quickly gain the safety of theCaves during the air raids of WorldWar 1. It is probable that the generalpublic were allowed access throughthe ‘tourist’ entrance in the Vicaragegarden.This date for the digging of the tunnelis a little questionable asNorthumberland House had strongcellars, which would have been seen,at the time, to be adequate as ashelter. This was confirmed when, inWorld War 2, the then vicar elected toshelter in the cellars when thevicarage was damaged by enemy bombing in 1941. Entrance PassageThe mid-Victorian plan of “The Vortigern Caves” does not show this entrance and, althoughone of Dungey’s 1908 photographs shows an alcove in the position of the lower end of thetunnel, it is by no means certain that the alcove connected to the tunnel at that time.The digging of air-raid shelters (or dug-outs as they were called locally at the time) did notcommence in earnest in Thanet much before 1917, when concentrated raids by Germanheavier than air Gotha bombers became more frequent.In 1917 the local authorities in Thanet held joint discussions that resulted in civilians beingasked to volunteer to help in the digging of shelters.24 On a list of proposed shelter sites theCaves are noted as Vortigern Cave. Nearby, a new shelter was excavated in the south eastcorner of Trinity Square. In the 1930s when the likelihood of another war was growing, aplan of locations of the First World War public dug outs was produced by Bayly, a localsurveyor.25 This shows the position of the Trinity Square shelter but the Caves are not shownas a shelter site.After the First World War the Caves were re-opened for tourism. However, by 1938 theywere closed again as the area was scheduled for improvement under a scheme called ‘TheZion Place Redevelopment Plan’.At the outbreak of the Second World War the Caves were used as an air-raid shelter for thevicarage. On Sunday 21st September 1941, Northumberland House was severely damagedby enemy action, as was Holy Trinity Church, on Tuesday 1st June 1943.26During site clearance the entrance stairs were filled with rubble and covered with concreteslabs.The severely damaged shell of the Vicarage / Northumberland House and the remains of thechurch were finally demolished early in 1958. The entrance passage to the Caves from thevicarage was blocked by demolition debris filling the cellar.In the spring of 1958, James Geary Gardner (1903-1987), the proprietor of ChislehurstCaves and other underground tourist caves in Kent, became interested in the site andsought to relocate the entrance into the Caves. Permission was sought and granted from theBenefice of Holy Trinity Church, who still owned the land.A concrete slab at the top of the old vicarage garden was lifted to reveal Forster's originalentrance steps.Having gained access, Gardner enlisted the help of students, many from the Margate Schoolof Art, to clear the rubble from the Northumberland House cellar entrance.A set of modern covered steps was constructed from the surface to reach the newly-clearedchalk passage and two wooden huts, for use as a ticket office and gift shop, were erected.Electric lighting was installed in the Caves, the paintings retouched yet again, and the Cavesonce more opened to the paying public on Saturday 24th May 1958 with an admission priceof l/6d (7.5p).27At around this time the image of the ‘Thanet Giant’ which glowed in ultraviolet light, wasadded by James Gardner. 28For the first time, a small guide book,29 was produced, written by George E. Clarke, F.L.A.,Borough Librarian and Curator, and Chairman, Isle of Thanet Archaeological and HistoricalSociety. It was based on Chapter 12, “Vortigern Caves” from his 1957 publication “HistoricMargate - Reprints of a series of articles published in the Isle of Thanet Gazette - Illustratedwith contemporary prints”. The “Isle of Thanet Gazette articles” were those of Charles Fèret,written 1917-1919. Also a set of four photographic postcards of the Caves’ interior wasproduced at this time, by the Central Press Margate. The VistaScreen Co Ltd also produceda booklet, (Series H120), containing a set of ten 3D stereo view cards, which gave a 3Deffect when viewed through a special viewer. Based on contemporary photographs, bothshow how the Caves looked in the late 1950s and early 1960s. The photographs used forthe set of postcards were also reproduced in Clarke’s booklet.In August 1962 Gardner had to relinquish the lease with the Church authorities, when thesite of the old vicarage, together with Caves underneath the garden, was compulsorypurchased by Margate Council in view of the proposed development of nearby Zion Place.Gardner was then granted a renewable fourteen-year lease from Margate Council (TDC)from April 1974.In the period 1st April 1980 to 31st March 1981, takings for the Caves totalled £5929, with atotal net loss of £99.In the next year takings totalled £5697 with a loss of £4. Ticket prices at this time were:Adults 30p, Children 15p. The Caves were open daily during the summer, 10am-6pm.30In around 1984, artist Karol Edward Osten-Sacken spent a few weeks working on restoringthe Caves murals. It is thought that he restored all, or nearly all, of the paintings, and that headded some works of his own. The painting of the head in the horned helmet is possibly aself-portrait. He almost certainly worked in emulsion paint.31Gardner wanted to purchase the freehold of the site from the council but in 1987 a localnewspaper32 reported that Thanet District Council would not sell to Kent Mushrooms Limited,the Gardner family company running the Caves, and so his plans were thwarted.In September 1987 James Geary Gardner died and the managing of the Caves wascontinued by his son, also named James Gardner. In 1988 a new wooden ticket office andgift shop were opened. In that year the Caves had attracted some 20,000 visitors betweenApril and October with an adult fee of 60p. It was estimated that 10% of visitors were fromoverseas.33Kent Mushrooms Ltd relinquished the lease with TDC when it expired on 24th March 1991,thus reverting control to TDC. After this time the site was only leased out on shorter-termlets.In January 1992 Wolfgang and Eileen Heigl took on the lease for the Caves and nine monthslater were complaining of the lack of help from Thanet District Council as a newspaper articlein September of that year records:34“Last year (1991) Mr Heigl decided that there might be benefits to be had fromgetting a greater presence in Margate's tourist industry. The lease on the councilowned Margate Caves came on the market, and Mr Heigl took it. Those who arefamiliar with caves are unlikely to be much impressed by Margate's version, withcave paintings which, far from being prehistoric, are said to date from the beginningof the 19th century. However, the Caves have now been embellished by the stories oftorture and smuggling which so delight young visitors and are a reasonable additionto a holiday itinerary for a wet afternoon.… But he does suggest that the local council might do a little more to help him in hisendeavours to entertain Margate visitors. He wanted to install a proper lavatory at theCaves and was told that he would need the landlord's permission."The landlord is the council and it said that it would charge £75 to give permission,"he says. So there is no new loo, or other improvements he would like to make at theCaves. "If I owned them, then it would be different," he says, a fact of which he hasalready apprised several councillors… He keeps the entrance fee down to 80p, lowby comparison with most tourist attractions. "Because I want as many people aspossible to see it."A year later in 1993 members of the Kent UndergroundResearch Group (KURG)35 volunteered to clear the well shaftof accumulated rubbish and debris.The top of the debris was 4.5m below the passage floor andconsisted of fine dry soil and much litter thrown down byinconsiderate visitors.After several visits 6m of fill was slowly removed, the majoritybeing thought to be debris from when the Church andNorthumberland House were demolished in 1958. Well ShaftAt that time it is possible that the top of the well shaft was open or had a simple cover on thesurface and it became a convenient void to get rid of rubble.Several hundred coins dating back to the mid-1880s were recovered as well as old oil lamps,green glass fragments and numerous Victorian and later bottles and pottery.At a depth of 13.7m the digging was abandoned after encountering the water table.The opportunity was taken to examine the supposed entrance to a smuggler's tunnel locatedin the side of the well shaft between the cave entrance and the surface. This opening wasfound to lead into the bottom of an old cess-pit associated with the former livery stablesabove.The KURG team then turned their attention to the melt water sumps in the two ice wells.These were cleared of rubbish and found to be 1.5m and 0.6m in depth. No notable artefactswere recovered.Sadly lack of investment from subsequent lessees over the following decades led to poormaintenance of the visitor infrastructure causing a number of safety concerns.ClosureIn 2004, following a complaint from a member of the public to the landowners, ThanetDistrict Council, the Caves were visited by an officer of the Health and Safety Executive whoissued a Prohibition Notice36 dated 6th September 2004 to the landowners and Mr Safaa F.Al-Khudairi, the lessee. The Caves were then closed and entry forbidden until remedial workwas carried out.Following the closure, Thanet District Council commissioned a structural survey of the Cavesfrom a specialist company, Atkins, who produced a detailed report on the condition of theCaves in 2005.37 The report also gave Atkins’ recommendation of the work required to bedone to make the site safe and thus have the Prohibition Notice lifted before any re-openingof the site to the public.Six years later in 2010 a planning application for a residential development, consisting ofseven two and three-story buildings, with ancillary parking and the creation of vehicularaccess on the southern part of the site, was submitted by TDC.38 In order to build over theCaves entrance passage it was intended to fill the tunnel with concrete, thus renderingaccess to the Caves impossible. The application was not proceeded with following stronglocal objections to the potential permanent loss of the Caves.In March 2011 the Friends of Margate Caves (FOMC) submitted a concept proposal to TDCfor the future of Margate Caves.In early 2011, following a number of break-ins, workmen from TDC demolished and removedthe two old wooden ticket office and gift shop huts and covered the entrance with a concreteslab. Access was retained via a welded shut manhole cover. At the same time othermeasures to make the surface area safe were undertaken including placing a large concreteraft over the area where the Caves roof was considered to be most vulnerable to collapse.RebirthIn October 2011 the FOMC commissioned Graham Daws Associates Ltd (GDA) to carry outan inspection of Margate Caves and make recommendations for remedial works whichwould be required in order to re-open the Caves.39 GDA is a firm of Rock MechanicsConsultants that specialises in assessing the stability of underground excavations, includingmines and tunnel projects, and have extensive experience working on tunnels excavated inchalk.Late in 2013 some committee members from the Friends of Margate Caves formed TheMargate Caves Community Education Trust (TMCCET), a registered charity. The moverecognised the great deal of work required to ensure that the Caves site was developed withthe best interests of its community at heart.TMCCT continued the Friends’ work to secure a long lease on the site from Thanet DistrictCouncil, develop plans for the site and raise the funds needed to re-open the Caves.Specialist contractors, High PeakGeotechnical Ltd., were engaged to carry outthe recommended underground work whichincluded stabilisation of some areas and theexcavation of a new emergency exit from thenorthern chamber.At the same time, architects Kaner Olette,were appointed by the Trust to submit aplanning application40 and design a newmodern single-story visitor centreincorporating a ticket office, café, communityrooms and an interpretation room that would Remedial Workgive the full history of the Caves and their context in the local landscape.When all the underground work was completed to the satisfaction of the Health and SafetyExecutive the Prohibition Order was lifted. The visitor centre was finished in August 2019and the Caves finally reopened to the public on Thursday 22nd August 2019. More than5000 people visited the Caves in the first two weeks.On 11th June 2020, Margate Caves was declared the winner of the South-East Region RICS(Royal Institution of Chartered Surveyors) Social Impact Award for Heritage.The Wall PaintingsBefore the Caves were opened to the public by Norwood in 1863 the original paintings,allegedly completed by Brazier in Forster’s time, had deteriorated and faded. They arebarely made out in Dungey’s photographs. By the time customers were paying their 3dadmission to enter, many of the frescoes had been repainted including an elephant, acrocodile, a lion, a tiger and some Chinese prisoners in chains. Only faint traces of theprisoners and the tiger have survived to the present day.Over the years the paintings have been repainted and retouched many times, so much so,that some of the animals have become a little stylised. Some of the early works can be seenas faint, almost invisible, ‘ghost paintings’.Rob Smith, a conservation specialist, worked on the paintings to clean and preserve themprior to the Caves opening to the public.Some of the paintings found on the walls include: a hunting scene (The Thanet Hunt); acrocodile; a fox; Vortigern; ‘God Bless the King’ and two figures; the Thanet Giant; a bear; adonkey; the Virgin Mary; an elephant; a rearing horse; three deer; a boar; a hippopotamus; alion; remnants of an older representation of possibly the Virgin Mary or some other religiousicon; a running horse; and soldiers on sentry duty. Location of PaintingsExamples of the Wall Art Donkey and Virgin Mary Fox Lion King George Crocodile and King Vortigern The Thanet Giant Monkeys Elephant Stylised Hippopotamus Soldiers The ‘Thanet Hunt’Other Local Underground sitesIn September 1959, a chalk cavity was discovered under the site of some 17th-centurycottages at Flint Row, Margate on the south side of Northdown Road, opposite the Cavessite. The cottages had been demolished the previous year to prepare the ground for theerection of a three story ‘L’ shaped block of apartments to be known as Flint House.Reports of the discovery stated that an 18inch manhole had been lifted to reveal a domedchamber 26ft (7.9m) deep and 36ft (10.9m) across with several tunnels leading off. All of thetunnels were said to be blocked after a short distance. The cavities were filled in and madesafe prior to the building works.41The layout of the caves suggested that they may have been excavated or adapted in theFirst World War as an air-raid shelter.Another World War 1 shelter or 'dug-out' was excavated in the south east corner of TrinitySquare. A photograph appeared in a 1929 publication that shows a descending flight ofsteps into a hand-cut chalk tunnel.42 There has been some speculation that this shelter mayhave connected with Northumberland House cellars at the junction where the Caves entrytunnel commenced. What appeared to be a rubble-filled passage was once visible before themodern improvements were made, although it was more likely to be a spoil extraction tunnelfrom when the long entrance passage was dug.There is some evidence for chalk-cut tunnels to the north east of the Caves site, as an 1832newspaper article43 reported that officers of the Margate custom house had searched aproperty occupied by a man named Cook.“…at the back of Zion Place near the Fort. They discovered, hidden by a secretentrance”, a tunnel which was: “…just large enough to admit a man crawling upon hisknees”.The officers followed the sloping tunnel down towards the sea shore, passing under severalhouses for about “200 yards” until they reached the lower entrance on the north-west side ofClifton Baths. This entrance was boarded over and had rammed earth and chalk covering itto conceal it from view. Inside the tunnel were found several wheeled trucks:“…and implements for the conveying of smuggled goods through the tunnel toCook’s house”.Apparently this was the second such tunnel that had been dug under the same house withintwo years.In 1888 another cavity was found to the west of Northumberland House whilst workmenwere erecting a telephone pole:“On Friday, whilst a hole was being dug for the purpose of sinking an anchor to holdthe stay of the telephone post on the east side of the green adjoining Trinity church,the workmen, after they had got about five feet below the surface, broke into a cavitythat, upon exploration, was found to be one of the old smuggle holes. The cavern isabout sixteen feet deep, circular in form, and has a tunnel running in a northerlydirection, probably towards the sea, or, perhaps, connecting this cave with someothers which abound in the neighbourhood. On the floor of the cave a quantity ofbones, in a good state of preservation, were found, which were at first thought to behuman, but, during the week, they have been examined by several local medicalgentlemen, who all agree that they are the bones of some animal, but of what precisespecies they are unable to form an opinion”. 44The Lido TunnelIn Margate library is an undated, crude sketchof a passage running from the Clifton Baths tothe Vortigern’s Caves. A copy of this plan usedto be displayed on the wall of Gardner's ticketoffice. This and other documents were lostwhen the wooden huts were demolished in2011.Exactly when the story of a tunnel from the Lido,some 330m to the north, to the Caves was firstcirculated is not known for certain. One versionof the legend is that boats laden withcontraband were, at high tide, floated along atunnel from the coast that connected with thebottom of the well shaft. The smuggled goodswould have then been hauled up the shaft andhidden in the chalk caves. The 1993 clearanceof the well found no evidence of any suchpassage above the local water table level.Guidebooks and newspaper articles describingthe Caves written before the 1960s do notmention any such connection with the coast. Lido Tunnel SketchThe later guide books/leaflets suggest that the tunnel entered the Caves to the left of thesteps leading up to the northern gallery but ‘is now bricked up’. The writers suspect that thestories have been encouraged as a means to attract more paying visitors.James Gardner was a knowledgeable underground explorer and had experience of locatingand digging out backfilled passages in the large chalk caves at Chislehurst and elsewhere inthe county. If he had thought that there was a possibility that the tunnel existed he wouldcertainly have attempted to locate it and open the entrance up, as it would have been anextra feature to show to visitors. The legend of a tunnel, however, is almost as good as thereal thing and the story started to appear in guidebooks of the 1970s and later.Technically the excavation of a tunnel from the Caves to the coast is possible, as thesmuggling tunnel found at nearby Zion Place in 1832 proves.The Caves are managed and run by The Margate Caves Community Education Trust. Moreinformation on the Trust and the Caves can be found on their website:www.margatecaves.co.ukEndnotes1 R F LeGear A Desk-top based Archaeological Assessment of the Margate Caves Site,Cliftonville, Kent commissioned by The Margate Caves Community Education Trust, 20142 Canterbury’s Archaeology 2011-2012 36th Annual Report of the Canterbury ArchaeologicalTrust 2013, p38-423 SWAT Archaeology Assessment of the Archaeological Strip, Map and Sample of MargateCaves, Northdown Road, Margate, Kent Swale and Thames Archaeological SurveyCompany, June 20184 Whereas a conventional wind-powered mill was driven by vertical 'sails', the horizontal millconsisted of a tall tower 60 feet high and 16 feet in diameter in which fixed 40 vertical sailblades were mounted on horizontal wheels. The tower had louvered sides which could beadjusted to allow the prevailing wind through the tower to turn the blades. A central iron shaftattached to the horizontal wheels simultaneously powered up to three pairs of overdrivemillstones on the milling floor.5 John Archibald A Denehole at Hammhill near Eastry Archaeologia Cantiana LXVII (1935),p2166 D J R Ogilvie Denehole at Brambling Arch Cant LXXIV 1960, p1907 John EL Caiger Some Early Chalkwells in N.W. Kent Arch Cant LXXIV 1960, p828 The Margate Caves, Northdown Road, Cliftonville, Central Press (Margate) Limited, HighStreet, Margate, 19589 The Vortigern Smugglers’ Caves and Ancient Dene Holes, Margate, Clarke & Knapp,Printers, Margate, c.1912-1914 (copy in Margate Library)10 Pers. Com. Abbé Pierre Nollent at the Joint Symposium of Subterranea Britannica and TheSociété Française D’ Etude des Souterrains Cambridge, 197411 Kentish Gazette 11th Feb 179112 Kentish Weekly Post 4th May 179813 Sun Fire Office London metropolitan archives CLC/B/192/F/001/MS11936/431/767685 from1804-180614 Charles James Fèret, Bygone Thanet, Extracts from the Isle of Thanet Gazette, (1913-1920), Margate Library, pp103-104 (11th August 1917), 152-155 (25th August 1917), 157-158 (1917), and 215 (c.1919)15 Ken Linsey and Paul Rapley The Margate Caves Kent Underground Research GroupResearch Report 11, 1994, p9-1416 S P Beamon and S Roaf The Ice Houses of Britain, Routledge, 1990, p4717 Belfast News-Letter, Tuesday 7th April 1863, p318 See note 1419 All About Margate and Herne Bay Kent and Co London, 186620 Thanet Advertiser - Saturday 20 April 1867, p.2 - 18 May 1867, p221 Hugh Merscy Walton A short History of Holy Trinity Church Margate 1835-1932, publishedby author, 193222 Charles Fèret, Bygone Thanet, Extracts from the Isle of Thanet Gazette, (1913-1920),Margate Library, pp152-155, 25th August 191723 Granville Squiers, Secret Hiding Places and Descriptions of English Secret Hiding Placesused by Priests, Cavaliers, Jacobites and Smugglers. Stanley Paul & Co Ltd London, 1933,pp272-27424 Thanet in Wartime, J T Huddlestone (Chairman of Ramsgate ARP Committee) Published ininstalments in the Thanet Gazette ‘Thanet Troglodytes’ Chapter VIII, 14th June 193825 Plan held in Margate Museum26 The Thanet Advertiser Friday 26 September 1941, p2 (Vicarage)The Thanet Advertiser Friday 23 July 1943, p1 (Holy Trinity Church)27 British Caver: A Netherworld Journal, No.30, 1958, p8628 Richard Joy (1675-1742) was a Gentleman, a strongman known as “The Kentish Samson”and reputed famous smuggler who was over 7 feet tall (2.13m) and weighed 25 stone (159kg.) He died in May 1742 and is buried in St Peter's churchyard, Broadstairs.29 The Margate Caves, Northdown Road, Cliftonville, Central Press (Margate) Limited, HighStreet, Margate.30 Gardner papers held in Caves archive.31 The source of this information is Paul A. Hazelton, a recognised British artist based inMargate, and a colleague of Karol Edward Osten-Sacken in the 1980s. However, he did notwork with him on the Margate Caves murals.32 Thanet Times, 2nd September 1987, p333 Tourist Information Board – Survey of Visits to Tourist Attractions – 1988, Return dated 22February 198934 1 September 1992 - Daily Telegraph - Going for the Hard Shell - Patience Wheatcroft35 Kent Underground Research Group Research Report 11 1993, pp9-1436 Prohibition Notice number PN040906KAW237 Margate Caves Structural Survey and Feasibility Study Atkins, 200538 Planning Application ref. F/TH/10/054639 Report on an Inspection of Margate Caves commissioned by the Friends of Margate CavesGraham Daws Associates, 201140 Planning Application ref. F/TH/15/012141 CSS RECORDS 6 1974 p37, KURG Newsletter 99 p1-2 2009, also R F LeGear,Underground Thanet, Trust for Thanet Archaeology pp22-24, 201242 Mrs. C. S. (Charles Steers) Peel, O.B.E., How We Lived Then - 1914-1918, A Sketch ofSocial and Domestic Life in England During The War, London: John Lane, The Bodley HeadLtd. New York: Dodd, Mead and Company, 1929, Chapter X, War Comes Home To Us —Bombardments, Zeppelin And Aeroplane Raids, pp138-14043 The Times Newspaper 19th January 183244 Whitstable Times and Herne Bay Herald Saturday 8th September 1888, p5

12ContentsForewordBy Paul Cuming, Historic Environment Record Manager, Kent County CouncilIntroductionChapter One: ‘The Gathering Storm’ 6Chapter Two: ‘Cometh the hour, cometh the man’ 13Chapter Three: ‘Defended village and river lines in all directions’ 19Chapter Four: Town’s wartime battle front, then and now 23Chapter Five: Manpower and materials 31Chapter Six: Ironside attacked and sackedChapter Seven: ‘Monty’ takes command of invasion defence 34Chapter Eight: Tonbridge becomes a ‘fortress town’Chapter Nine: ‘Scorched earth’ plan for retreating Army 41Chapter Ten: Tracing town’s forgotten battle lines 55Chapter Eleven: A town at peace 69Chapter Twelve: Why Hitler could not have captured Tonbridge Fortress 73Appendix: Anatomy of a pillbox 78. Tonbridge School. 2. Hildenborough.Index 993ForewordAlthough the origins of the phrase ‘total war’ are disputed, there is no doubt that it was the SecondWorld War that most clearly represents the concept. The vast scale of the forces deployed in thatconflict required the mobilization of whole populations, not only to provide the military personnel,but also the logistical support on which they depended.Added to this was an array of ancillary services - transport, medicine, intelligence, science,civil, agriculture, etc. - without which modern industrial warfare could not function.They were organized and controlled by the state and correspondingly became targets forattack by an enemy that, thanks to air power, could strike more or less anywhere and at any time.For the first time, therefore, it was not only the territories of the combatants that had to bedefended but their populations too.Within the UK there was no more intensely militarised landscape than in Kent. Closest to theenemy, it was both a likely location of a German invasion and a departure point for the later Alliedinvasion of continental Europe, and its towns, villages and population were vulnerable to attackfrom airfields in France, just a short distance across the English Channel.Many thousands of structures were built between 1939 and 1945 to defend Kent againstinvasion and bombing. Radar stations and observation posts provided information about enemyaircraft. Bunkers, pillboxes, gun emplacements and anti-tank defences stood ready to defend againstinvasion. Training camps, drill halls, hospitals and fire stations were constructed or adapted to fulfil awartime role and air-raid shelters, ranging from the communal to the domestic, protected thepopulation.For five years these were fixtures in the Kent landscape and townscapes. When the warended, most were demolished and today only a very small proportion survive. Those that do survive,however, are important as markers of a time when the very existence of the country, its liberties andtraditions were at stake.During the 2000s, Kent County Council attempted to record as many as possible of thesurviving structures from the Second World War, to protect them from destruction, makeinformation about them available via the Kent Historic Environment Record (www.kent.gov.uk/HER )and use them in education and research projects. We did this through an initiative called theDefence of Kent Project.Although the main project has come to an end, a number of researchers have continued tostudy the surviving structures of the Second World War and show how they can be used to connectpeople with their past.Paul Tritton’s work in Tonbridge is an outstanding example of this. Tonbridge was a typicalsmall town in Kent, and its experiences were like those of other communities across the UK. Bylinking careful study of the surviving buildings and structures with social history and local memories,he has been able to tell the story of a dramatic time in the town’s recent past and, hopefully,contribute to the protection of Tonbridge’s wartime heritage for future generations.Paul CumingHistoric Environment Record ManagerKent County Council4IntroductionIn the late spring and summer of 1940, when Britain lived in constant fear of a German invasion, Kent’s serenecoast and countryside and bustling market towns were being transformed into a battlefield-in-readiness,centred on strongholds whose defenders were under orders to hold out indefinitely and ‘kill every Germanwho succeeds in setting foot in this country’.Tonbridge’s main-line railway junction, River Medway crossings, navigable waterway to the ThamesEstuary, and arterial roads to London and north Kent’s military establishments and industrial towns, wereobvious vital objectives for any Panzer units that succeeded in establishing beachheads 40 miles to the southand from there embarking on a blitzkrieg across the county and onwards to the capital.Paul Tritton of the Kent Archaeological Society’s Historic Defences Group tells how Tonbridge’sdefences were developed during Britain’s ‘darkest hour’ and asks ...Could Hitler have captured Tonbridge Fortress?‘I shall not shrink from war with Britain if it isnecessary. Where Napoleon failed, I shall succeed.Today there is no such thing as an island. I shallland on the shores of Britain. I shall destroy hertowns from the mainland. Britain does not yetknow how vulnerable she is today’.Adolf HitlerConversation with Hermann Rauschning, 1934‘We shall defend our island, whatever the costmay be. We shall fight on the beaches, we shallfight on the landing grounds, we shall fight in thefields and in the streets, we shall fight in the hills;we shall never surrender’.Winston ChurchillHouse of Commons, 4 June 19405Railway staff and volunteers who met 620 special trains at Tonbridge Station during the evacuation of Dunkirk in 1940.More than £1,000 was collected at the station to buy fruit, chocolates, cigarettes and postcards from local shops for about5,000 soldiers every day, for four days. In the front row are station master E G Collard and Mrs Collard who organized therelief effort. (Tonbridge Free Press)Soldiers rescued from the Dunkirk beaches receiving their first food for four days at Paddock Wood, near Tonbridge.(Tonbridge Free Press)6Chapter One: ‘The Gathering Storm’On Friday 25 August 1939, when all hope of preventing a war in Europe had been abandoned and the Germanarmy was preparing to invade Poland, the Kent and Sussex Courier reported: ‘Yesterday everyone went quietlyabout their business without dread of any possible alarm. Everywhere one came across optimistic peopledisplaying a calm characteristic of the Britisher’.A week later, on the first day of the invasion, the newspaper again reassured its readers, with a reportheadlined: ‘Tonbridge is largely normal’. The normality was short-lived; before most readers had even scannedthe headlines, ‘Operation Pied Piper’ had started to evacuate thousands of school-age children, pregnant womenand mothers with pre-school children from London – many of them destined for Tonbridge, where noteveryone welcomed them. William Oliver (a bank official and special constable) and his wife Hilda of No. 15Hadlow Road were told to expect to have several evacuees from Westminster School billeted on them.Their daughter Jessica Havard, who was eight at the time, told the BBC’s ‘People’s War’ programme in2005: ‘My mother refused as she already had four permanent lodgers in the house. The officious BilletingOfficer informed her that she could accommodate the boys on the floor in the entrance hall. Dad thought allthe extra work the evacuees would entail would be too much for Mum to cope with; therefore, to overcomethe problem, they decided to move to a smaller house’. They found one remarkably quickly, a house named‘Bethersden’ in Barclay Avenue, two miles from the town centre.On Tuesday 3 September, Britain declared war on Germany but for the next eight months, untilFrance capitulated, a state of ‘phoney war’ existed, despite skirmishes with U-boats and other warships of theKriegsmarine which preceded the full-scale Battle of the Atlantic. Then came Dunkirk. Most of the 338,226members of the British Expeditionary Force and their allies who were evacuated began their journeys homefrom the Channel ports on 620 special trains that halted at Tonbridge Station, where volunteers plied themwith cigarettes, tea, buns and sandwiches, and accepted letters and postcards to forward to their families.Boys from ‘the Free Grammar School of Sir Andrew Judde, Knight’ (commonly known as TonbridgeSchool) helped-out, those who could speak French acting as interpreters for French soldiers.By 4 June, when the last troops left Dunkirk, complacency on the home front had dispelled. Aninvasion of England by the world’s most ruthless Army now seemed both imminent and inevitable. All effortsquickly turned to protecting the civilian population from the air-raids that were certain to precede andaccompany seaborne onslaughts on Kent and Sussex’s heavily barricaded beaches.Measures to deal with alerts and emergencies had been planned and in some cases set in train a fewyears earlier, particularly after the ill-judged 30 September 1938 Munich Agreement, which soon turned out tobe a cowardly act of appeasement. At about this time, Tonbridge started receiving its allocation from the 38million gas-masks distributed nationally. The Luftwaffe had been carrying out reconnaissance flights overEngland since before the war and in November 1937, at Observer Corps Monitoring Post 19/R2, on Quarry Hill(National Grid Reference TQ587448), on the southern outskirts of the town, volunteer ‘spotters’ began topractise their aircraft recognition and plotting skills.After the Luftwaffe ceased bombing the Dunkirk beaches it was certain to turn its attention to targetsin southern England. No doubt with this in mind, the Observer Post’s officer-in-charge, Colonel A Fitzgerald,sought a better vantage point for its post, and asked the Clerk of Tonbridge Urban District Council forpermission to relocate to the top of Tonbridge Castle’s 13th century gatehouse (NGR TQ589466), adjacent tothe Norman motte-and-bailey fortress built by William the Conqueror’s kinsman Richard Fitzgilbert to controlthe Medway crossing.The Council considered this at its monthlymeeting on 4 June 1940 (perhaps at the verymoment Winston Churchill was delivering his stirring‘We shall fight on the beaches’ speech in the Houseof Commons, 40 miles away) but churlishly resolvedthat ‘the applicant be informed that there are othermore suitable sites’. The Council objected becauseThe Gatehouse , Tonbridge Castle, in 2019.7the castle was already the headquarters of the Air-Raid Precautions (ARP) Report and Control Centre – anopportunity, one would have thought, to facilitate closer liaison between the two services.Exactly where the ‘more suitable’ sites were to be found was notspecified but the Observer Corps’ application soon prevailed and by Julythey had moved to the gatehouse, after damaged stonework had beenrepaired with reinforced concrete. Each of its twin towers had room on itssummit for one observer equipped with field-glasses, whilst the flat roofabove the gate’s archway provided ample space for staff operating theirstate-of-the-art RB Pullin P1 pantograph and pointer and Micklethwaitheight corrector. Air-raid sirens were installed here and on Comono House,complemented by the siren at the fire station in Castle Street and thesteam whistle that in normal circumstances summoned workers to a localbrickyard every morning.The local factories kept working after general air-aid warnings were sounded but the observers hadan alarm switch with which to alert them when they were in danger of imminent enemy attack. The observersconducted training exercises with the RAF and with the 4th Battery of the 1st Regiment of the Royal Artillery,whose HQ was in what is now Sackville School, Hildenborough and whose troops, based at Gaza Barracks inScabharbour Road, operated six searchlight sites in what was known as the West Malling Nightfighter Box.Among the first enemy aircraft spotted from the observers’ new lookout were bombers droppingpropaganda leaflets on 3 August, the 25th day of the Battle of Britain. They bore an English translation ofHitler’s sabre-rattling speech A Last Appeal to Reason, delivered to the Reichstag on 19 July: ‘In this hour I feelit to be my duty before my own conscience to appeal once more to reason and common sense, in Great Britainas much as elsewhere. I consider myself in a position to make this appeal since I am not the vanquishedbegging favours, but the victor speaking in the name of reason. I can see no reason why this war must go on.Possibly Mr Churchill will again brush aside this statement of mine by saying that it is merely of fear and doubtin our final victory. In that case, I shall have relieved my conscience in regards to the things to come’.The reaction of those who found the leaflets was, ‘Who do you think you are kidding, Mr Hitler?’ InTales of Old Tonbridge (Froglets Publications, 1995) Frank Richardson recalled hurrying to recover a bundle atPostern Sewage Farm, Capel. Thousands more were collected in and around Tonbridge and sold for a fewpence each to raise money for the local Spitfire Fund, part of a national campaign that raised about £13 million(approximately £650 million in modern values, according to Greig Watson of the BBC News website). It costabout £12,000 to build a Spitfire in 1940.In letters to his family, Frank reported all of the air-raids suffered by Tonbridge during the Battle ofBritain: ‘Bombs and guns, and our windows shook’ (16 August); ‘empty cartridge cases rattled on roof likeshrapnel’ (25 August); ‘[air raid] 9.15pm to 4.30am’ (26 August); ‘air battle overhead ... till 4am waves ofplanes over to London’ (30 August);’terrific air battles ... AA [anti-aircraft] gunfire and bombs’ (1 September);‘Tonbridge bombed at last [sic], one dropped in Dr Tucket’s garden in Yardley Park and upset his house a bit’(5th September); ‘dog-fights right overhead, high in the clouds’ (9 September); ‘2.30 – 3.55pm. We countedmore than 100 go over and from Chatham all the way over shells were bursting all around them. Then ourplanes came over and what an air fight ...they brought a lot down and chased the others off ...it was grand’ (27September); ‘heard 16 bombs during the day and they tried to get the railway, waterworks and gasworks butthey failed. 7 dropped on Tonbridge’ (4 October). A purpose-built air-raid shelter can be seen to this day, afive-second dash from the back door of 2 Yardley Park Road. After nearly 80 years it is in remarkably goodcondition, its roof, walls, entrance, internal blast wall, air bricks and emergency exit intact.Below: Air-raid shelter at 2 Yardley Park Road pictured in 2019. Below right: a shelter of similar design after anair-raid c.1941. (®Lincolnshire Archives)A Second World War Observer Corpspost.(® ROCA Heritage Team)8The leaflet drops and bombing raids were intended to ‘soften up’ the civilian population in advance ofan invasion; but stoicism prevailed. Tonbridge kept calm and carried on, although later, in preparation for whattoday would be called a ‘worst-case scenario’, posters were distributed in the town and other threatenedareas to help civilian resistance fighters distinguish between enemy and British armoured fighting vehicles(AFVs). ‘Smash ‘em up, but theirs not ours’, the poster warned (referring to vehicles captured at Dunkirk),‘don’t fall for Nazi tricks’.9Thousands of these leaflets were dropped around Tonbridge and elsewhere, only to be ridiculed by those who found them.10‘Beware! Don’t fall for Nazi tricks’. A warning to resistance fighters. (®Tonbridge Historical Society)11Three-hundred yards north-east of the Observer Corps’ post, the tower of St Peter and St Paul's, Tonbridge’sparish church (NGR TQ591467) afforded similar panoramic views for a Home Guard and firewatchers’observation post. During the five years of the war, 2,619 alerts and incidents were recorded, and 4,600incendiary bombs and 971 high-explosive bombs of various categories fell on the town and its rural district.The next item on the Council’s 4 June agenda couldnot be challenged. The Clerk read a letter from thePrincipal Officer of No 12 (South Eastern) CivilDefence Region, whose headquarters were inTunbridge Wells, which stated that powers existedunder the Defence Regulations ‘by which LocalAuthorities may be required to undertake works of amilitary nature’. These were rapidly taking shape allover southern England.Stables in the Council yard in The Sladewere converted into a decontamination centre forthe ARP, whose Wardens’ Posts around the townwere managed from an office at 214 High Street.The ARP was established in April 1938, by when Leslie A Le May (chief warden) and 22 head wardens for thewhole of urban Tonbridge had completed Home Office training courses. Other public-spirited bodies such asthe Women's Voluntary Service (WVS), Red Cross, Special Constables, Auxiliary Fire Service (AFS) were trainingnew recruits; members of the British Legion signed-up to be stretcher-bearers, and there was an enthusiasticresponse to War Secretary Anthony Eden’s broadcast on 15 May, appealing for men to join the Local DefenceVolunteer Force (LDV) and prepare to attack Naziparachutists.To comply with government instructions, all direction and destination signs and place-name indicatorsoutside the town’s built-up area were removed.At Tonbridge Castle the steep bank on the east side of the inner bailey’s curtain wall was cut away tocreate a level surface on which to build a Civil Defence Control Centre. This comprised two standard street airraid shelters accessed from the High Street, with brick walls and a flat reinforced concrete roof; entry wasthrough a ‘light-lock’, to comply with black-out regulations. Communal shelters of this and otherconfigurations were built at 145 and 153 High Street, the Pavilion Cinema, Bradford Street and St Stephen’sStreet, capable of accommodating 1,440 people, eight per cent of the town’s 18,000 population.Residents were encouraged to erect indoor steel-mesh ‘Morrison’ shelters and outdoor corrugatediron ‘Anderson’ shelters, using materials supplied free-of-charge by the Council to those unable to pay. Wirenetting and timber were offered for protecting windows. Digging back-garden ‘bolt holes’, 2ft wide and 3ftTonbridge parish church, pictured from the site of thewartime Observer Corps post on Tonbridge Castle’sGatehouse.Left: Tonbridge’s wartime firefighters’ HQ in Castle Street,now a restaurant and, above, the site of the town’s CivilDefence Control Centre near the castle. Pictured in 2018.:12deep trenches, was also encouraged, subject to care being taken not to fracture buried drainpipes! ARPwardens travelled around the town distributing Home Office advice on how to carry out these measures. TheOliver family, which had moved to Barclay Avenue within two days of being told to accommodate severalevacuees in their house in Hadlow Road, was one of the first to attempt to build a shelter. Jessica Havardrecalled: ’The day after war was declared Dad and his neighbours started to dig air-raid shelters at the bottomof their gardens. That night it rained, so next morning when he saw that the hole had filled with water, he gaveit all up as a bad job. So did his neighbours!’Underground shelters were constructed at Slade Junior Boys’ Council School. Later, when the town’santi-invasion defence works took shape, it found itself unnervingly close to a road-block and a formidablecluster of tank-traps. At Tonbridge School a plan to build a single air-raid shelter under the ‘Upper Hundred’sports ground for all its pupils was scornfully dismissed by Ferdie Eames, housemaster of Hill Side House.Instead the Works Staff was instructed to build separate shelters for each house. One of these, near the northend of Havelock Road and Lodge Road, was also used by local residents.To obstruct landings by gliders carrying infantry troops, obstacles were erected on Tonbridge School’s150-acre playing fields and Tonbridge Council scattered scrapped heavy machinery and vehicles, and steeldrums filled with earth, around its sports ground, formerly a racecourse. Many other open spaces weresimilarly barricaded, including Poult Wood Gold Course, Higham Lane. In the midst of hop-farming country,hop-poles and their steel cables were readily available for improvised ways and means of protecting potentiallanding zones.The Wehrmacht’s VII Army Corps, (‘VII Armeekorps’), stationed in northern France, was assigned tooccupy and control the Tonbridge area. Somewhere in the Third Reich archives in Freiburg/Breisgau are said tobe papers asserting that had a German invasion succeeded, Tonbridge School would have become Hitler’sUpper Medway Regional Headquarters, in which case the playing fields would have been a convenient landingground for Storch light aircraft ferrying high-ranking Nazi officials. The RAF base at West Malling, 12 milesaway, would have been commandeered for offensive air operations against regions of Britain yet to beconquered.Clockwise from top left: (1) Tonbridge School’s vast playing fields. (®Tonbridge School) (2) Artist’s impression of TonbridgeSchool in Nazi occupation. (©Steve Sullivan, www.blighty-at-war.net).(3) Escape hatch at Slade School’s air-raid shelter,revealed in 2007. (©Nick Catford, Subterranea Britannica) (4) Slade School in 2019.13Chapter Two: ‘Cometh the hour, cometh the man’After Dunkirk, the British Army was neither equipped nor fit to fight a war on itsown territory. More than 68,000 of its soldiers had been killed, wounded orcaptured. Most of the BEF’s motor transport was abandoned in France, alongwith more than 600 tanks and nearly 2,000 artillery pieces. Only one battalion(the 2nd Hants) returned with all its small arms (rifles, pistols and light machineguns). The Home Forces, who had remained in Britain, relied heavily on the rawrecruits of the LDV (renamed the Home Guard on 22 July 1940) to man beachdefences within range of the enemy’s amphibious fleets and patrol zones whereparatroops were likely to land.A desperate situation demanded imagination and improvisation, tomake the best use of limited manpower and shortages of heavy weapons.Responsibility for Britain’s first anti-invasion defence plan was entrusted toWilliam Edmund Ironside, who had gained his first taste of military life 46years earlier, when at the age of 14 he became a pupil at Tonbridge Schooland joined its Volunteer Corps.After nine terms at Tonbridge he went to the Royal Military College atWoolwich where, being six feet four inches tall and weighing seventeen stone,he was inevitably nicknamed ‘Tiny’. In June 1899 he was commissioned intothe Royal Artillery, serving with distinction in the Second Boer War, when hisadventures as an intelligence officer are said to have inspired John Buchan tocreate the character of Richard Hannay in The Thirty-nine Steps.In and after the First World War he pursued his career as aprofessional soldier, returning from time to time to Tonbridge to visit his oldschool, delivering a lecture in 1921, attending the dedication of the First World War memorial in 1925, andinspecting the school’s Cadet Force on several occasions. His visits probably became quite frequent from 1938until 1940 when his only son, Edmund Oslac, was a ‘Tonbridgian’; together they attended Sunday morningchapel, father in ‘mufti’, son in school uniform. In his memoirs, bookseller Tim Waterstone recalled what wasprobably Ironside’s last visit to the school before he died in 1959, aged 79. He judged the annual literary prize,which Waterstone won. At Speech Day in June 1957, Ironside presented him with his prize, a cloth-boundvolume of Somerset Maugham’s collected short stories. ‘You’re a bit young for this, aren’t you?’ he muttered. * * *In 1939, by now a General, he was appointed Chiefof the Imperial General Staff (CIGS), the most seniorpost in the British Army. He was none too pleasedand wrote in his diary: ‘I am bitterly disappointedthat I am not to command an Army in the field ... Iam not suited in temperament to such a job as CIGSbut my whole life has been based on doing whatI’m told, and there it is’.Before Dunkirk, Ironside had liaised withthe BEF and the French Army during their futileattempt to halt the German advance, returning toLondon to hand over the post of CIGS to General SirJohn Dill and become Commander-in-Chief, HomeForces.Top of page: Ironside, and his memorial inthe Library Cloister at Tonbridge School. Left:Ironside inspecting Tonbridge School’s CadetForce in 1925 and a Home Forces unit, c.1940. (®Tonbridge School)14His predecessor, General Sir Walter Mervyn St George Kirke, had initiated a degree of anti-invasionplanning but believed the threat of a German invasion was being exaggerated. Ironside dissented and wrote:‘When one considers how the Germans have worked out their plans for the conquest of other countries, theymust have considered how to get at us. Parachutists, troop-carrying aeroplanes, tanks in flat-bottomed boatsand the like. The essence of the problem is information and instant action. Delay is fatal’.He feared Germany might attempt to bring Britain to its knees by aerial bombardment alone – astrategy that Reichsmarschall Hermann Göring, head of the Luftwaffe, told Hitler was entirely feasible andwould preclude the need for an invasion involving land battles.On Friday 10 May, four days after his 60th birthday and on the day Churchill became Prime Minister(and the Nazis invaded France and the Low Countries), Ironside was instructed to preside over a new HomeDefence Executive. He noted in his diary: ‘I was told I had to take over the Command in England and organizethat. I am to be made a Field Marshal later ... an honour for me and a new and most important job. One muchmore to my liking than CIGS in every way. The next few months may show whether we can stand in England byourselves. All a matter of the Air Force. If we can keep that in being, all is well’.He was told the RAF expected 4,800 tons of bombs a day could be unleashed on Britain and wrote,’the Bosches [sic] have sufficient aircraft to transport 9,750 lightly-armed men in one flight. The number offlights will vary from 1½ per day for East Anglia to three [a total of 29,250 men] for Kent ... seaplanes andgliders may add to these numbers. Such airborne expeditions will be followed by seaborne expeditions pushedforward with the utmost brutality ... the Germans will make a determined landing the minute they are able todo so ... it will be no amateur affair. It will be well and carefully prepared’.The Air Staff in London estimated that 5,000 parachutists could seize the RAF’s ‘vitals’ and effectivelyground Fighter Command. Heavy bombing raids would create such a diversion that more transport ‘planescould land reinforcements, and if the Germans tried to bring 20,000 men and tanks across the English Channel,the Royal Navy would be powerless to stop them.On Sunday 26 May, when resistance at Dunkirk was increasingly doomed to failure, Ironside attendedSunday Chapel at Tonbridge School. Prayers were offered for the deliverance of the BEF but he told his son’shousemaster, ‘Hoffy’ Arnold, that there was little hope of saving it. He was concerned at the ease with whichthe Wehrmacht had advanced across the Continent because of the absence there of defences of the kind hewould soon recommend for England. Next day, 27 May, his appointment as CIC Home Forces was made public,although by then he or the War Office had already started planning the anti-invasion defences that even todayare evident in the most unexpected places. On 27 and 28 May he visited Sir Auckland Geddes, Commissionerfor Civil Defence for the South-East Region, at Tunbridge Wells; inspected work-in-progress on coastaldefences, and met the 50 members of the Home Defence Committee, afterward swiftly cutting through thered tape to reduce this unwieldy body to four.Over dinner next day, Churchill told him: ‘We all depend upon you because [during the last fewmonths] you have shown that you don’t lose your head in a crisis’, and repeated his promise to make him aField Marshal (‘in a few days’).In May and June 1940 the depleted Regular Army relied heavily on the Home Guard to keep watchfrom ‘static’ defences on the coast for seaborne invaders, and on the skies for parachutists. Anthony Eden’sappeal had within 24 hours brought forth 250,000 volunteers (equal in number to all the men in the peacetimeRegular Army), many of whom were still queuing to register at midnight, the response in Kent (dubbed‘invasion corner’) being particularly strong. By the end of June more than 1.4 million men had joined,exceeding the spontaneous wave of patriotic fervour of August and September 1914 when half a million menjoined Lord Kitchener’s New Armies.After February 1942, when all men aged 18 to 51 were obliged to join the Home Guard and attend upto 48 hours of training a month, the force’s numbers peaked at 1.7 million. Norman Longmate, a private in the3rd Sussex Battalion, wrote in his book The Real Home Guard: ‘[It] was an enormous bargain, the cheapestarmy of its size and firepower any nation had ever possessed’. This was because its members were unpaid,15lived at home and did not require a permanent supporting ‘army’ of cooks, drivers, telephonists and so forth.The annual cost to the country for each member was about £9 compared with £360 for a Regular soldier. TheHome Guard’s national budget was only £16.6 million a year, roughly equivalent to a single day’s expenditureon the war.Tonbridge was under the protection of more than 1,000 members of the 21st Battalion of the KentHome Guard, commanded by Col H H Bateson, whose drill hall was in Avebury Avenue. They shared a depotwith the Royal Army Ordnance Corps at Horns Lodge, off Shipbourne Road. The RAOC was responsible forweapons, armoured vehicles, ammunition and other essentials and had another depot in the former Crystalategramophone record factory at Town Works, Cannon Lane.16Above: The Tonbridge Home Guard battalion marching through the town in 1944, led by James Stredder, a teacher atTonbridge School. (®Tonbridge School) The photograph below of the battalion’s officers was probably taken to mark theofficial disbanding of the Home Guard on 31 December 1945, a year after being ordered to ‘stand down’.Judging how to make the best use of his limited assets, Ironside created a ‘coastal crust’ to confine invaders tothe beaches and their hinterland. It included infantry and artillery posts, minefields, anti-tank obstacles androad-side ‘flame fougasse’ ambushes of drums of tar, to be exploded in the path of the advancing Wehrmacht.17Another type would flood the road with petrol, ignited at the right moment with a carefully aimed handgrenade.On 30 May Ironside, who had fewer than200 mobile anti-tank guns at his disposal, wrote: ‘Ifthe Germans ever attempt a landing here they willput the utmost energy into establishing abridgehead. All our energies must be put intostopping this. No waiting for more troops to comeup. Our mobile forces must attack at onceregardless of losses and nip the landing in the bud’.To hinder invaders breaking through the ‘coastal crust’ and establishing inland salients, and tocounter-attack aerial landings, Ironside proposed forming mobile groups, each operating three motor carsequipped with Bren light machine-guns and to be known as ‘the Ironsides’. Six-pounder and 12-pounder fieldguns mounted on lorries were also part of his plan. ‘They may not be tanks’, he wrote (only 963 were availablein the whole of the British Isles), ‘but they may get a shot and knock the gentleman out. Our people must actjust as the Germans do and go straight in and attack. Gradually perhaps I shall get some tanks’.For anything less than a full-scale invasion, he hoped enough armoured cars would become availableto molest motorboat landings and that buses requisitioned from the East Kent Road Car Company, Maidstoneand District Motor Services and other operators would transport infantrymen around the countryside toround-up paratroops. A similar idea occurred to Major-General Bernard Law Montgomery, then a rising star inthe military firmament, who immediately after Dunkirk was posted to Sussex to head Southern Command’s3rd Infantry Division (known variously as the ‘Iron Division’, the 3rd [Iron] Division’ and ‘Monty's Iron Sides’).On 2 July 1940 Montgomery met Churchill for the first time and complained that his combat-ready troopswere dug-in at static positions on the coast and should be replaced and held as a mobile reserve.‘Why was I left immobile?’, wrote ’Monty’ in his Memoirs, ‘there were thousands of buses in England.Give me some and release me ... so that I could practise a mobile counter-attack role ... the Prime Ministerthought this was the cat’s whiskers ... I got my buses’.Two weeks after meeting Churchill, Montgomery was promoted to command 5 Corps. ‘From thistime’, he wrote later, ‘begins my real influence on the training of the Army in England ... the corps gave a leadin these matters which had repercussions far beyond the corps’ area of Hampshire and Dorset’.With his ‘coastal crust’ plan resolved, Ironside identified, while touring Kent (his most vulnerablesector), a perfect role for the Home Guard: ‘static defence in every village by [road] blocks ... thousands ofMolotov Cocktails thrown down from the windows of houses ... that might well settle tank columns’.He subsequently formalized a strategy, approved by the Chiefs of Staff and the War Cabinet on 25June, for waging war against columns that succeeded in overpowering mobile reserves that had failed to blockbreaches in the coastal crust. This was a final position and last resort stop-line of pillboxes, road-blocks, tanktraps and anti-tank ditches, officially called the GHQ Line but commonly known as ‘The Ironside Line’. It ranalmost due east from Bristol, then veered south towards Basingstoke and on to Maidstone, thus covering thesouthern approaches to London. From Maidstone the line ran north to the Thames and from Essex toCambridge and The Wash.Subsidiary stop-lines, called Command Lines and Corps Lines, were built behind anti-tank ditches inthe hinterland between the ‘coastal crust’ and the GHQ Line; there were also defensive grid-lines, devoid ofditches and instead lined with obstacles. The hundreds of miles of anti-tank ditches were by far the greatestsystem of defensive earthworks ever built in Britain.Above: tar barrels at a road-block on the outskirts ofTonbridge, c. 1940. (®Tonbridge Historical Society)18Montgomery was decidedly underwhelmed by all this. ‘When I asked what troops were available toman the stop-lines’, he wrote, ‘I could get no clear answer. There were no troops’.Wherever possible the lines exploited natural obstructions in the landscape. In Kent’s case the RiverMedway, spanning the entire county, and its western tributary, the Eden, became, when reconfigured wherenecessary to military specifications, an expedient anti-tank ditch, with on their north banks massive reinforcedconcrete emplacements for 2-pounder and 6-pounder tank-buster guns, and smaller pillboxes for rifles andmachine-guns.‘I am very lacking in gun power’, wrote Ironside, ‘and I can see no immediate prospect ofreinforcement. I have called into being every available gun I can find’.Encountered today, Ironside’s pillboxes pose the question, ‘how effective would they have beenagainst a Panzer attack?’ The answer is that they would not have fought alone but would have been in themidst of an array of thoroughly camouflaged fire trenches, barbed wire fences, mobile anti-tank guns, ‘flamefougasse’ batteries (of which there was at least one near Tonbridge), machine-gun nests, weapon pits,minefields and all kinds of barriers and obstacles - exemplified by concrete tank-traps of various shapes andsizes.Precisely which pillboxes on the GHQ Line were armed, and for how long, cannot be confirmed,although it is known that the Royal Engineers installed 16 6-pounder guns between Tonbridge and Rochesterduring one hectic week in mid-summer 1940, and many others elsewhere during the next few months. HadlowPark, three miles from Tonbridge, became the HQ for 922 Defence Battery, which maintained the guns atmajor river crossings in the Tonbridge district; but for most of the war the GHQ Line’s fortifications wereunmanned or at best only lightly patrolled, mainly by the Home Guard, pending an invasion - ‘Cromwell’ beingthe codeword for ‘invasion probable within 12 hours’. In December 1940, 922 Battery’s guns were moved to astop line running from Dover to Seasalter. Had the ‘coastal crust’ been overpowered, infantry reserves, tanksand mobile artillery would have hastened to the stop-lines, behind which first-aid posts, ambulance depots,ammunition dumps, field kitchens and all the other military accoutrements of war would have been set up.The ensuing battles would have resembled those which became only too familiar four years later when theGerman Army tried to stem the allied advance from the Normandy beachheads and when the US Army’s 101stAirborne Division was besieged in Bastogne.The GHQ Line’s pillboxes along the rivers Medway and Eden, mapped in the 1970s for Pillboxes (Henry Wills, Cooper/Secker &Warburg 1985). Right: sites of surviving pillboxes west of Tonbridge, plotted by Clive Holden using War Office map references.19Chapter Three: ‘Defended village and river lines in all directions’No records now exist to establish how many pillboxes and other ‘hardened’ field fortifications (tank-traps,road-blocks and so forth) were built during preparations for a German invasion, but estimates for the pillboxesrange from 10,000 (WW2 Forums http://ww2f.com) to 28,000 (Pillbox Study Group http://www.pillbox-studygroup.org.uk/). About 6,500 survive, according to the Council for British Archaeology’s Review of The Defenceof Britain Project (http://archaeologydataservice.ac.uk). Given that Ironside’s scheme was approved on 25June 1940, and that the GHQ Line alone would extend over nearly 500 miles, it is astonishing that most of thestructures were completed in the remaining months of 1940 and the rest by February 1942. Much preliminarywork on designing the pillboxes and planning their positions must surely have been carried out under GeneralKirke before Ironside’s appointment as CIC Home Forces was announced on 27 May. In his seminal bookPillboxes. A Study of the UK Defences 1940 (Cooper/Secker & Warburg 1985), Henry Wills noted that by 12June, England had already been ‘divided into lines of defence, with defended village and river lines in alldirections’.‘Pillboxes’ in the military sense date back to the blockhouses of the battlefields of ancient Greece.Their first manifestations in modern warfare were the blockhouses built by the British during the South AfricanWars and the German army’s concrete strongholds along the First World War’s Western Front. Similarstructures, including circular concrete gun emplacements, were erected around and near England’s southernand eastern coasts, when the prospect of an invasion by the Kaiser’s army was being taken very seriously.Soldiers called these circular objects ‘pillboxes’ because their shape superficially resembled the smallcardboard boxes in which Carter’s Little Liver Pills and other patent medicines were dispensed. By the SecondWorld War the term was being used in official military communications and everyday language to describesmall battlefield fortifications, regardless of their shape.The pillboxes for England’s anti-invasion defences were designed by Branch FW3 of the War Office’sDirectorate of Fortifications and Works; consequently they are known by their drawing numbers, which rangefrom FW3/22 to FW3/28. They were designed to be constructed quickly and to be capable of withstandingbullet and shell fire.Along the Medway at Tonbridge, and elsewhere on the GHQ Line and its subsidiary stop-lines, themost common type was the FW3/24 hexagonal pillbox, designed to house infantrymen armed with riflesand/or Bren light machine-guns (LMGs). This had five 8ft-long faces, with a weapon embrasure (aka ‘loophole’,though few if any were loop-shaped) in each one,and a 13ft-long rear face with a 2ft-wide entranceand two embrasures. There were several variants ofthe FW3/24, including one with walls 15 inches thickwith built-in rifle embrasures, and another with 24inch walls embodying preformed embrasures formachine-guns.The behemoth of the range was the formidablerectangular FW3/28 (aka ‘gun-box’), facing riverbridges and other strategic positions where Panzerdivisions could be expected to direct their mainthrust en route to London. The FW3/28 also came inseveral configurations, housing a 2-pounder or 6-pounder Hotchkiss anti-tank gun aimed through alow, wide embrasure. Their overall dimensions werered in 2018,n (left) and20a minimum of 20ft wide x 19ft x 7ft 6in. high, with walls and roofs 42 inches and 12 inches thick respectively.Some versions accommodated two anti-tank guns or had an additional firing chamber for infantry weapons.There were two anti-tank gun emplacements (evidently FW3/28s) at Tonbridge Castle (NGRTQ590465 and TQ589465). These were its first new fortifications for nearly 700 years and were the mostimportant of all the defences along the Tonbridge sector of the Medway, with the town’s Big Bridge (aka GreatBridge) only yards away. Each emplacement comprised 60 cubic yards (about 110 tonnes) of reinforcedconcrete and stood on the sites of the 13th century Water Tower and, to its west, the Stafford Tower. Theyfaced the river from the corners of the inner bailey’s south curtain wall, into whose surviving core and ashlarmasonry they were integrated. This work resulted in the complete disappearance of the curved western cornerof the wall shown on early Ordnance Survey maps; the Water Tower had been plundered for its stonework inthe 18th century.Tonbridge’s two other Medway crossings - Cannon Bridge (NGR TQ597465) on Cannon Lane, half amile east of the town centre and, a similar distance to the west, over the main-line railway to London (NGRTQ580466) - were also guarded by FW3/28s. Both bridges would have afforded AFVs swift access into thetown if Big Bridge withstood attack or had been deliberately blown-up by its retreating defenders.At least one of the castle’s FW3/28s was completed by 3 September 1940, since on that dateTonbridge Council resolved to ‘draw the attention of the appropriate military authorities to the practice of thetroops now on duty at the emplacement [in the castle grounds] approaching the position by way of therockery on the wall, instead of by the pathway, and thereby causing unnecessary damage’. The troopspreferred to scramble up the rockery (probably after visiting the nearby Chequers pub in the High Street) toavoid the two minute walk involved when using the path. They should of course have been aware that, eventhough there was a war on, by-laws must be obeyed! In due course 20 soldiers were in charge of the castle’sdefences. Below left: the rockery, beneath the site of the castle’s eastern FW3/28 pillbox, in 2018. Below right: the faint‘footprint’ of part of the pillbox.The curtain wall at Tonbridge Castle. A Type FW3/28 pillbox stood above both corners of the wall,, positioned to attacktanks approaching the town from the south. The River Medway (foreground) formed a ready-made anti-tank ditch..21Midway between the castle’s FW3/28 pillboxes stood a 10 ft 6in x 10 ft 6in x 6ft 6in. brick andconcrete gunnery observation post. Below it, in Riverside Gardens (NGR TQ589465), close to TonbridgeSchool’s Boer War Memorial, there was a sandbagged revetted weapon pit housing a ‘Blacker Bombard’, alsoknown as the 29mm Spigot Mortar, an anti-tank weapon devised by Lieutenant-Colonel Stewart Blacker.Issued to the Home Guard in 1941, it was capable of lobbing 20-pound armour piercing anti-tank shells on totargets up to 400 yards away; the Big Bridge was well within range. The memorial was dismantled and itsplinth and pillar placed flat on the ground to give the gunners an unobstructed field of fire. Shallow weaponpits were also excavated on top of the curtain wall.It is possible that explosives were concealed under Big Bridge to enable it to be blown up by remotecontrol if all efforts to prevent the enemy capturing it failed. Before August 1940, key bridges along the GHQLine were equipped to be demolished in this way; subsequently, this policy was not applied to bridges whosesteel and concrete obstacles were considered to be as capable of delaying the enemy as blowing them up. Aswill be seen in the next chapter, Big Bridge had formidable defences. In some districts, plans were made toflood water meadows in dire circumstances, to make them impassable to AFVs. The many sluices and locksalong the Medway around Tonbridge would have facilitated this.Above: foundations of the eastern FW3/28 pillbox at the topof the rockery. (©Clive Holden) Right: site of the gunneryobservation post on the curtain wall, with the Big Bridge inthe background.Above left: the spigot mortar weapon pit and thedismantled Tonbridge School Boer War Memorial inRiverside Gardens in 1948. (©The Francis Frith Collection)Above: the site today. Left: a Home Guard unit practisingwith a ‘Black Bombard’ spigot mortar.22All that remains today of Tonbridge Castle’s Second World War defences are concrete fragments ofthe FW3/28 pillbox whose squaddies displeased the Council, and the ‘footprint’ of the observation post. Animpressive concrete-faced FW3/28 containing an extra chamber for a machine-gun survives eleven milesdownstream from the castle, alongside the A26 at Teston (NGR TQ710536), opposite the entrance to BarhamCourt. It dominates Teston Bridge and the Medway Valley railway and was one of a cluster of pillboxes thatsupported a nodal point at Wateringbury.Among the FW3/28s still to be seen in the pillbox-rich country upstream from Tonbridge Castle is oneoverlooking the bridge that carries the Tonbridge to Redhill railway over the Medway at Little Britain Farm,and another at Ensfield Bridge which spans the Medway near Leigh (NGR TQ547454). Some years ago anattempt was made to blow-up this one, resulting only in external damage to one of its embrasures - proof thatpillboxes were capable of withstanding serious assaults.Above: FW3/28A pillbox at Ensfield Bridge, Leigh, showingembrasures for an anti-tank gun and (right) an infantryweapon. (©Susan Featherstone) Above right: FW3/28 pillbox at Teston, showing embrasures for anti-tank gun (left) andinfantry weapon. (©Clive Holden)23Chapter Four: Town’s wartime battle front, then and nowTop picture: massive reinforced concrete road-blocks on the Big Bridge. A soldier, perhaps walking home from TonbridgeStation looking forward to a few days’ leave, makes his way past a stack of rails that would have been fixed in slots in theroad to hinder AFVs approaching the blocks, between which horizontal barricades would have been secured to formadditional obstructions. The picture was taken by the Tonbridge Free Press on 9 June 1944 – three days after D-Day, bywhen the slots had been filled and the barricades removed because the danger of invasion had long since passed. Above:the bridge in 2019, with iron bollards protecting pedestrians from passing traffic.24Concrete pyramids (aka ‘dragons’ teeth’ or ‘pimples’) withsteel spikes were erected outside the Rose & Crownalongside road-blocks and on other pavements elsewhereto hinder infantry soldiers rampaging up the High Street,although they did not deter housewives on shopping trips!(®Tonbridge Historical Society) Right: the Rose & Crown in2019.25In 1940 it was feared that paratroops would attack inland towns ahead of an invasion by armoured columns and infantryunits. Barbed wire barricades like this one at the north end of Tonbridge High Street (top picture) were erected to hampertheir progress, with a few small gaps to allow pedestrians (and stray dogs!) to cross the road. (Tonbridge Free Press) Above:the street in 2019.26Pillboxes and weapon pits proliferated within Tonbridge, including one in Swanmead AllotmentGardens, Garden Road (NGR approx TQ596468), measuring 20ft x 17ft 6in. x 7ft 6in. and comprising 70 cubicyards of solid concrete; and two in Lower Castle Field (aka Lower Playing Field), in 5 ft deep revetted pits, one16ft x 10ft, the other 10ft x 6ft, each composed of up to 20 cubic yards of solid concrete. One of these mayhave been on the site now occupied by Tonbridge’s miniature railway (NGR TQ587466). A hexagonal pillbox,measuring about 20ft x 17ft 6in., was built ‘on the footpath to the open air swimming pool at the north-westcorner of the castle’. To establish the precise positions of Tonbridge’s abundant ‘gunnery’ and tank-trapswould require systematic archaeology; with few exceptions, all the evidence lies under the ground.Out of town, pillboxes ran in both directions along the GHQ Line, following the Medway. The first onestill to be found downstream from Tonbridge is beside a footbridge (NGR TQ605471) a mile from CannonBridge. In the opposite direction, even now there are at least five, spaced about 300 yards apart on thesouthern channel of the Medway. The channel is a man-made 18th century ‘cut’ intended to be part of a canalfrom Tonbridge to Edenbridge that was never completed. The original channel, the ‘Medway proper’, flows tothe north. The two channels encompass the site of Tonbridge Racecourse which since the 1920s has been a 69-acre sports ground whose suitability as a landing zone for enemy gliders or paratroops would not haveescaped 1940’s anti-invasion planners. The aforementioned riverside pillboxes were links in a chain thatintersected a subsidiary stop-line that ran northwards from the River Eden at Penshurst.Other pillboxes can be found some distance from the GHQ Line, including one, brick-faced, about twomiles east of Tonbridge Station in a chestnut coppice at Tudeley (NGR approx. TQ615457), overlooking themain line railway from the Channel Ports to London. Tudeley was one of eight ‘Defended Villages’ in the Kentdefence plan. Another pillbox (at NGR TQ591470) was revealed only recently (2017) at Ironside’s old school,during the construction of a new science centre adjacent to Dry Hill House. It had been veiled by trees andundergrowth for most of the post-war years and was part of a defence complex at the High Street’s junctionwith London Road and Shipbourne Road.Below and on next page: the pillbox at Tonbridge School , as revealed in 2017.27In 2018 another pillbox was seen concealed in a shrubbery at 44 Stocks Green Road, Hildenborough,two miles north-west of Tonbridge. Fully revealed during 2019, it was found to be in remarkably goodcondition. This and the Tonbridge School pillbox are discussed in detail in the Appendix.Above: entrance to the pillbox at 44 Stocks Green Road, Hildenborough, in February 2018. (© Gary Coppins MRICS)Right: the pillbox, as revealed in May 2019, showing two of its embrasures. (©Susan Featherstone)28Road-blocks and associated tank-traps were set up all over town, often supplemented with railwaysleepers, derelict farm machinery, wrecked cars and other makeshift obstacles. Contemporary records,residents’ memories, press pictures and RAF aerial photographs taken in October 1947 indicate that amongthe places where these were located were the Big Bridge; Shipbourne Road and Hadlow Road; the High Street(at the Rose & Crown and Westminster Bank), Portman Park and The Slade. This Victorian and Edwardiansuburb, named after the road that borders two sides of the castle’s outer bailey (now known as Upper CastleField), is a little knot of 14 narrow streets and is bisected by the only substantial surviving section of themedieval Fosse, an earthen rampart built when Tonbridge first became a fortified town. Now only about 12 fthigh, it had a road-block at its southern end (NGR TQ589467) in Stafford Road which was part of a urban stopline to be held if enemy land forces overwhelmed the GHQ Line’s riverside defences or landed airborne troopsin the fields. The line ran from a row of 176 pyramidal tank-traps ranged along Hilden Brook (NGR TQ588466),past Tonbridge electricity generating station and Slade School, along part of Stafford Road and up HavelockRoad to Lansdowne Road. Another stop-line, including 5ft cubic tank-traps placed at the Castle Street andSlade entrances to the castle grounds, ran eastwards from the Stafford Road road-block to the High Street.On the east side of the town, a stop-line of about 20 cylindrical concrete tank-traps ran due northfrom the Medway near Town Lock (NGR TQ592464) to Lyons Crescent and possibly from there to East Street.(The various stop-lines are explored in more detail in Chapter Ten: Tracing town’s forgotten battlelines.)* * *‘Putting tank-traps everywhere was all the rage’, recalled Jessica Havard. ‘We even had three in ourback garden. There were supposed to be four but after the workmen had measured and marked out the fourpositions with stakes and gone home, Mum and Dad re-measured and re-positioned the stakes so that therewere just three! If there had been four, they were so big that it would have been impossible to squeeze awheelbarrow or lawn mower between them. Some workmen returned next day with a concrete mixer andbuilt the three (!) six-foot monstrosities, without comment. They stayed there until the end of the war’.The garden in question was at ‘Arnos’, 23 Hadlow Road. The Olivers bought the house on 14 June1940 (the day Germany occupied Paris) to be closer to William’s office in the town.George Fry, who lived with his parents, Jack and Kate, at 143 Shipbourne Road during the war,recollected in 2018 that a road-block was set up outside their house, with one of its concrete cubes, about 7fthigh x 4ft x 4 ft, in their front garden (NGR TQ592478), intruding on to the pavement. Another was placed onthe opposite side of the road, near the entrance to Tonbridge Boys’ Club. Sockets were cut in the interveningcarriageway to accept supports for a scaffold barrier that would have been erected during an emergency.This was a strange choice of location because a few yards to the north there was, and is still, a widegrass verge with ample space for-road blocks. Air Raid Wardens’ Post No. 1 was built there c. 1940; there wereother posts at Cemetery Lodge, Bordyke, Higham Lane, Barden, No. 3 High Street, Pembury Road, Priory Roadand Ashby’s Garage, Quarry Hill (close to one of the town’s several First Aid Posts).Above: tank-traps in the grounds of Red Roses, Portman Park.(®Tonbridge Historical Society) Right: anti-tank defenceswere often erected in front gardens, as seen in this sketch ofa road-block made by a Norfolk resident in 1943. FromPillboxes: A Study of UK Defences by Henry Wills(Cooper/Secker & Warburg 1985).29As a wartime pupil at Bank Street Infants’ School and Slade School, George remembers playing amongmany of these wartime obstructions including, in Upper Castle Field opposite Slade School, six tank-traps and aV-shaped anti-tank ditch with poles (perhaps hop-poles) fixed into its base. In 2012 another of the school’swartime pupils, Dick Millis, recalled similar adventures among tank-traps behind Hawden Road and in UpperCastle Field. After the war George Fry witnessed the demolition, by an iron wrecking-ball swinging from acrane, of a row of tank-traps arranged along the Cattle Market wall in Stafford Road. Forty-five years later,George played a small part in protecting one of the town’s defence relics; as head gardener at TonbridgeSchool for 36 years, until 2001, he planted shrubs to cover the aforementioned pillbox at the Dry Hill House,sealing its entrance with a steel grille to exclude vandals but leaving room for hedgehogs and bats to enter.Previously, one of the school’s teachers had kept rabbits in hutches placed in the embrasures.During the war another Fry family lived in The Slade at 21 Havelock Road. Reminiscing for the authorsof the Slade Area Residents’ Association’s History of The Slade , published in 2012, Donald Fry recalled that onMonday 4 September 1939, the day after war was declared, he and all the other pupils at Slade School weretold not to attend that day because their teachers were helping to distribute gas-masks and ration books.Donald remembered that the tank-traps in Stafford Road were about 5ft 6in. high, and that barbedwire barricades extended along the east side of Havelock Road, from the junction of Lodge Road and StaffordRoad, as far as Ebenezer Cottage (11 Havelock Road), and from there on the west side to No 21, at the farnorth end of the road. Gaps in the barricade, providing access to the various houses, could be closed quickly inan emergency.Tank-traps similar to those in Stafford Road were built in the gardens of Nos 20 and 21 HavelockRoad. The Fry family was dismayed to be warned that in the event of an invasion they would be evacuated sothat a machine-gun post could be set up in Donald’s bedroom, which overlooked playing fields and farmlandacross which tanks and infantry could fight their way into the town’s western outskirts. According to DonaldFry, trenches in which to conceal an ambush of land-mines were created in some roads, including HavelockRoad, near Ebenezer Cottage and the corner of The Avenue.Inexplicably, the Home Guard stored ‘Molotov Cocktails’ in an air-raid shelter in Lansdowne Road, onthe north-east outskirts of The Slade, regardless of the obvious hazard this would impose during an air-raid. Infact, the store was destroyed not by enemy action but by a suspected local vandal; two fire appliances werecalled to extinguish the blaze.All the aforementioned works were designed to defend the town street-by-street in the event ofincursions by AFVs and infantry forces. During, or soon after, the construction of the GHQ Line and associatedstructures, much of north Tonbridge became surrounded by a continual heavily defended outer perimeter,comprising a combination of anti-tank ditches, barbed wire barricades and concrete tank-traps. These weremade in various sizes and shapes, including cylinders (called ‘buoys’, which could be rolled into position);cubes; blocks (aka ‘coffins’) and flat-topped pyramids (aka ‘dragons’ teeth’ or ‘pimples’). Within the perimeterthere were stop-lines and massive concrete road-blocks, between which steel girders and rails were placed(for example, on Big Bridge). Like 21 Havelock Road, many houses along the perimeter were assigned tobecome ‘defended buildings,’ concealing machine-gun posts.Most of the concrete obstacles were cast on site but the cylinders were apparently fabricated from‘spun -concrete’, the nearest manufacturer being William Griffiths and Company’s South Coast Pre-Cast Works,whose 15-acre site flanking the Ashford - Thanet railway at Milton, near Canterbury, stocked nearly 20 miles ofspun-concrete pipes of various diameters and lengths – enough for 30,000 tank-traps 3ft high. The pipes wereconverted into tank-traps simply by placing them upright where required and filling them with concrete orrubble.30The South Coast Pre-Cast Works, source of concrete pipes for cylindrical tank-traps. (®Derek Butler). Below: anti-tank ditchconfigurations. From Pillboxes. A Study of UK Defences by Henry Wills (Cooper/Secker & Warburg 1985).The outer perimeter was essential because althoughan invasion was most likely to come from the south,towards the GHQ Line, attempts to captureTonbridge from other directions could not be ruledout - for example by a ‘pincer manoeuvre’ orfollowing an unexpected full-scale invasion fromnorth Kent. The perimeter ran mainly throughgardens and other open spaces, with road-blocks atintervening main roads. Its construction would havedemanded a large labour force, using excavators,‘bulldozers’, dump-trucks, mobile cranes and otherearth-moving machinery from Army depots or hiredfrom quarrying companies and others equipped tomove large volumes of soil.Much of the perimeter can be traced on thepost-war RAF aerial photographs kept at the KentArchives in Maidstone and accessible on-line on theKent County Council’s Kent Heritage Maps website.Although most of the defence works had beendemolished by 1947, some of the photographs show what appears to be a weapons pit in the garden of No. 23Hadlow Road, the Oliver family’s home; and the zigzagging course of the anti-tank ditch and clusters of itstank-traps yet to be removed. In many cases demolition costs were avoided simply by bulldozing them into theadjacent anti-tank ditch and covering them with earth removed when it was dug.Today, recognizable traces of the perimeter on accessible land are hard to find, although a shortlength of anti-tank ditch on Tonbridge School’s playing field north of North Path is revealed as a ‘parch mark’ inthe turf in dry summers. (A bonfire was lit in the ditch during the school’s VE-Day celebrations.) Post-warcommercial estates off Cannon Lane, and residential estates in the Portman Park neighbourhood andelsewhere, have been the principal obliterators of evidence of where, if the worse came to the worst,desperate battles would have been fought and many lives lost.31Chapter Five: Manpower and materialsAdequate recognition has yet to be given (and it is probably too late now) to the amazing achievement of thebuilders, surveyors and military engineers who, in a few desperate months, planned and constructed the tensof thousands of pillboxes along the GHQ Line, its subsidiaries and Ironside’s ‘coastal crust’ – and the anti-tankditches, road-blocks and tank-traps that went with them. This was accomplished at the same time as otherpillboxes plus ‘ack-ack’ batteries and bomb shelters were hastily built at munitions and aircraft factories,harbours, docks, airfields and military bases all over much of the UK, as well as civil defence bunkers andcommunal air-raid shelters in dozens of towns and cities within range of Luftwaffe bases in occupied Europe.The sheer volume of materials procured and delivered to the construction sites is incalculable; norwill the number of men employed there ever be conclusively established. By the third week of June 1940,according to research by Ian Todd of Subterranea Britannica (http://www.subbrit.org.uk), 150,000 civilians, inaddition to soldiers, were engaged in building the defences, seven days a week, from dawn to dusk. The troopsincluded members of the Pioneer Corps and Royal Engineers.Shortages of materials and manpower were inevitable but one factor was in the project’s favour.Since the 1920s, 4.3 million new houses had been built in Britain (including 700,000 in London and thousandsmore in urban Kent). The boom came to an abrupt halt in the summer of 1939, putting many building workerson the dole. A positive consequence was that an efficient building industry, whose suppliers had for manyyears been delivering substantial quantities of such basic necessities as sand, gravel, cement, bricks, metalproducts and fabricated timber, was ready to accept orders for defence works – and skilled workers andlabourers were readily available in the building trade, and on Labour Exchange registers.Kent’s pillboxes were built by numerous contractors, under Army supervision. One of the firstcontracts was placed on 24 June (the day before the Chiefs of Staff and War Cabinet approved Ironside’s homedefence strategy). Under Regulation 50 of the 1939 Emergency Powers (Defence) Act, landowners wereobliged to permit defence works to be built anywhere on their property and were compensated for any loss ofincome incurred - for example, diminution of crop yields. In the case of the GHQ Line through Tonbridge,Regulation 50 applied mostly to owners of grazing land in the Medway flood plain and compensationpayments were probably modest; elsewhere in the town, the defence works arose on Council-owned land atand near the castle.To erect a pillbox typical of those around Tonbridge, up to 70 cubic yards of concrete had to be mixedon site for its solid concrete floor slab (aka raft), reinforced concrete roof and walls, and the central columnsupporting the roof, in a ratio by volume of one part cement, 2-3½ parts sand and 4-8 parts aggregate (gravelor crushed stone). Kent’s pillbox builders were fortunate in that the county had abundant resources of sandand gravel in the alluvial deposits in the Medway and Stour valleys, and on Romney Marsh. Sand was requirednot only as an ingredient for concrete and mortar but to fill the hundreds of thousands of sand-bags needed toprovide additional protection for the pillboxes, enclose weapon pits, make blast-walls for street shelters andpublic buildings, and offer to householders for their air-raid shelters and trenches.Before the war, sand and gravel quarrying on an industrial scale was being pioneered in the Stourvalley at Canterbury by Robert Brett and Sons Ltd and at Lydd, on Romney Marsh, by Ace Sand and Gravel.Both companies were supplying defence contractors in east and south Kent; even if they had sufficientproduction capacity to fulfil orders from Tonbridge as well - and enough lorries to deliver them - petrol usage(rationed since September 1939 and typically 1s.9d a gallon) and haulage costs would have been prohibitive.Each delivery trip of up to 50 miles would have taken two hours or more and the lorries would then havereturned empty to collect another load.To obviate relying on faraway quarries, it is likely that ‘borrow pits’ (temporary sand and gravelexcavations) were opened in the Medway water meadows close to where the pillboxes were being built.Conveyors, lorries or perhaps barges carried the gravel from pit to site.Tonbridge’s quarrying industry did not expand until after the war, when vast pits were opened atHaysden and Postern, but in 1940 sand and gravel merchant G E Farrant Ltd of High Brooms no doubt hadsome local sources to help meet defence contract demands. Haulage contractor H J Goodman and Sons of32Avebury Avenue owned a fleet of steam and motor lorries and had road-rollers for hire, and was likely to havedelivered aggregates and other heavy loads to the GHQ Line, and rolled tarmacadam or bituminous surfaceson roads serving military sites.Kent was also rich in the raw materials required to make cement – chalk, quarried in the North Downsand clay, dredged from the Thames and Medway estuaries. ‘Portland’ cement (thus named due to itsresemblance to Portland stone) was being mass-produced on Thamesside and in the Lower Medway Valley atthe time war was declared. APCM’s ‘Blue Circle’ works at Holborough was about 15 miles from Tonbridge byroad and rail; delivery by barge along the Medway Navigation would also have been an option.Mixing and placing concrete was labour-intensive and time-consuming, even with mechanical mixerswhich produced batches of about 120-litres (0.15 cubic yard) at a rate of one every 5-10 minutes. One batchequalled two wheelbarrow loads. To build a pillbox’s walls and central supporting column, the loads had to beemptied into a bucket-hoist, lifted to heights of up to ten feet and poured into temporary shuttering (usuallyplanks or corrugated iron) built around helical bars or other forms of steel reinforcement, shortages of whichwere sometimes overcome by using iron railings (officially purloined from parks and gardens to be forged intoweapons of war) or even Slumberland bed springs!The concrete embrasures in the walls were cast on site in timber patterns, or pre-cast at SouthernRailway’s factory at Ashford where in peacetime fencing, footbridge components, gradient indicators, lampposts, lineside gangers’ huts, mile-posts, platform slabs, station name boards and much else were made forthe region’s railways. The factory was well placed to despatch embrasures to Tonbridge and other placeswhere railways ran close to the GHQ Line.Up to 500 batches (1,000 wheelbarrow loads) of concrete had to be made for each pillbox. Today,nine ready-mixed concrete trucks could deliver and pour 70 cubic yards (sufficient, say, for one of TonbridgeCastle’s FW3/28 pillboxes) in a few hours.Left: Concrete reinforcement and an embrasurerevealed during the demolition of a FW3/24 pillboxafter the war. From Pillboxes. A Study of the UKDefences 1940 (Cooper/Secker & Warburg 1985).Above: FW3/24 pillbox on the Medway upstream fromTonbridge. (©Clive Holden)33Concrete reaches maximum strength after 28 days but it would have been safe to remove itsshuttering after only a few days for use elsewhere. The horizontal strata still evident on the outer and innerfaces of some of the pillboxes upstream from Tonbridge Castle were imprinted by the edges of the shutteringand reveal the number of successive ‘pours’ required to build the walls up to the required height. Whereshortages of timber and corrugated iron shuttering occurred, permanent brick external shuttering wassubstituted, the bricks being laid as a single ‘skin’. Nearly 80 years later some of the brickwork is in surprisinglygood condition, considering the haste at which it was built.Bricks were readily available in Tonbridge, whose seams of brickearth and Wealden Clay had beenplundered by brick makers since the 19th century. Punnett and Sons’ works off Woodfield Road (which had acapacity of 300,000 bricks a year as early as 1858) and at Quarry Hill (capable of making 100,000+ a week)would surely have met the needs of long sectors of the GHQ Line.The efficiency of the whole pillbox project depended on the site supervisors, who as well asoverseeing the work had to ensure the serviceability of cement mixers and the constant availability ofequipment and consumables, including metal rod benders and cutters; petrol and lubricating oil; paint (forcamouflage); shuttering; baulks of timber (for temporary access roads across soft ground); nails, screws, wire,nuts, bolts and washers; tarpaulins; hand-pumps; buckets; small hand-tools, picks, shovels, spades and saws;padlocks and keys (for site huts), water trolleys ... the list is almost endless.And the cost? About £150 - £400 per pillbox, or £9,300 - £25,000 today (this and subsequent costcomparisons are based on historical inflation rates published on http://inflation.iamkate.com andwww.thisismoney.co.uk ).34Chapter Six: Ironside attacked and sackedDespite Churchill’s endorsement of his ‘stop-lines’ concept and encouraging comments over probably severalbrandies after their dinner on 29 May, Ironside was soon being criticised by the Chiefs of Staff and other seniorofficers. He was said to be encouraging a ‘Maginot mentality’, recalling France’s formidable bunkeredfortifications along its western borders that Germany had recently circumvented simply by invading throughthe Low Countries. He was told that any invasion battle should be fought and won on the coast, and that hisGHQ Line was so far from the beaches that too much of Kent and Sussex would be sacrificed while retreatingto it.Ironside argued that the line was a final fall-back position, not one to which to retreat as soon as the‘coastal crust’ was penetrated. He appreciated the importance of mobile forces but emphasized that thosepresently available were still untrained and inadequately armed, and could not be relied upon to halt advancesacross the hinterland. Hence his stop-lines.Among Ironside’s fiercest critics were Lieutenant-General Alan Brooke, who on 26 June 1940 wasappointed Southern Command’s General Officer Commanding-in-Chief. Brooke begrudged the time and effortexpended on ‘static defences’ (pillboxes and stop-lines) and instead demanded stronger investment in mobilereserves; he was particularly distrustful of road-blocks, considering them as likely to impede his own forcesduring a counter-offensive as much as they would hamper the enemy.He was supported by Montgomery, who would play an increasingly imperative role in anti-invasiondefence before embarking on his offensive campaigns in North Africa. He wrote, ‘my whole soul revoltedagainst allowing troops to get into trenches and become “Maginot minded” and incapable of offensive action’.Montgomery argued his case with Churchill, who heard the same from Brooke while visiting SouthernCommand on 17 July. On 19 July Ironside was summoned to meet Anthony Eden, Secretary of State for War,who told him he was to be replaced as C-in-C Home Forces by Brooke, who had greater battlefield experience.Ironside retired after more than 40 years’ military service with the rank of Field Marshal and was ennobled as‘1st Baron Ironside of Archangel and of Ironside in the County of Aberdeen’. He left GHQ after only 54 days inoffice, his stop-lines incomplete but his place in the annals of home defence assured, although history has nottreated him kindly; static defences were about all he could advocate at during his time at GHQ.Brooke cleared his desk at Southern Command HQ on 20 July and embarked on inspections of thedefences he had inherited. In a post-war addendum to his 1939-1945 war diaries he wrote, ‘much work andenergy was being expended on an extensive system of rear defence, comprising anti-tank ditches andpillboxes, running roughly parallel to the coast and situated well inland. This static rear defence did not fall inwith my conception of the defence of the country. To my mind our defence should be of a far more mobile andoffensive nature ... a light defence along the beaches, to hamper and delay landings to the maximum, and inthe rear highly mobile forces trained to immediate aggressive action to concentrate and attack any landingsbefore they had time to become too well established’. He added that he had every intention of sprayingmustard-gas along the beaches.He partially halted the construction of stop-lines in favour of ‘nodal point’ defences (aka ‘anti-tankislands’) at towns and villages on critical road and rail junctions; an invading army would be forced to capturethese before it could advance. Tonbridge and Maidstone, on the GHQ Line, and Ashford, Canterbury, Doverand Folkestone, on or close to subsidiary lines, were selected as ‘Category A’ nodal points, to be defended tothe last man and the last round.35Kent’s strategic anti-invasion defences in 1940/41. (©Victor Smith, 2001)The supplanting of Ironside’s policy for Brooke’s came at the beginning of the Battle of Britain. Thesewere dangerous times in which to build pillboxes in remote countryside, far from any air-raid shelters. Germancivil aircraft carrying spy cameras had started photographing war targets in Britain in 1936 and by the summerof 1940 the Luftwaffe had 1:10,000 scale maps on which were marked hundreds of pillboxes and otherpositions; their pilots were well aware of the defences being erected in the fields below their flight-paths andhad many opportunities to strafe and bomb them.On 16 July, Hitler indulged in another bout of sabre-rattling in his Führer Directive No. 16, declaring:‘As England, in spite of her hopeless military situation, still shows no willingness to come to terms, I havedecided to prepare and if necessary to carry out, a landing operation against her. The aim of this operation isto eliminate the English mother country as a base from which the war against Germany can be continued and,if it should be necessary, to occupy it completely’.His Operation Seelöwe (Operation Sea Lion) envisaged an invasion along the Kent and Sussex coast.On 7 September, from their eyrie on the gatehouse, Tonbridge’s Observer Corps counted 200 German aircraftheading north-west; they were part of a force of 350 bombers and their fighter escorts that became engagedin a tremendous dog-fight in which the RAF shot down 88 enemy ‘planes and lost 22. It was the first day of theLondon Blitz.William Oliver was one of the observers. ‘His duties were between 6pm and 6am’, his daughterJessica recalled. ‘There always had to be two men on duty together but owing to a shortage of trainedvolunteers sometimes each man had to complete a double duty. Some of this training involved me, because heoften asked me to help him by holding up recognition cards showing the silhouettes of British and Germanaircraft’.The 7 September raid prompted the Home Guard to issue the ‘Cromwell’ alert and, as a pre-arrangedwarning, church bells were rung all over England. Nevertheless ‘Cromwell’ proved to be a false alarm. On 17September, realising he would be unable to defeat Britain in the air, Hitler postponed Operation Sea Lion,finally abandoning it in June 1941 to embark on Operation Barbarossa; what Churchill called ‘Britain’s darkesthour’ (the 12 months following Dunkirk) had passed.‘It was a new phase of the war’, wrote Brooke. ‘As long as the Germans were engaged in the invasionof Russia there was no possibility of an invasion of these islands. It would now depend on how long Russiacould last and what resistance she would be able to put up. My own opinion at the time and shared by mostpeople was that Russia would not last long, possibly 3 or 4 months. It certainly looked as if Germany would be36unable to launch an invasion of England until October [1941] and by then the weather and winter would beagainst any such enterprise. It therefore looked as if we should be safe from invasion during 1941’.Nonetheless, invasion defence planning continued apace, since the progress of the war wasunpredictable and if Hitler conquered Russia he would likely have revived Operation Sea Lion. By the end of1940 the Home Guard was a strong, efficient force – the comical capers of the likes of Captain Mainwaring’splatoon were now just amusing memories – and capable of accepting more responsibilities at home, whileBrook devoted his energies to converting his professional forces into armies capable of attacking the Germansin territories they occupied in Europe and North Africa.37Chapter Seven: ‘Monty’ takes command of invasion defenceIn June 1940 Eastern Command’s 12 Corps became responsible for defending Kentand Sussex, establishing its headquarters in requisitioned houses at 2, 10, 16, 21 and32 Broadwater Down, a residential street on the edge of Hargate Forest, TunbridgeWells. The corps’ first General Officer Commanding (GOC) was Lt-Gen. AugustusFrancis Andrew Nicol Thorne and its badge (pictured left) was tenuously linked to hisname, featuring an oak, ash and thorn, evoking the chorus from Rudyard Kipling’s A Tree Song - ‘Of all thetrees that grow so fair/Old England to adorn/Greater are none beneath the Sun/Than Oak, and Ash, andThorn’. The fact that Tunbridge Wells is close to Kipling’s ‘Puck of Pook’s Hill’ country may also have inspiredthe badge’s designer. While at 12 Corps, Thorne formed the ‘12 Corps Observation Unit’, the prototype for the‘Auxiliary Units’ guerrilla organization, prosaically called 203 GHQ (Reserved) Battalion, Home Guard. Shortlyafter he arrived at Broadwater Down, Thorne asked members of Lt-Gen. Andrew McNaughton’s 1st CanadianDivision to camouflage and fortify his HQ. Later, specialists in anti-tank warfare arrived to select sites forartillery and infantry positions for what eventually became part of the Tunbridge Wells nodal point.Initially, post-Dunkirk, 12 Corps comprised the 1st London Infantry Division (later renamed 56th[London] Infantry Division) and, until October 1940, the 45th Division, but within a few months the corps’Order of Battle (its units and formations) also consisted of the 44th (Home Counties) Division; the 43rdDivision, the 44th Division (withdrawn in April 1942 and replaced by the 53rd [Welsh] Division); and the RoyalArtillery’s 60th (North Midland) Army Field Regiment, 88th (2nd West Lancashire) Army Field Regiment and74th Medium Regiment. As the war progressed, the Canadian Corps became attached to 12 Corps, as did the1st New Zealand Division for a short time in 1940.The 1st London had four brigades with three battalions from the Queen’s Royal (West Surrey)Regiment, two from the Royal Fusiliers (City of London) Regiment and one each from the Oxfordshire andBuckinghamshire Light Infantry, the London Scottish Regiment, the London Irish Rifles, the Royal BerkshireRegiment, the Welch Regiment, the Coldstream Guards and the Grenadier Guards.The 43rd Wessex Division had one brigade, the 128th Infantry, whose units were the 1/4th, 2/4th and5th Battalion of the Hampshire Regiment and the 128th Infantry Brigade Anti-Tank Company.The 44th Home Counties, transferred from Northern Command’s 1 Corps, marshalled regiments fromthe home and southern counties into three brigades among which were three battalions of the Queen’s RoyalWest Kent Regiment, three battalions of the Royal Sussex Regiment, two battalions of the Queen’s RoyalRegiment and one battalion of The Buffs (Royal East Kent Regiment).Together the three divisions could muster about 50,000 troops to provide professional support forthe rapidly expanding Home Guard battalions, which at full strength each averaged 800 men. Major-GeneralClaude F Liardet’s ‘56th London’ and Major-General Robert Pollok’s ‘43rd Wessex’ were front-line forces, toattack along the corps’ right (west) and left (east) flanks respectively, and had HQs at Leigh Green (two milessouth of Tenterden) and Wye. The ‘44th Home Counties’, based at Stede Court, Harrietsham, was held inreserve under the command of Major-General Brian Gwynne Horrocks, later chiefly remembered as thecommander of XXX Corps in Operation Market Garden.Billets and buildings were acquired all over Kent for Army living accommodation and offices,augmented by increasing numbers of Nissen hut camps when, from 1943, more and more troops arrived asthe training policy switched from preparing to defeat Germany in southern England to invading occupiedEurope. In Tonbridge, Fossian Hall in the High Street, Yardley Lodge in Yardley Park Road and houses in LondonRoad were among the properties requisitioned.In February 1941 changes in the Army’s structure led to the formation of South-Eastern Command totake over Eastern Command’s territory south of the Thames - Kent, Sussex, Surrey, Hampshire and Berkshire.At about this time, 12 Corps handed over responsibility for defending Sussex to 4 Corps. In April, Thorne wassucceeded at 12 Corps by Montgomery, now a Temporary Lieutenant-General, whose personal quarters wereat 69 Warwick Park, half a mile from Corps HQ.38On 7 May he wrote to his friend Major Christopher (‘Kit’) Dawnay, saying: ‘I rather fancy I burst intoKent like a 15in. shell!’ Evidently he was none too impressed by Thorne’s command of the corps.From Broadwater Down, Montgomery imposed the same rigorous physical fitness and training regimehe had enforced at 5 Corps – ‘hard and tough’, he wrote in his Memoirs, ‘carried out in all conditions ofweather and climate; in rain, snow, ice, mud, fair weather or foul, at any hour of the day or night – we must beable to do our stuff better than the Germans. Commanders and staff officers at any level who couldn’t standthe strain were weeded out. Total war demanded total fitness from the highest to the lowest’.In one of his first directives to his senior officers Montgomery wrote: ‘They [their troops] will be madeto understand that the only thing that is certain in battle will be uncertain. They will be taught to grasp rapidlythe essentials of a military situation and do something about it quickly. They will be taught to act on verbalorders’.Montgomery’s military enclave at Broadwater Down was only yards from a complex of tunnels andunderground chambers built for 12 Corps nearly 100 feet below Hargate Forest. The corps’ activities, and theexcitement of a visit by King George V1 on 13 June 1941, were the subject of much gossip in the town. Afterthe war it was rumoured that the tunnels, in a part of the forest known locally as ‘The Wilderness’ (NGRTQ575375), led to a secret bunker, intended to be Montgomery’s D-Day HQ.In 1969 the local Courier newspaperreported that a builder had discovered an entrance to the tunnels. This prompted readers with long but notnecessarily reliable memories to ‘reveal’ their secret purpose. Asked by the Courier if he knew what the bunkerwas built for, Montgomery replied: ‘I know nothing whatever of the underground D-Day HQ. It was not builtfor me and I never gave any orders for it to be built. I do not believe in such a Headquarters, they are wrongand bad for morale’.Also in 1969, Mrs Hilary Finch, who lived at 10 Broadwater Down, wrote to Montgomery asking him toconfirm that he had used her house during the war. He answered: ‘I did indeed have my Corps HQ at No. 10Broadwater Down in 1941, from 12th April to 17th November. On return from Dunkirk ... I was given commandof 5 Corps, commanding all the troops in Hampshire and Dorset. That was in 1940. Then in 1941 the War Officebecame alarmed about a possible German invasion in Kent, so I was transferred to command 12 Corps and hadunder my command all the troops in Kent, which was then known as Invasion Corner’.Research by Steve Sullivan, published on www.blighty-at-war.net in October 2018, finally disclosedthe ‘secrets’ of the bunker, 77 years after it was built. Montgomery had been economical with the truth in1969 (mid-way through the Cold War) when he spoke to the Courier. Perhaps he assumed the bunker was stillsubject to the Official Secrets Act and the less said about it, the better, but the War Diaries of the RoyalEngineers’ 172nd Tunnelling Company recorded on 11 May: ’No.1 Section proceeded to Tunbridge Wells asadvance party (approx. 30 men from Aldershot)’; on 19 May: ‘The work on the 12th Corps dug-out atTunbridge Wells was officially taken over by 172nd Tunnelling Company’; and on 19 July: ‘Tunnellingoperations on the 12th Corps shelter at Broadwater Down is now completed’.Right: 21 Broadwater Down, the corps’ main HQ,pictured in 2018. Next page: 12 Corps’ premises inTunbridge Wells. (©Steve Sullivan, blighty-at-war.net)39In September 1941 the company moved to Sarre, on the Isle of Thanet, to construct undergroundheadquarters for a Canadian Army brigade assigned to South-Eastern Command. The fitting-out of theBroadwater Down bunker was completed by 12 Corps and occupied by its Signals Division in 1942.Montgomery was CO of 12 Corps for eightmonths (from April to December 1941) and it isinconceivable that he was not aware of the bunker.It was an element in Lt-Gen. Brook’s new strategyfor the defence of southern England, in whichMontgomery had a vital role, and would have beenessential to the corps’ operations had the enemysucceeded in advancing this far inland, only eightmiles south of the GHQ Line. The bunker was in aclearing directly alongside the road (guarded, nodoubt, by the Military Police) and its entrances andspoil heaps would have been camouflaged toprevent detection from the air.There was probably a large Army camp within the forest, unless the sappers were billeted in nearbyhouses. Up to 120 men worked in the tunnels at any one time, while vehicles hauling machinery and carryingheavy construction materials - cement, aggregates, bricks, steelwork, timber props - were continually turningoff the arterial roads skirting Hargate Forest (the A26 Eridge Road and A267 Frant Road) and passingMontgomery’s HQ. He and his officers would have had meetings with their Royal Engineers opposite numbers,possibly entertaining them in their mess at 10 Broadwater Down, and the other ranks would surely havesocialised at the local pub! The tunnels are not the only legacy of the Army’s occupation of Broadwater Down.As recently as April 2019 a cache of hand-grenades, Home Guard, for the use of, was found in a nearby garden.The Royal Logistic Corps disposed of them in a controlled explosion.Right: Generals Brook and Montgomery with WinstonChurchill.(®IWM)40* * *Top of page: one of the three blockhouses that defendedthe entrances to 12 Corps’ bunker. Left: top of the stairsleading from the blockhouse into the bunker. Above: theflooded main tunnel in 2002.(© Nick Catford, Subterranea Britannica)41Chapter Eight: Tonbridge becomes a ‘fortress town’Montgomery’s immediate superior was Lt-Gen. Bernard Paget, General Officer Commanding-in-Chief (GOC-inC) of South-Eastern Command, who on 13 October 1941 issued his South-Eastern Command Appreciation forthe Spring of 1942 to his corps commanders - Montgomery; Lt.-Gen Francis Nosworthy (4 Corps) and Lt.-GenAndrew McNaughton (Canadian Corps). Germany’s armoured divisions were now four months into theirinvasion of Russia and advancing rapidly on Moscow. Brooke’s view that Russia would be defeated in 3-4months still prevailed, so he and his commanders revised their plans, in which in a subtle change of emphasisthe troops were told their duty was to ‘counter-attack’ in the face of an invasion; the accent now was on‘offence’ instead of ‘defence’. The words ‘defend’ and ‘retreat’ were seldom mentioned by Paget andMontgomery.Paget’s stated objective was to prevent the enemy establishing a bridgehead through which its mainattack could be supplied and reinforced; and if that failed, to break up its main thrusts towards London andcounter-attack to recapture the bridgehead.Several ‘nodal point’ towns under Paget’s command had already been developed into ‘fully tankproof localities’. He now announced that Tonbridge and Maidstone would be similarly upgraded as ‘fortresstowns’, with augmented defences within perimeters defined by tank-traps and anti-tank ditches. ‘The object ofthe nodal point system’, Paget wrote, ‘is to delay the enemy’s advance, if he should obtain a temporarysuccess, until our reserve formations can be brought into action ... there will be no withdrawal in anycircumstances and all ranks must be determined that every German who succeeds in setting foot in this countryshall be killed’.Tonbridge Council was briefed on the town’s role in this scheme, resolving that because itsinhabitants would not be allowed to leave the nodal point during ‘military operations’ it was imperative toprovide them with shelters. It was further decided, rather unnecessarily it would seem, that ‘within the nodalpoint, protection must be provided for 100% of the civil population without any regard to their financialposition’.On 4 January 1942 estimates were published for completing defences already approved andaugmenting them with others in order to create ‘Tonbridge Fortress, with the castle as garrison HQ. The newworks were marked out on a 25-inches to the mile plan, dated December 1941, showing where they were tobe positioned along and within the town’s defended perimeter.The total cost, excluding work to be done by Army labour, was estimated at £16,000 (about £768,000today). The allocation for the perimeter covered 150 anti-tank concrete cubes (£3,000); four more pillboxes(£1,600); modifications to three existing pillboxes (£150); 13 road-blocks (£650), and tree-felling (£200). Theanti-tank ditch was to be extended by 1,200 yards, and 500 yards of the river deepened.Additions to ‘The Keep’ (aka castle) were itemised as 100 concrete cubes (£2,000); two pillboxes(£800); nine road-blocks (£450); modifications to two pillboxes (£100), and a ‘tunnelled HQ at Command Post’(£300). Anti-tank obstructions were to be enhanced by digging a 140 yard ditch and deepening 90 yards of theriver (doubtless the stretch south of the castle).‘Spurs’ to the defences consisted of 150 more cubes (£3,000); 11 road-blocks (£550) and three ‘minor’blocks (£150), while east of the town provision was made for one road-block (£50) and a 750-yard anti-tankditch.The total number of road-blocks in the estimates came to 39. A year earlier, 14 had already been setup; Tonbridge Council noted on 2 January 1941 that the cost of lighting them with 101 hurricane lampsamounted ‘to no less than £8 a week’.One of the contractors for the 1942 works was Chittenden and Simmons Ltd, who on 3 Februaryasked Tonbridge Council for permission to operate concrete mixing depots on parts of the carriageway inPortman Park, in north-east Tonbridge, and The Crescent, in The Slade area north of the castle; and to erecttwo small offices for their foreman and clerk in the castle grounds opposite The Slade School. Permission wasgranted, ‘subject to arrangements being made to the surveyor’s satisfaction, the contractors making good anydamage, lighting any obstructions during the hours of darkness and the site being cleared at any time upon42demand by the Council’. The depots’ purpose was clearly to produce concrete for tank-traps and road-blocks.A demand by the Council to ‘clear the site on demand’ would surely have been met by a frosty refusal from theCIC Home Forces!Chittenden and Simmons, whose head office was in Maidstone, was founded by Edmund BarrowChittenden and Percy A. Simmons and carried out large road-building contracts for Kent County Council andLondon County Council.Not all the defences in Paget’s ‘appreciation’ went ahead. In December 1941, the very month in whichit was being drafted, Brooke succeeded Field Marshal Sir John Dill as Chief of the Imperial General Staff andPaget became Commander-in-Chief Home Forces. A few weeks later, In February 1942, Brooke ordered thatpillbox construction should cease, affecting most, probably all, of those in the 4 January estimates forTonbridge Fortress. However, post-war aerial photographs show that the anti-tank ditch along the perimeterwas completed, in most respects following the lines marked on the plan.Any pillboxes completed for 12 Corps along the Medway and elsewhere before Brooke issued hisorder had to meet a higher specification than their predecessors by having walls at least 3ft 6in. thick, capableof withstanding onslaughts by 37mm anti-tank guns. Selected anti-tank pillboxes had 8ft thick walls; existingpillboxes were brought up to standard by having a 3ft 6in. wall built on their most vulnerable side.In December 1941, Montgomery succeeded Paget as CO of South-Eastern Command, which to evokea more aggressive intent than ‘command’ was renamed (with his enthusiastic approval and possibly on hisinitiative) the ‘South-Eastern Army’ and was responsible for Kent, Surrey and Sussex. Contrary to what he toldMrs Finch in 1969 (‘at no time ... did I ever have an HQ underground’) his centre of operations occupied anetwork of tunnels under Reigate Hill, as well as houses in Underhill Park Road and Beech Road; Montgomerywould certainly have known about this complex and visited it regularly in the early months of the war andwhen it was extensively enlarged in the winter of 1940.The proposed ‘tunnelled HQ at Command Post’ at Tonbridge Fortress would have been needed onlyin the most dire circumstances imaginable, with 12 Corps’ HQ at Broadwater Down and other forwardpositions under enemy attack or even control, and Tonbridge’s garrison of professional and Home Guardsoldiers desperately following orders to hold out to the last man and the last bullet.In a memo to GHQ dated 4 February 1942, requesting permission to build the HQ, Montgomery said:‘It is proposed that this should consist of a single chamber 50ft long, situated under the central area of thecastle mound [the Norman ‘motte’], where the cover will be approximately 40-50 ft. It would be approachedby two horizontal slits 90ft long from the path bordering the Moat.‘The Keep area of this Garrison is very small and contains few buildings. The only suitable place for theconstruction of a Battle Headquarters is the Castle Mound. The castle is an ancient monument but it isconsidered that the tunnel would not affect [it] at all. If approval is given, this aspect of the case will be takenup with the Office of Works [the government department that requisitioned property for wartime use] andtheir approval obtained before work is commenced’.This is a surprising proposition, considering Montgomery’s opposition to tunnels, but the mound wasnot violated.43Montgomery’s successor as CO of 12 Corps was Lt-Gen. James Gammell, whose divisions and varioussubsidiary units were training for offensive operations overseas but nonetheless, like the Army everywhere,had strategies in place in case Hitler sprang a surprise in 1942 by reviving Operation Sea Lion. On 26 March1942 Gammell issued his 12 Corps’ Plan to Defeat Invasion, emphasizing that east Kent was ‘the mostattractive area’ for an invasion. Offensive action was to be taken against any penetration of beach defences orairborne landings. In the event of infiltration inland, six vital ‘fortresses’ [the strengthened ‘nodal points’ or‘anti-tank islands’] were to ‘hold firm indefinitely’, acting as ‘hinges or pivots of manoeuvre’ for forcesengaging in counter-offensives.Folkestone and Dover, the coastalfortresses, were to be held by an infantry brigade,Tonbridge and the three other inland fortresses by‘special garrisons’.The Home Guard was assigned a vital rolein the plan and would restrict enemy movement bydefending its own towns and villages throughoutKent; setting up observation posts and smallscouting parties to report air landings, andassembling a pool of ‘expert local guides’ at everyvillage post office for the Regular Army.Gammell stressed: ‘These plans will not becalled Defence Schemes since this is liable to inducea defensive mentality. They will be called “Plans toDefeat Invasion”’.Tonbridge Castle’s Norman mound, where Montgomery proposed to build a tunnelled HQ.Left: Montgomery’s proposed ‘tunnelled HQ.44Left: What-might-have-been. An imaginary enactment of aguard on duty at the entrance to Montgomery’s proposedtunnelled HQ beneath Tonbridge Castle’s Norman motte.Staged at New Tavern Fort, Gravesend, by Home Guard reenactor Bill Simmons. (©Victor Smith)By January 1941 Tonbridge was within 12 Corps’Maidstone Sub-Area, whose subordinate units andHome Guard battalions received on 13 April 1942 a52-page manual, headed Maidstone Sub-Area Planto Defeat Invasion, to guide them when preparingtheir own defence plans for their sectors. Many ofthe tasks demanded would have been carried out bythe Home Guard, while behind enemy lines theircompatriots in Churchill’s secret Auxiliary Units wereconducting acts of sabotage and guerrilla warfareagainst enemy-occupied territory.In his preface, the area’s brigade majorwrote: ‘The enemy cannot hope to succeed insubduing this country until he has established alarge and secure bridgehead covering a short andwell-protected sea crossing. Enemy action oninvasion is likely to include parachute or airbornelandings, probably at night, with the object of ... capturing aerodromes ... attacking coast batteries from therear ...securing landing grounds ... attacking HQs; and heavy attacks by armoured and infantry formationslanded by sea and directed on London’. The primary role of the area’s troops were: To hold the Fortresses, Nodal Points, Defended Localities and Defended Villages. To protect vulnerable points. To maintain aerodromes intact. To deny resources likely to be of use to the enemy, and To locate, contain and destroy airborne troops.‘All ranks must be imbued with the offensive spirit and trained to regard the defences as: A means of inflicting heavy losses upon the enemy in his first rush. A means of denying to the enemy avenues of approach through which he must NOT pass. Pivots round which reserves can manoeuvre to exploit enemy failures and temporarydisorganisation.The underlying principle will be that every German who sets foot in the Maidstone Sub-Area will bedestroyed. There will be NO WITHDRAWAL AND NO SURRENDER’.The battle stations throughout the sub-area (redesignated ‘Maidstone Sub-District on 15 May 1943)were defined, those within the Tonbridge Home Guard battalion’s district being: Kent Fortress 2 (Tonbridge), commanded by Lt-Colonel H R Phipps and manned by Regulars and380 Home Guards. Kent Nodal Point 8 (Pembury), a ‘strongly defended locality’ capable of withstanding isolation for3-6 days. DL 39 (Southborough), a ‘Defended Locality’ less important and less strongly held than NodalPoint 8. Eight ‘Defended Villages’. where a small Home Guard force would be ordered to delay the enemy.The villages and their HG strength were: Ashurst (16), Bidborough (23), Burrswood andGroombridge (28), Five Oak Green (51), Fordcombe (26), Langton Green (27), Speldhurst (28) andTudeley (33).45A Triumvirate of Army, Police and Tonbridge Council leaders was ready to direct emergencyprecautions in Tonbridge and Pembury when enemy forces were reported to be advancing, and wasauthorized to commandeer premises and control essential services and supplies. Tonbridge’s new TelephoneExchange in Avebury Avenue, opened in 1939, was identified as a category VP4 (Vital Premises) property, to beprotected by the Home Guard from sabotage and airborne attack.The railway through the town would be both an asset and a liability in an invasion, enabling reserveforces and munitions to be moved quickly across the county but, if captured. allowing the enemy to dolikewise. Armoured trains allocated to the 43rd Wessex and 56th London divisions would be sent to placeswhere airborne troops had landed, with orders to attack them before could form organized bodies. An assaultalong Tonbridge’s railway lines would have been opposed by the 56th London’s trains, based at Ashford.Despite Gammell’s order that there should be ‘NO WITHDRAWAL AND NO SURRENDER’, contingencyplans allowed for a tactical withdrawal if enemy columns captured the town’s southern approaches, acrosswhich run railway lines from the Channel ports, the Sussex coast and Surrey.The plan, appropriately code-named ‘Action Stations’, made ‘L’ Company of the 1st (SouthernRailway) Battalion of Kent Home Guard, based at 232 Shipbourne Road, responsible for closing and protectingTonbridge Station. All its locomotives were to be evacuated or immobilised, to prevent them falling intoenemy hands, rolling stock to remain in place since without engines they would be of no value. Beyond thestation, rail-blocks would be erected to prevent tanks making detours around road-blocks and advancing alongthe railway tracks. The defending troops were under orders to be ready at not more than one hour’s notice toman the rail-blocks, which would be closed only in the ‘immediate face’ of the enemy or when localcommanders received instructions from 12 Corps, the guard of the last train or the driver of the lastlocomotive on the line having handed a ‘Last Train’ order to the rail-block’s commander, who would thennotify the sub-area’s HQ that the line was closed.The railway was Tonbridge’s last line of defence south of the GHQ Line and the invaders would havefaced heavy opposition from field guns positioned on bridges, cuttings and embankments. Had they capturedthe road bridge alongside Tonbridge Station and pressed on up the High Street towards Tonbridge Fortress,600 yards away, the battle would have been fought from barricades, barbed wire entanglements andimprovised infantry positions in adjacent properties. Heavy armoured vehicles would have been confined tothe main street; the contiguous twisting, narrow side roads, unsuitable for tank warfare, would have becomethe scene of infantry incursions and desperate street-by-street resistance. Weapon embrasures cut into thewalls of buildings for this purpose can still be found in some towns in southern England, but not Tonbridge.If in the final moments of Tonbridge Fortress’s defiance the Big Bridge could no longer be defended itwould have been blown-up.Tonbridge Station in 2019: in 1940 the railway tracks would have been a last line of defence south of the GHQ Line.46Exercise ‘CASTLE’The long awaited Second Front demanded by Stalin to divert German forces from the Eastern Front waslaunched by an Allied assault on the Fortress of Europe in July 1943.‘General risings of the civil population in occupied countries coincided with this attack and by the endof June the Axis situation had become such that a diversion to relieve the pressure of the main Allied thrustwas essential.‘On 6 July intelligence reports indicated that the German High Command had decided to strike at SEEngland with the object of disrupting communications, destroying port facilities, airfields and ships, in anattempt to strangle the Allied effort at its source.‘On 10 July a large proportion of the remaining Luftwaffe reserves were committed and a heavy andsustained air attack on SE England occurred. Considerable damage to road and railway communicationsbetween London and SE Coast resulted.‘During the night of 13/14 July enemy raids on a large scale were attempted in SE England. About oneDivision, largely mechanised, landed between HASTINGS and RYE and a similar force effected a landing inWHITSTABLE BAY.‘Small numbers of paratroops were dropped at the same time at scattered inland points in KENT andat first light on 14 July numbers of Junkers bombers, Messerschmitts (323) and towed troop-carrying gliderswere intercepted crossing the KENT coast.‘In spite of heavy casualties the airborne attack was pressed home and landings in force were effectedin areas WINGHAM (6,875), ASHFORD (4,461), MAIDSTONE (1,862), PADDOCK WOOD (1,063) and EDENBRIDGE(8, 865). At 1000 hrs on 14 July, Triumvirates in KENT assumed their invasion plans on orders of the RegionalCommissioner and at 1630 hrs on 14 July the MSD authorised closing of road blocks and disruption of petrol inTONBRDIGE and elsewhere at discretion of local commanders’.* * *The above extract from the War Diaries of 12 Corps’ Maidstone Sub-District (MSD) set the scene for Exercise‘Castle,’ held at Tonbridge from 8 – 11 pm on Thursday 15 July 1943 to test the ability of the town’sTriumvirate to respond to an imminent invasion. MSD officers controlled the exercise and appointed DirectingStaff and Umpires, who held a planning conference in Tonbridge on 2 July.The exercise indicates that even after the tide of war had turned against Germany, invasionprecautions remained in place in southern England – in this case, to resist a counter-attack against forcesmustered there to support an assault on occupied Europe.The Triumvirate’s Army, Police and Council representatives ran the exercise from the CouncilChamber at Tonbridge Castle, liaising with military commanders at Tonbridge Fortress HQ and its outposts,and with Police HQ in Bradford Street, Civil Defence HQ’s Control Room in the High Street, and National FireService control rooms at Castle Street and Quarry Hill.All incidents, irrespective of the Service involved, were coordinated by Fortress HQ and initiatedeither verbally or by messages by the Military, Police, CD or NFS member of the Directing Staff, according tothe Service affected. Military incidents were instigated both at Fortress HQ and its outposts.Police incidents were initiated ‘as and when required’; others requiring Police action ‘arose during thecourse of Military events’ and were dealt with through ‘normal channels’.CD incidents were also initiated ‘as and where’ required, whilst NFS incidents were initiated at theservice’s HQ.The following instruction was issued to all participants: ‘To avoid unreality, the incidents produced willbe such as might occur during an isolated period of three hours under Invasion conditions and NO attempt willbe made to achieve a “happy ending”.No such attempt was made. More than 23,000 airborne troops were assumed to have landed acrossthe county. The exercise’s final communiqué, issued at 6pm on 15 July, stated that they had been reinforcedby AFVs that had penetrated as far inland as Paddock Wood and Edenbridge. Battles were being fought at47Hever and Beltring and because the Regular Army’s reserve troops had been diverted to the coast, none couldbe expected in Tonbridge in under 24 hours. The town was now considered to be a vital enemy objective.Exercise Castle: the final communiqué. (Maidstone Sub-District War Diary)*The ‘disruption of petrol in TONBRIDGE’ ordered during Exercise ‘Castle’ applied to Tonbridge sector’sfuel depot at Hall Place, Leigh and 12 Corps’ Command Petrol Depot (CPD). The latter was in SomerhillPark (NGR TQ608451), the extensive grounds of Somerhill, a Jacobean mansion 1½ miles south-east ofTonbridge. The Army occupied the park from 1940 until 1949, for part of which time it was a prisoner ofwar camp for German and Italian interns as well as a petrol depot.Exercise ‘Castle’ confirms that even while plans to invade occupied Europe were reaching anadvanced stage (and would be implemented within a year), a strategy had to be in place to confront aGerman counter-invasion of our shores. In pursuit of this, on 18 January 1944 (less than five monthsbefore D-Day), staff officers of Maidstone Sub-District issued a Defence Plan for the CPD.Its purpose was ‘effectively to protect the whole area’ and ‘clearly to lay down the action to be takenin emergency by its personnel’.The ‘type of enemy action to be expected’ was defined as ‘an attack in strength with the object ofcapturing the CPD intact and only likely in the event of full-scale invasion’, and ‘local limited attack by airtroops to destroy stocks of POL [petrol and oil liquids]’.The CPD was to ‘continue to function during operations. It will be defended and kept working untilthe enemy has been defeated’. Stocks of POL will NOT be destroyed except in the circumstances set out inOperational Instruction No. 18, issued on 20 October 1943’ [a revision of the 13 April 1942 Maidstone Subarea Plan to Defeat Invasion].Warning of an attack was to be passed by word of mouth, and three ‘states of readiness’ weredescribed: ‘NORMAL – Invasion unlikely but raids or sabotage always possible. ‘STAND TO’ – Conditions favourable and invasion considered imminent. Complete state ofreadiness for all Reg tps [Regular troops] and certain HG [Home Guard]. All troops will be at halfan hour’s notice. Leave personnel will NOT be recalled but further leave will NOT be granted.Battle HQ will be established in the Dep [depot] office and will be manned at all times,maintaining 24hr phone watch. Unfinished defence works will be completed ... all troops willcarry, or have immediately available, steel helmets ... rifles ... and respirators’.48 ‘ACTION STAS’ – Ordered when there is an immediate threat of invasion. Complete state ofreadiness for all Services. Action on receipt of warnings: as for STAND TO with the addition of OPS[observation posts] and Def [defence] posts will be manned continuously ... fire-fighting party willstand by and deal with any outbreak of fire within the depot. The normal working of the depotwill continue and POL will be issued on demand in the usual way.In the event of an invasion, ‘Air-troops landing in the CPD or in the immediate vicinity will bedestroyed by the depot mobile reserve before they are able to reorganize. If their strength is too largeto enable this operation to be undertaken, they will be contained by fire until such time as a reliefcolumn can be send to destroy them. Enemy approach to the CPD will be denied by fire. If destructionof stocks takes place, remaining personnel will move to TONBRIDGE and come under FortressCommand’.Eighty years later, no traces of Somerhill’s wartime past survive. In 1945 some of the Armyhuts were taken over by squatters, until the estate was reclaimed by its pre-war owners, thed'Avigdor-Goldsmid family; John Betjeman, Hugh Casson, David Niven and Enoch Powell were amongtheir distinguished house guests. The mansion and grounds are now occupied by three schools,known as ‘The Schools of Somerhill’.49Chapter Nine: ’Scorched earth’ plan forMaidstone Sub-Area’s Plan to Defeat Invasion included detailed instructions for ‘Denial of Assets to theEnemy’, a schedule of disruption, destruction or evacuation intended to prevent advancing invaders acquiringessential supplies abandoned by the defenders; these ‘scorched earth’ commands were somewhat at oddswith Paget’s instruction ‘there will be no withdrawal in any circumstances’.Petrol and oil were a priority, the aforementioned petrol and fuel depots being especially vulnerable if theenemy seemed likely to capture the GHQ Line. In this case, full ‘Jerrycans’ were to be evacuated, ‘timepermitting’, otherwise ‘destroyed by burning’; Army and commercial petrol pumps to be disabled and thepipes from the storage tanks beneath them sealed with concrete and lead wool; manhole covers to be locked(and their keys hidden); and the sludge-cocks on overhead tanks to be opened, allowing their contents to bedrained to waste, ‘special care’ being taken to avoid contaminating water supplies.Tonbridge South Suburban Gas Company’s gas works at Old Cannon Wharf were to maintainproduction unless damaged, in which case all surface tanks of gas oil motor fuel, one of its by-products, wereto be burned in-situ or discharged into a bund or pit and set ablaze. Underground tanks were to be blown up.Gas works also stored Benzol motor fuel, known to be used by German AFVs, so this was to be mixed with tarand thus rendered unusable. Farmers were to drain their surface tanks of Ferosence tractor fuel to waste andseal their underground tanks.Road tankers should be operated ‘until the last possible moment’ and then immobilised, drained andeither overturned or punctured. One of Kent’s largest fleets of tankers was operated by South-Eastern TarDistillers (‘SETAR’) of Vale Road, Tonbridge, and Broad Oak Road, Canterbury. The firm bought crude tar fromgas works in Kent, Sussex and Surrey and converted it into road tar, creosote and hop fumigant.Rail tankers of motor spirit were to beoverturned (after opening their filling hatches) byraising their sides by ‘2ft 5in’ [sic], using ‘manpoweror block-and-tackle’. Alternatively they could beemptied to waste through their drain-cocks orpunctured ‘in about 15 minutes with a cold chiseland hammer’, although ‘the simplest method’ wouldbe to ‘throw a sticky-bomb grenade at its end-plate’.Top picture: a ‘SETAR’ road tanker, photographed in 1938. (®Brett Group) The Gas Works (right) were to be blown up ifdamaged by enemy action. The Telephone Exchange (left) was to be protected from sabotage and airborne attack.50Tonbridge Council’s electricity generating station at The Slade, housing three steam-powered generators and a100kW diesel generator, was to be ‘denied’ if damaged by enemy action or ‘for other reasons [was] no longercapable of serving the civilian population’. Wood, wool, straw, ‘tar torches’ and other flammable materialswere stored there, to start fires in its buildings.Below: Tonbridge electricity generating station’s engine room, built in 1901 and decommissioned in 1951.The town’s river craft, which ranged from rowing boats to 90-ton seaworthy barges, were to remainmoored at specified collecting points, ready to be scuttled if likely to be appropriated by the invaders to makepontoon bridges or to ferry troops along the Medway. Vessels needed to carry goods, passengers, soldiers andemergency service personnel were exempt. Although not mentioned in this plan, at the last resort Town Lock –the highest on the Medway Navigation from the Thames Estuary – would surely have been destroyed, toprevent it being seized by the enemy as site for a temporary bridge if its infantry and AFVs had been unable tocapture Big Bridge and Cannon Bridge, respectively upstream and downstream from the lock.51All troops including the Home Guard in the sub-area were under orders to defend the localities in whichthey were quartered against parachute and airborne troops. By day, the aggressors were to be located anddestroyed quickly, before they had time to become an organized force; at night they should be located,contained ‘and destroyed at first light’.Primary road-blocks (those at Tonbridge Fortress and nodal points) and Secondary road-blocks (at theless important Defended Localities and Defended Villages) would be manned by at least one NCO and fourmen. Demolition parties were given precise instructions as to when and how bridges should be demolished.A chilling appendix to the directive covered evacuation procedures to be implemented in places facedwith imminent enemy occupation: ‘It is impracticable to clear the entire civil population from all areas wherefighting may take place. Pre-evacuation schemes are therefore confined to areas which are most likely to bebeaten by the fire of our own and the enemy’s weapons, such as ... certain nodal points’.One of these was, of course, Tonbridge, newly upgraded to Fortress status, where the civilianpopulation was to ‘stand firm, even when operations are in progress and an emergency organization hasalready been set up to allow civilian life to continue in some form under these conditions. When bombing orfires make it impossible for the population to remain in their homes any longer they will be directed by thecivil police to the nearest available Rest Centre and absorbed locally’.At Tonbridge a ‘bolt’ (exclusion zone) 200 – 500 yards deep would be formed around a defendedposition defined by the local military commander, from which civilians would be evacuated to other parts ofthe town. Those made homeless by the battle ‘will be shepherded by the civil police to the nearest rest centre’[of which there were more than 300 in 12 Corps’ area] ‘where food, shelter and sanitary facilities will beavailable ... homeless civilians will if possible be billeted or otherwise absorbed in the vicinity.’The object of these plans is to help homeless civilians on the ground by providing the necessities oflife and to prevent them from getting on the roads and becoming refugees.‘Under no circumstances will local arrangements be made for the evacuation of refugees or for refugeeroutes’.Clearly, the authorities were anxious to prevent refugees from fleeing in the face of the enemy, as hadbeen the case in Holland and Belgium two years earlier.* * *These plans were impressive in scope and detail but some of the ‘denial of assets’ aspects would have beenderided by General Montgomery, who wrote in his Memoirs: ‘I rebelled against the “scorched earth” policywhich had advocates in Whitehall; their reasoning was that as the Germans advanced inland towards London,Town Lock, collecting point for river craft to be denied to the enemy at all costs, pictured in 2019.52so we would burn and destroy the countryside as we retreated. I said we would not retreat, nor would theGermans advance inland. Thus our confidence in our ability to defeat the Germans was built up, at any rate inthe area under my command’.The brigade major who issued the ‘scorched earth’ plan to Maidstone Sub-Area was the chief of staffof one of the 12 Corps’ brigades, whose CO reported to General Gammell, commander of 12 Corps – andGammell’s immediate superior was General Montgomery at South-Eastern Army HQ. So despite ‘Monty’s‘rebellious’ opposition to ‘burn and destroy’, it became a contingency against failure to prevent the Germansadvancing inland.In April, when the plan was conceived, ‘Monty’ was preoccupied with scheduling the followingmonth’s Exercise ‘TIGER’ (not to be confused with the 1944 D-Day rehearsal of that name), a programme ofprotracted anti-invasion manoeuvres in which 100,000 troops were involved. This, perhaps, is why he did nottake time to veto the plan. In any case, it became obsolescent almost as soon as it was created, as did theestimates for reinforcing Tonbridge’s defences and Montgomery’s proposed tunnelled HQ at the castle. InDecember 1941 America had declared war on Germany; by the time General Gammell and his commandersissued their plans to defeat invasion, thousands of US troops had already arrived in England to prepare toinvade occupied Europe.Soon their numbers would reach 1.5 million. Fears of an invasion of England were further dispelledlater in 1942 when Hitler, fighting on two fronts and abandoning all thoughts of invading England, launched hisill-fated onslaught on Stalingrad and was defeated by Montgomery’s ‘Desert Rats’ at the Second Battle of ElAlamein - a victory described by Churchill as ‘a glorious and decisive victory ... not the end ... not even thebeginning of the end ... but perhaps the end of the beginning’.For more than two years England’s church bells had been silent, to be pealed only when invasion wasdeemed imminent, but on 15 November 1942 the ban was lifted. The bell-ringers at St Peter and St Paul's andthousands of other parish churches celebrated the victory from belfries in the very towers from which theHome Guard had kept watch for parachutists, day and night, in all seasons and weather conditions.Preparations for the invasion of Europe now succeeded those for defying invasion, one consequencebeing the demise of Tonbridge’s Angel Sports Ground, a popular venue for club and county cricket since 1869.It was requisitioned for use as a military motor transport compound and although the Army’s lorries wereoccasionally moved to make way for cricket matches, these had to be abandoned after German bombersbegan to jettison bombs over the town. After the war it was deemed too expensive to restore the ground andeventually the Pavilion Shopping Centre took its place.As for the town’s various reinforced concrete defence works, a schedule (pictured below) has survivedshowing that 13 close to the town centre were demolished by Tonbridge Council soon after the war at a costof more than £4,000 (probably about £168,000 in today’s values). From 1951, further pillboxes owned by theCouncil were demolished, using explosives where pneumatic drills proved inadequate.Other defence works, such as some of the tank-traps along or near the outer perimeter’s anti-tankditch, survived for a few years after the war (and, in Lyons Crescent, until the year 2000) but were eventuallyremoved to make way for residential and industrial developments. In some places (Tonbridge School’s playingfields, maybe) the cost of breaking them up and removing tons of rubble was probably avoided simply bypushing them into the ditch and covering them with the earth that had been excavated to create the ditch.Sydney Simmons, who as the Council’s senior engineer and surveyor for 23 years until 1982 was incharge of the post-war restoration of Tonbridge Castle, argued unsuccessfully for the preservation of one ofthe pillboxes on the curtain wall .Today it would be a fascinating feature among the castle’s older fortifications but in the post-waryears public opinion favoured the removal of such ‘blots on the landscape’ to help expunge memories of agrim era in the town’s history.5354Above: demolishing ‘dragons’ teeth’ tank-traps outside the Westminster Bank on the corner of Castle Street and High Streeton 10 November 1944, in ‘pre-Health and Safety’ days! (®Kent Photo Archive) Below: the corner today.55Chapter Ten: Tracing town’s forgotten battle linesAbove and above left: proposed layout of TonbridgeFortress, December 1941. (War Office Archives). Above right: simplified map of Tonbridge Fortress defences, showing theouter perimeter, stop-lines within the perimeter, and the GHQ Line along north bank of River Medway.With hindsight we know that by the end of 1941 there was no longer any prospect of a German invasion, eventhough at that time South-Eastern Command was proceeding to develop Tonbridge into a Fortress Town, asshown on the above ‘secret’ proposal for additional defence works. Not all of them were completed but56nevertheless many of these now forgotten ‘battle lines’, constructed between June 1940 and February 1942,can be traced when walking around the town today and are shown on the RAF aerial photographs taken inOctober 1947.Anti-tank defences east of Tonbridge High Street(from Mill Stream to Shipbourne Road)Legend: TT = Tank-Traps D = Anti-tank ditch ?WP = Weapon Pit at 23 Hadlow Road.The town’s outer perimeter enveloped much of north Tonbridge and comprised anti-tank ditches up to 18ftwide, rows of tank-traps, and barbed wire barricades. Royal Armoured Corps troops, machine-gunners andmobile artillery would have counter-attacked invaders from positions behind the ditches. Properties along theperimeter were designated to become supplementary anti-tank obstacles and infantry posts as required.The perimeter can be seen running from the Mill Stream (NGR TQ594465), south of Town Mills, toCannon Bridge, Cannon Lane. Tank traps are visible west of the bridge and, on the opposite side, what may bea partially demolished FW3/28 pillbox. The defence line crosses the Medway flood plain, then runs NE through← BIG BRIDGE ← MILL STREAM← TOWN LOCK↗ TTTTTT← CANNON BRIDGERIVER MEDWAY →↗ D TT ↗↙ GARDEN ROAD↙ TT← HADLOW ROAD↙ ?WP‘RED ROSES’P’← TT↙ TT← D↓ DLYONS CRESCENT →← TT← LOVERS’ WALK←HIGH STREET← GAS WORKS←CANNON LANETOWN MILLS →← SHIPBOURNE ROADPOWELL’S YARD ↓← ?FW3/28 PILLBOX57Swanmead Allotments and along the south side of Garden Road. Here the last in a long row of tank-traps stoodonly a few feet from the gable wall of 12 Garden Road, the end cottage in a terrace of 12. This and the shop onthe corner of Hadlow Road would themselves have been commandeered to obstruct advancing tanks andprovide improvised defended positions for infantry and artillery troops. By this time it is likely that many ofTonbridge’s residents would have fled, despite instructions to the civilian population to stay-put to prevent theroads leading out of the town becoming congested with refugees who would hinder the arrival of British Armyreserves.From the junction of Garden Road and Hadlow Road the perimeter ran NNW, through theaforementioned garden of No. 23 Hadlow Road (NGR 594469). The curious circular structure seen here may bea weapon pit or other defence work. There may also have been a pillbox hereabouts, identical to the one atTonbridge School and demolished when the Castle Court retirement complex at 25-29 Hadlow Road was builtin 2004/2005, but this cannot be verified. From Hadlow Road the perimeter ran through other gardens toLovers’ Walk (NRG TQ594470); then along the boundary of the grounds of Red Roses in Portman Park; upLovers’ Walk again for about 100 yards; then due north to form two sides of a rectangle (NRG TQ594471)containing about 40 tank-traps. It next veered south, past ten tank-traps, to the south-east corner of Elm Laneplaying field (NRG TQ593471) and from there to the south-west corner of the playing field (NRG TQ 592471),where there was a weapon pit or defended building. The nearby junction of High Street, Shipbourne Road andLondon Road (NRG TQ591471) would have been one of the most heavily ‘defended in north Tonbridge;covering fire from road-blocks, defended buildings and the pillbox in the grounds of Tonbridge School’s Dry HillHouse would have been directed against columns heading north after capturing Big Bridge, or advancing fromother directions.The junction of London Road (left) and Shipbourne Road (ahead), pictured here from the High Street in 2019, would havebeen secured by road-blocks, defended buildings on the outer perimeter, and the pillbox at Dry Hill House.58Above: Garden Road, looking north–west towards HadlowRoad. Tank-traps on Tonbridge’s outer perimeter defences ranfrom this corner, through where there are now a front gardenand outbuildings, to No 12 Garden Road (the gabled house inthe mid-distance). Above right: Nos 1 (foreground) - 12 GardenRoad. These buildings would have been defended by machinegunners and infantry troops if invaders attacked the perimeterat the south-east end of the road. Right: the south-east end ofGarden Road, looking towards Cannon Lane. The lamppost andtrees are on the site of the tank-traps.59The stop-line from the Medway to East StreetBecause the perimeter could not be construed as invincible, contingency measures were taken to impede anyattempt to capture ‘The ‘Keep’, at the heart of Tonbridge Fortress, whose defenders were under orders to‘hold firm indefinitely’. These measures included a stop-line of tank-traps running due north from the Medwayat Powell’s Yard (NGR TQ592464), beside or close to the site of the town’s medieval wall, The Fosse, to LyonsCrescent, and from there through private gardens to East Street, possibly joining another series of tank-trapsor defended buildings extending to High Street in one direction and, in the other, to the perimeter at thejunction of Hadlow Road and Garden Road.Until sold for redevelopment in early 2019, Powell’s Yard (named after one of its first owners) was thelast survivor of the many light industrial premises established along Tonbridge waterfront in the late 19th andearly 20th centuries. Among it premises were a boat shed, forge, livery stable, and workshops forwheelwrights, carpenters, bicycle repairers, various engineering specialists and, finally, Duncan Welch’s motorengineering business in the former stable.These buildings and others in Lyons Crescent and East Street would have provided cover for forcesmanning the stop-line. The above December 1941 proposal shows a weapon pit or defended building betweenEast Street and Lyons Crescent, a road-block outside Powell’s Yard and a pillbox downstream from thesouthern end of the stop-line, from where it could concentrate formidable firepower along the riverbank andacross the river at Town Lock, Baltic Saw Mills and other wharfs and warehouses on the opposite bank.Derelict boat shed and other premises at Powell’s Yard in 2019.Site of southern end of stop-line oftank-traps from river to East Street.↓Above: boat shed at the southern end of the stop-line oftank-traps. Right: site of the stop-line on the eastboundary of Powell’s Yard, now marked by a graveltrack leading down to the river.60Above: Duncan Welch on the site of the tank-traps in Powell’s Yard in 2019; Lyons Crescent is in the background. Aboveright: Duncan Welch with a reinforcement bar salvaged when the tank traps were demolished in 2000.Left: site of road-block in Lyons Crescent and, in thebackground, trees on the site of the stop-line of tank-trapswhich continued to East Street. Above: back gardens in TheLyons, on the site of the tank-traps that continued the stopline from Lyons Crescent to East Street.61Anti-tank defences west of the High Street(from Tonbridge School to The Slade and the River Medway)Legend: TT = Tank Traps D = Anti-tank ditch PB = Pillbox concealed among trees at Tonbridge School.West of the junction of Shipbourne Road and London Road, Tonbridge School’s dormitories and otherproperties facing London Road would have become defended buildings. The perimeter then continued as ananti-tank ditch and tank-traps in the school grounds (at NRG TQ590472), running almost due west, parallelwith North Path, to NRG TQ589471, then turned sharply south-west to follow the boundary between The Headand The Fifty, the school’s playing fields. This section was lined with more than 30 tank-traps. The ditch turnedsouth-west at NRG TQ588470, crossed Pot Kiln Path (a footpath from Lansdowne Road to Hilden Bridge),CASTLE← BIG BRIDGE← RIVER MEDWAYD →TONBRIDGE SCHOOL →SHIPBOURNE ROAD →←HIGH STREET→SLADE SCHOOL →THE FOSSE ↓←TTTT →‘THE HEAD’PLAYING FIELD‘THE FIFTY’ PLAYING FIELDHILDEN BROOK →D →TT and D →PB →ELECTRICITY WORKS →LONDON ROAD →POT KILN PATH →← OUTER BAILEY (akaUPPER CASTLE FIELD andUPPER PLAYING FIELD)HAVELOCK ROAD →← THE AVENUE62meandered through allotments west of The Slade’s narrow streets and across the fields beyond, eventuallyreaching the Medway less than a mile from its eastern starting point at Mill Stream. Donald Fry recalled thatThe Slade section of the ditch was 18-20ft deep and lined with brushwood.Above: The Head playing field, viewed from the site of the anti-tank defences at North Path. (©Tonbridge School)Above: these trees on the boundary between The Head (right) and The Fifty playing fields mark the site of the anti-tankdefences where they ran southwards from North Path. Above right: the site of the anti-tank defences where they emergedon to Pot Kiln Path is now flanked by the groundsman’s store (left) and a sports pavilion.63From Pot Kiln Path the anti-tank defences ran through The Slade’s allotment gardens behind Havelock Road and TheCrescent and across farmland to the River Medway. This curve on the Wilmot Athletics Track is on the site of the allotmentsand defences. Havelock Road is in the mid-distance.The Slade stop-line from Hilden Brook to Havelock RoadThe northern area of The Slade, showing locations of defence works. (®Kent History Forum/Kent Heritage Maps)This stop-line was to be held if enemy forces breached the GHQ Line along the Medway, penetrated the outerperimeter, and advanced on Tonbridge Castle and its environs. The line ran from Hilden Brook (NGR64TQ588466), along which 176 pyramidal tank-traps were ranged; past Tonbridge electricity generating stationand Slade School, and across Stafford Road to the south end of the Fosse, where tank-traps about 5ft 6in. highwere erected. Barbed wire barricades extended all along the east side of Havelock Road as far as EbenezerCottage (11 Havelock Road) and from there, on the west side, to Pot Kiln Path. No evidence survives inHavelock Road of the trench in which land mines were concealed, but the passage of war is marked by stumpsof railings removed from the front garden of Ebenezer Cottage during the 1940 ‘scrap iron for munitions’campaign. There are similar stumps at No 9 Bank Street.The Slade stop-line and the perimeter converged at Pot Kiln Lane and Nos 20 and 21 Havelock Road,in whose back gardens tank-traps were erected. The arc of fire from the proposed machine-gun at No.22would have extended across the anti-tank defences and allotment gardens. On the December 1941 ‘TonbridgeFortress’ proposal, all the houses in Havelock Road were designated ‘anti-tank obstacles using existingbuildings where possible’. The proposal also shows another stop-line of tank-traps, with weapon pits and apillbox, running from a road-block at the corner of the High Street and Castle Street to The Slade. The onlyevidence that this stop line was built is the photograph of ‘dragons’ teeth’ being demolished in Castle Street in1944.Left: This footpath follows the site of 176 pyramidal tanktraps erected beside Hilden Brook (among the trees on theleft) to defend Tonbridge Castle if the enemy succeeded inbreaching the GHQ Line (aka Ironside Line) and theperimeter.Above: the overgrown site of the west end of the line oftank-traps along Hilden Brook. Its width and depth at thispoint suggest it was reconfigured to form an anti-tankditch in front of the tank-traps. Tonbridge Leisure Centre ison the right bank.65From Hilden Brook the stop-line ran west of Tonbridge Castle’s moat and outer bailey (aka Upper Castle Field), its coursenow marked by a sheltered housing development and an embankment (above) that was part of the outer bailey. Below:Slade School (right) and Upper Castle Field, opposite, where there were tank-traps and a V-shaped anti-tank ditch on thestop-line.This house in Stafford Road and the parking spaces mark thecourse of the stop-line. The trees stand where there was agroup of tank-traps at the south end of the Fosse. Right: theonly surviving substantial section of the Fosse, running fromStafford Road to Fosse Road.Left: Havelock Road, looking north towards Pot Kiln Path.A barbed wire barricade ran along its east (right-hand)side as far as Ebenezer Cottage.Above: the site of the land-mine trench in Havelock Roadnear the corner of The Avenue, from where the barricaderan along the west (left-hand) side of the road to Pot KilnPath.66Above: view south from the site of the land-mine trench inHavelock Road. The second house on the right is EbenezerCottage. The corner of The Avenue is in the foreground.Right: stumps of the railings removed from the front gardenof Ebenezer Cottage in 1940.Nos 20 and 21 Havelock Road and (right) Pot Kiln Path, where the stop-line and the outer perimeter defences converged.67Bedroom windows in Havelock Road, from which machine-guns would have had a field of fire across the perimeter’s antitank defences.The ‘Doodlebug’ raidsSoon after D-Day, Tonbridge School was on the front-line in ‘Operation Diver’, the RAF and Anti-AircraftCommand's attempt to protect London against V1 flying-bomb (aka ‘Doodlebug’) air-raids, Nazi Germany'sdesperate attempt to turn the tide of the war as the Allied armies fought their way across northern Europe tothe Rhine. AA Command constantly shifted its 40mm Bofors guns and other artillery around Kent and Sussex toconfront constantly changing lines of attack. The Kentish Gun Belt came into being on 17 June 1944 and wasdivided into four areas, controlled from operations rooms in military accommodation or requisitionedbuildings. Tonbridge area was populated by the guns of the Royal Artillery’s 127 Heavy Anti-Aircraft Regiment,commanded by Lt. Col. Albert Holdridge, whose HQ was at a house called ‘Lealands’ in London Road,Tonbridge. His Operations Room was in an Army hut near the school’s cricket pavilion, the adjacent playingfield being an ideal site from which to observe and fire at V1s. The other ORs were at the Drill Hall, Lingfield;Buston Manor, Hunton, and The Kennels, near Norton, Faversham. The retaliations were partially successfulbut Kent (‘Doodlebug Alley’) suffered much death and destruction during the onslaughts.68A cricket match on Tonbridge School’s playing field, The Fifty, showing the pavilion (far right).(©Tonbridge School)Tonbridge School as Ironside knew i®Tonbridge School.Artist’s impression of a Second World War Bofors anti-aircraft gun on Tonbridge School’s cricket field. ©Steve Sullivan,blighty-at-war.net)69Chapter Eleven: A town at peaceTonbridge 24 years after the warAerial photographs published in 1969 in the Tonbridge Free Press show the town when it wasemerging from post-war austerity, with much of its war-damage repaired and its anti-invasiondefences removed.Tonbridge Castle, hub of the wartime ‘Keep’ area of Tonbridge Fortress. Slade School is at top left, Big Bridge at bottomright. The weapon pit in Riverside Gardens and the pillboxes on the curtain wall of the castle’s outer bailey have beenremoved and Tonbridge School’s Boer War Memorial has been restored.70Looking east across the High Street and Big Bridge. Tonbridge Castle, Castle Fields and part of The Slade are in theforeground. Beyond the High Street is the town’s rapidly expanding industrial and commercial district. This and residentialdevelopments off Hadlow Road and Shipbourne Road had by now obliterated most traces of the wartime outer perimeterinvasion defences. Tonbridge Gas Works had closed and its two gasometers by the river (top, centre) stored gas piped fromMaidstone.71Tonbridge School and The Head playing field, bordered by trees (top left) running along the site of the wartime anti-tankditch. The trees to the left of the north end of the High Street (top right) conceal the pillbox on which preservation workbegan in 2018.TREES CONCEALING PILLBOX →72The entire length of the High Street, seen from above the railway. In the foreground, Barden Road and Avebury Avenue areon the left; the Angel Hotel (on the corner of Vale Road) and the Congregational Church are on the right. The Big Bridge, thecastle and the parish church and Tonbridge School are in the distance.73Chapter Twelve: Why Hitler could not have captured Tonbridge FortressWould the anti-invasion plans conceived by Home Forces commanders ‘Tiny’ Ironside and Alan Brooke havesucceeded in defeating Hitler’s Operation Seelöwe in September 1940? Could the invaders have penetrated asfar inland as the GHQ Line? Would the defenders on the stop-lines of pillboxes, anti-tank ditches and roadblocks, and the mobile forces deployed around them, have repelled advances by armoured columns, andattacks by airborne troops? Could 12 Corps’ divisions, reserves and the Home Guard have routed them in landbattles and forced them to retreat to their landing beaches and surrender or flee to France?These questions were far from most minds five years later, on VE Day - Tuesday 8 May 1945 - when at3pm Winston Churchill officially announced the end of the war with Germany and Tonbridge, bedecked likeevery other town and village in Britain with Union flags and red, white and blue bunting, began celebrationsthat continued throughout the night and into the following day.An attempt to answer the questions was made 29 years later, at a war game conducted at the RoyalMilitary College, Sandhurst.Artist’s impression of Tonbridge Castledecorated for VE Day celebrations.(®Martin Laws)74Above: German invasion plan from the Third Reich archives. (®Steve Sullivan, blighty-at-war.net)Above: interpretation of German invasion plan from Pillboxes. A Study of the UK Defences 1940, (Henry Wills,Cooper/Secker & Warburg 1985).75The exercise in 1974 was based on the known plans of the German and British forces and on Admiraltyweather records for September 1940. Each side was played by serving officers and the moves of the opposingarmies were plotted on a scale model of south-east England.Two teams of four players each took part, representing air, sea and land commanders and politiciansof the respective sides.The German team comprised Rudolf Rothenfelder, ex-Luftwaffe officer and President of the GermanFighter Pilots’ Association, playing Hermann Göring; Professor Rohwer, Director of the Military Institute inStuttgart (Admiral Erich Raeder); Colonel Wachasmuth, Bundeswehr liaison officer at Sandhurst (Field MarshalWalther von Brauchitsch, Commander-in-Chief of the German Army during the Nazi era). They were supportedby Admiral Francis Schuenemann, Defence Attaché at the German embassy in London.Brigadier Page, Assistant Commandant of the Royal Military Academy, played Winston Churchill butthe names of those who played the British military commanders responsible for home defence in September1940 (Hugh Dowding, Air Officer Commanding, RAF Fighter Command; General Alan Brooke, Commander-inChief, Home Forces, and Admiral of the Fleet Dudley Pound) are not recorded.The panel of umpires included Adolf Galland (62), who fought 705 combat missions with the Luftwaffeand was credited with 104 victories; Admiral Friedrich Ruge (80), holder of Nazi Germany’s Knight's Cross ofthe Iron Cross (Nazi Germany’s highest military award) and first post-war commander of the German Navy; AirChief Marshal Sir Christopher Foxley-Norris (57), wartime Hurricane pilot and squadron commander; RearAdmiral Edward Gueritz (55), recently retired after 40 years’ service in the Royal Navy; General Heinz Trettner(67), wartime CO of Germany’s 4th Parachute Division, and General Glyn Gilbert (54), one of only twoBermudians to land on the beaches of NormandyThe invasion was deemed to have started on Sunday, 22 September 1940, the main problems facingthe Germans being that the Luftwaffe had yet to win air supremacy, and constraints imposed by weather andtidal conditions. Also, it had taken until late September to assemble the necessary shipping.At dawn, elements of nine divisions comprising the first wave of a planned force of 330,000 men*stormed the beaches between Folkestone and Rottingdean, near Brighton, whilst the 7th Fallschirmjaeger(paratroop) Division landed at Lympne airfield, overlooking Romney Marsh seven miles west of Folkestone.Motor torpedo boats of the Royal Navy inflicted minor losses on the Kriegsmarine invasion fleetduring the night but one of our heavy cruisers and three destroyers were sunk. Another cruiser and twodestroyers were damaged while sinking three German destroyers.The beach defences (Ironside’s ‘coastal crust’) were overwhelmed within hours and reserveformations were despatched to Kent. Of the Army’s 25 divisions in the UK, only 17 were fully equipped andonly three [the 1st London Infantry Division, the 43rd Infantry Division and the 44th Home Counties Division]were based in Kent. However the defence plan relied on the use of mobile reserves, and armoured andmechanised brigades were committed as soon as the main landings were confirmed.Meanwhile air battles raged overhead; the Luftwaffe flew 1,200 fighter and 800 bomber sortiesbefore noon. The RAF even sent up trainer aircraft, hastily armed with bombs, to attack the invaders on thebeaches but the Luftwaffe was already having problems deploying enough Me 109s to counter-attack, despitecramming as many as possible into the Pas de Calais.On 22 and 23 September the Germans had yet to capture a major port. Shipping unloading on theshore suffered heavy losses from RAF bombing raids and further losses at their ports in France.Germany’s U-Boats, surface ships and the Luftwaffe lost contact with the Royal Navy until a cruisersquadron with supporting destroyers entered the Channel narrows and had to run the gauntlet of long rangecoastal guns, E-Boats and 50 Stukas. Two heavy cruisers were sunk and one was damaged, but a diversionaryGerman naval sortie from Norway was completely destroyed and other raids by motor torpedo boats anddestroyers inflicted losses on other enemy shipping milling about in the Channel.German shipping losses on the first day amounted to more than 25 per cent of their invasion fleet;their barges proved to be desperately unseaworthy.76On 23 September, between dawn and 14.00 hours, the RAF lost 237 of its force of 1,048 aircraft (167fighters and 70 bombers) and the navy suffered such heavy losses that it held back its battleships and aircraftcarriers, but large forces of enemy destroyers and heavy cruisers were massing; air reconnaissance showed aGerman naval build-up in Cherbourg.The Kriegsmarine was despondent over its losses of barges but preparations to embark the nextechelon of seaborne invaders and 22nd Division’s Fallschirmjaeger troops continued, despite Luftwaffe lossesof 165 fighters and 168 bombers, out of only 732 fighters and 724 bombers. Both sides overestimated lossesinflicted by 50 per cent.22nd Division landed successfully at Lympne, despite damage to the runways by long-range artilleryfire directed by a stay-behind commando group. The first British counter-attacks halted the German 34thDivision in its drive on Hastings and the 7th Panzer Division was being hampered by extensive anti-tankobstacles and assault teams armed with ‘sticky bombs’. Meanwhile an Australian division had retakenNewhaven (the only port in Germans hands) but a New Zealand division arrived at Folkestone only to beattacked from the rear by 22nd Division’s Fallschirmjaegers, who fell back on Dover having suffered 35 percent casualties.Between 1400 and 1900 hours on 23 September the Luftwaffe put up a maximum effort of 1,500fighter and 460 bomber sorties, but the RAF persisted with its attacks on shipping and airfields. Admiral ErichRaeder, Commander-in-Chief of the Kriegsmarine, appealed to the Luftwaffe for more air cover over theChannel.However, the Royal Navy’s Home Fleet had pulled out of air range, leaving the fight in the hands of 57destroyers, 17 heavy cruisers and a number of motor torpedo boats. The Kriegsmarine could pit very littlesurface strength against this. Waves of destroyers and heavy cruisers entered the Channel and although twowere sunk by U-Boats (one of which was destroyed), they did not stop. The German flotilla at Le Havredespatched three destroyers and 14 E-Boats and at dusk intercepted the British but were wiped out, losing alltheir destroyers and seven E-Boats.By now the Germans had 10 divisions ashore but in many cases these were incomplete and waitingfor their second echelon to arrive. The weather was unsuitable for the barges however, and the decision to sailwas referred up the chain of command.At 1800 hours on 23 September, Hitler called a conference of his commanders that broke out intobitter inter-service rivalry. The Wehrmacht wanted to send their second echelon, the Kriegsmarine protestedthat the weather was unsuitable and argued that the latest naval defeat rendered the Channel indefensiblewithout air support.Göring countered by saying this could only be offered by stopping the ‘terror bombing’ of London;Hitler vetoed the suggestion. The Kriegsmarine was ordered to stand by.Between 1900 hours on 23 September and dawn on the 24th, the RAF lost another 97 fighters,leaving only 440. The airfields of 11 Group were cratered ruins and once more the threat of defeat, which hadreceded, loomed. The Luftwaffe had lost another 71 fighters and 142 bombers.On the ground the Wehrmacht made good progress towards Dover and Canterbury but sufferedreverses around Newhaven. At 21.50 Hitler decided to launch the second wave, but only on the short crossingsfrom Calais and Dunkirk. By the time his order reached the ports, the second wave could not possibly have hadtime to arrive before dawn. The Wehrmacht’s divisions at Newhaven, supplied from Le Havre, would not bereinforced at all.At dawn on 24 September the German fleet set sail in calm weather, supported by U-Boats, E-Boatsand fighters, but as the sun rose the invasion barges were spotted in mid-Channel by a destroyer flotilla. TheLuftwaffe committed all its remaining bombers to the invasion and the RAF countered with 19 fightersquadrons. The Germans disabled two heavy cruisers and four destroyers but 65 per cent of the barges weresunk.The attempted crossing failed, leaving the divisions that had landed in a desperate situation. They hadsufficient ammunition for up to seven days but without extra men and equipment they could not extend their77bridgehead, which included only two ports – Folkestone and Newhaven – and extended only 12 miles inland,less than halfway to the GHQ Line. As the British hemmed them in tighter, Hitler ordered the Wehrmacht toprepare to evacuate. The retreat was completed by 28 September.Of the 90,000 troops who had landed six days earlier, only 15,400 succeeded in escaping to France.The rest were taken prisoner, killed on land or in the English Channel. The war game’s umpires deemed theinvasion a resounding failure.*More than twice the number of Allied troops deployed on D-Day in 1944.* * *Detailed accounts of the Operation Seelöwe war game, on which the above summary is based, are published inSealion by Richard Cox (Thornton Cox, 1982) and onhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/Operation_Sea_Lion_(wargame)The only tank to breach Tonbridge Castle’s defences was this British Mk 1V, 20 years before the Second World War. Itfought in France in 1918 and was displayed in the inner bailey from 29 July 1919 until 1938, then sold for scrap for £52 10s.(®Tonbridge Historical Society)78Appendix: Anatomy of a Pillbox1: Tonbridge SchoolBy Victor Smith*, with contributions from Paul Tritton.In December 2018 Kent County Council and Tonbridge School asked me to historically record the SecondWorld War pillbox located near the north-east corner of the school grounds (see Chapter Four). Theinvestigation followed initial concern about the future of the pillbox, this having been earlier seen by membersof the Kent Archaeological Society, enclosed by contractor’s fences adjacent to works for the building of a newScience Centre. Enquiries at the school established that the historical significance and value of the pillbox wasalready known to them and that they had decided upon its retention and historical display for the interest andeducation of students, staff and visitors as well as for the local community.Removal of obscuring bushes and vegetation has made the structure highly visible both from the school and tothe public outside. A historical assessment and survey of the pillbox to help the school with their aims tookplace in 2019. The recording work undertaken contains the following elements which are included in thisreport:• A measured survey to create a set of drawings.• A photographic survey.• A written survey.• A limited study of documentary sources.79No historical reference to this structure, its date or purpose, has yet been found in documents, whetheramong those examined by Paul Tritton (for his foregoing study of Tonbridge during the early years of theSecond World War), by Tonbridge School’s archivist, Beverley Matthews (in her research of school records) orby me. Nor have any memories of its construction come to light. Its existence and position show it to havebeen an element of the measures adopted to create the Tonbridge ‘nodal point’ defences (subsequentlyupgraded to Fortress status) following the defeat of the Franco-British army and the withdrawal of itsremnants from the coast of France from 26 May – 4 June 1940 and, mid-1941, when a German invasion ofEngland was most feared.A perimeter of anti-tank defences enclosed Tonbridge on three sides, the fourth side being the River Medway,along which ran the GHQ Line of pillboxes. At various places along its length the perimeter was breached byroads passing through the town. To the north of Tonbridge these included London Road and Shipbourne Road.Close to the school these converged and joined Tonbridge High Street and, if undefended, this would havegiven an invader access to Tonbridge itself. In consequence, these roads, as well as Portman Park east of theHigh Street, were to be given road-blocks and other protection which, if provided, could have been overseenfrom the embrasures of the pillbox at the school.The pillbox has special significance for Tonbridge School because one of its alumni, General (later Field MarshalLord) William Edmund Ironside (1880 – 1959), served as Commander-in-Chief, Home Forces, in the last weeksof his distinguished military career, during which time he directed the construction of the GHQ Line, popularlyknown as ‘the Ironside Line’. This static defence ‘stop-line’ consisted of thousands of pillboxes, road-blocks andtank-traps, crossing much of southern England and running northwards from the Thames through the easterncounties. It was intended to impede Nazi invaders advancing inland towards London and the Midlands frombeachheads on the Channel and North Sea coasts at a time, post-Dunkirk, when the British Army lackedsufficient mobile artillery and professional soldiers to defend the coastal hinterland.Although to this day many pillboxes can be seen along the River Medway sector of the GHQ Line east and westof Tonbridge, the one at the school is the only survivor within the town.DescriptionSome 10m east of the new Science Centre, this brick and concrete structure surmounts the top of an earthenslope from the school down to a boundary wall at the side of a footpath running along the west side ofTonbridge High Street. Its form is absent from the range of designs of pillboxes contemporarily designed by theFortifications and Works Branch of the War Office.It is of rectangular design, having a 3.16m x 2.20m plan and a height of 2m to a flat concrete roof. Its long rearwall contains the entrance. The front and side walls are pierced with embrasures. These, in varying degrees,face (a) south down Tonbridge High Street towards the Big Bridge over the River Medway; (b) east across theHigh Street to Portman Park and (c) north to the convergence of Shipbourne and London Roads. Embrasuresare absent from the rear wall which faces the school buildings and was without a threat of direct fire by anenemy.80The walls are built of 9½ in. x 2½-in. smooth orange brick, except for the lower half of the right side where theyare laid in rougher-faced yellow stocks. Perhaps no special significance is to be deduced from theseunmatching colours, other than reflecting constraints on the availability of bricks of consistent colour at a timeof wartime shortages. The brickwork combines elements of English, Flemish and Garden Wall bond. The rearwall, pierced with a 60cm undoored entrance, is 22cm thick, the front wall 35cm and the sides are 38cm. Thereinforced concrete embrasures in the side walls appear to be pre-cast, around which the bricks were laid. AsPaul Tritton has suggested in Chapter Five, these may have been made at the Southern Railway’s pre-castconcrete factory at Ashford. Much of the concrete content of the castings is fine-grained but does containsome 1cm stone. The single front embrasure is brick, topped by a concrete lintel.Internally, and 16cm below the side embrasures, are 66cm wide tables faced in brick, probably encasing aconcrete fill. Their tops are surfaced in fine-grain concrete. The tables are built against, or integral with, thestructure. There is a standing space of just 1.07 m between them. Some 46cm below the front embrasure is anarrow concrete ledge. The inside of the structure is otherwise bare, without internal fixtures and fittings. Inplaces the walls display traces of a white coating, whether resulting from the leaching of lime, the use ofwhitewash, or both, is uncertain. Judging from the disturbance to a magnetic compass noted during thesurvey, the poured concrete floor is reinforced.The entrance to the pillbox is protected against the ingress of surface water by a small lip above the floor andthere is a 7cm diameter hole in the floor, perhaps a sump. The floor is likely to be the visible part of a largerconcrete raft on which the walls were built, extending externally 30cm or so beyond them.The concrete roof is 12-13 cm thick, its aggregate content being variable but with stone up to 1.5cm. It hadbeen laid on 9in. (23cm) wooden scaffolding-type boards which, after removal, left imprints in the ceiling.Embrasures facing south to Tonbridge High Street and(above) east to Portman Park pictured during early stagesof preservation.Left: the pillbox, partially revealed in February 2018 and,above, in January 2019. Tonbridge School’s new ScienceCentre is on the left.81Externally and at eight places slightly set back from the edge of the roof, protrude small and now truncatediron or steel fixings. Also at various places along the edge of the roof are, at 15-20cm intervals, the exposedends of what appear to be reinforcing rods. It has been suggested that a section of railings which had beenremoved locally as part of a wartime scrap-metal drive was used to reinforce the roof. Diagonally across thecorners of the outside surface of the roof are shallow imprints of a once-existing frame or structure of somekind, with a transverse imprint across the middle.Other than very small finishing facets, the embrasures are not splayed to guide angles of fire as is usual forpillboxes, being straight-through apertures with right angles. The front embrasure is 60 x 16cm, those in theside walls closest to the rear wall being 42 x 30cm and 80 x 30cm where, adjoining the front of the structure, itwas cut out to give a greater angle of vision. Spalling of concrete from the embrasures in the side walls revealsmetal reinforcement.The ground-level around the structure is variable, in part reflecting its situation on a mound. There has beenearlier and recent landscaping around the structure and the exact original ground profile in not preciselyknown.Above: right (south) elevation of the pillbox. Right: south elevation, showing reinforcement exposed due to spalling of theprecast concrete embrasure facing the High Street.Above: left (north) elevation. Right: north elevation before conservation, showing reinforcement exposed due to spalling ofthe precast concrete embrasure facing junction of High Street, London Road and Shipbourne Road.82Above: front (east) elevation. Right: east elevation, showing main embrasures and central 60 x 16cm embrasure with line offire across High Street to Portman Park.Above and right: rear elevation, showing 60cm wide entrance.Above: roof plan. Right: the roof, showing truncated fixings and transverse imprints at corners.83Above: interior plan, showing wide benches to side embrasures and narrow shelf to front embrasure. Right: wide bench tosouth-facing embrasure.Above: Victor Smith and Sara Normand (PA/Operations Assistant, Tonbridge School) during survey of pillbox, April 2019.Right: Rear and north elevation, June 2019.84Above: section a-o. Right: section x-y.* * *As has been mentioned, the pillbox appears to be a non-standard structure resembling, by coincidence, asRoger Thomas , Co-ordinator of the Pillbox Study Group, has remarked, one of the coastal and riverine minewatching posts of the Second World War - and, it might be added, fire-watching posts, to be found at somekey industrial premises during the same period.Roger Thomas further commented: ‘I have not seen a pillbox of this design before. It is probably an ad hocdesign that was suited to its location. The width of the side tables seems a little excessive just for riflemen andperhaps were for the use of a light machine-gun of some sort, resting on a bipod, with boxes, magazines ordrums of ammunition to hand, whereas the narrow shelf to the front embrasure would have been sufficient torest an elbow on when taking aim.‘The alignment of the pillbox in relationship to the roads shows that the side walls were the principal defendedaspects that covered the High Street in both directions, which would explain why there was a single narrowembrasure and shelf in the less important front wall that was most likely for observing a checkpoint at a roadblock at the junction of the High Street and Portman Park.‘One feature that is of interest is the relatively thin rear wall, akin to the wall thickness of the First World Warsquare pillboxes on the coast of the East Riding of Yorkshire. These structures were built as formers for asandbag covering, much the same as the Norcon and Croft pillboxes of the Second World War, but of course,in the case of this pillbox, the side and front walls are 11 inches (28cm) thick, which would be considered asbeing bullet-proof and, to some extent, blast proof, but I suppose sandbags may still have been added to it,both for protection and to break up the profile. In fact, I suspect that when in use, the large embrasures wouldhave been reduced in size by sandbags or removable concrete blocks’.The eight iron or steel fixings around the edge of the roof may have been places for the attachment ofcamouflage nets drawn down to the ground. As to the imprints in the concrete on top of the roof, RogerThomas has suggested that these might be the ‘tell-tales’ from a once existing timber frame as part ofcamouflaging.As mentioned earlier, this pillbox should not be seen in isolation but as part of a larger suite of defences toimpede road access from the north into Tonbridge. Although it has not been confirmed that all the defenceson the War Office’s ‘Proposed Layout of Tonbridge Fortress’ published in December 1941 were actually built,the proposal did provide for a road-block at the junction of Portman Park and the High Street and two more85just to the north, on the outer perimeter where the High Street joins London Road and Shipbourne Road, aswell as two weapon pits or defended buildings. If provided, it is likely that the road-blocks were also defendedby two nearby Spigot Mortar positions or a Smith Gun to fire on tanks and other vehicles, or perhaps even afougasse and other positions for hand-grenade bombers, riflemen and machine-gunners.Certainly a pillbox is also shown on the December 1941 plan as envisaged for erection on the north-east cornerof the triangular traffic island where these roads meet. For some reason Tonbridge School’s pillbox is notmarked, though there is every reason to assume that it existed at the end of 1941. Even if the evidence hasvanished it is likely, or at least possible, that there were supporting extemporized firing positions in theschool’s windows.Although primarily relating to defence against enemy penetration into Tonbridge from the north, had theenemy got through the perimeter across the Big Bridge on the south side of the town, the embrasures of thepillbox facing in that direction down the High Street would have been brought in action.If that stage had been reached fortress would have been lost.Unless there is an as yet unknown dimension to this structure, its design is not beyond reproach in relation tothe limitations of its internal space and the form of its embrasures.Detail from 1941 ‘Proposed Layout of Tonbridge Fortress’, showing defences at High Street/Portman Park junction and (topleft), junction of High Street, London Road and Shipbourne Road. The plan shows an intended enhancement of defencesthat already existed and not all the elements shown can be confirmed as having been built. (See Chapter Eight and ChapterTen)Conservation and displayPillboxes were an iconic feature of home defence during the Second World War and it is commendable thatthe Tonbridge School authorities not only recognize and value this structure as a heritage asset but have begunsteps for its display. These have taken the form of the clearance from its walls of obscuring vegetation and thecarrying out of some gentle landscaping, combining to make the pillbox strikingly visible. An electrical supplyhas been installed to enable the embrasures to be illuminated from within at night. The entrance is closed forsecurity purposes by a timber barrier which, with the use of tools, may easily be removed for access.Use of a spirit-level has shown that the pillbox is exact in both its vertical and horizontal planes, the structurecontinuing to be stable despite recent groundworks and landscaping. Few repairs to the brickwork appearnecessary. However, spalling of the concrete (notably of the embrasures of the side walls but also, to a smalldegree, of the roof) needs early attention to prevent further decay from the penetration of rainwater which86risks corrosion and damaging expansion of the metal reinforcement. A conservation architect might beconsulted by the school but sand-blasting and sealing of the reinforcing steels where exposed, andreinstatement of missing concrete to keep out the weather and preventing further deterioration, seemsadvisable.The school has already decided to enhance display of the pillbox by means of a heritage panel at the foot ofthe slope down from the pillbox to the High Street, where a suitable position has been found by the school’sperimeter wall, providing ease of visibility and readability from passers-by on the pavement. For their benefitand education this would, ideally, contain several related informational and interpretational components,based on images and short supporting explanatory texts. The primary image might be of the pillbox itself(perhaps a cut-way drawing ,with figures inside), set into a background plan of the Shipbourne Road/LondonRoad/Portman Park/High Street road convergence and junction, with road-blocks marked to make theplacement and significance of this structure instantly explicable. The remainder of the panel could include adrawing of the Tonbridge Fortress to place this in context plus an image of Edmund Ironside, explaining hisimportance in British home defence at a critical period in the Second World War and, not least, his links andassociations with the school.A small commemorative plaque has already been installed and it has also been suggested that an educationalpackage should be created for students at the school, based on Paul Tritton’s research.87Overshadowed by Tonbridge School’s new Science Centre, the school’s earlier buildings and an electrical sub-station, thediminutive Second World War pillbox is pictured here in June 2019 in its new landscaped setting.Above: commemorative plaque installed at the site in June 2019. Right: late 19th century or early 20th century hydrantmarker plate unearthed during landscaping work around the pillbox in 2019. A relic of Tonbridge’s first mains waterdistribution system, it was probably thrown over the High Street wall beside the pillbox during maintenance work on themains. ’E’ denotes the type of coupling installed at a distance of 6ft 6 in. from where the marker was erected. © TonbridgeSchool.88This Royal Naval Auxiliary Service Mine-Watching Post at Breakwater Fort, Portland, Dorset (NGR SY7075276231) hascorner embrasures similar to those in Tonbridge School’s pillbox but in this case for observation. (©Roger J C Thomas,Pillbox Study Group)89Sources consultedNo reference has been found in any documents but, for general context, several formation War Diaries in TheNational Archives have been consulted, including: WO166/521, the War Diary for 44 Division, General Staff(GS), responsible for the defence of the Tonbridge area in 1939-40; WO166/1216, and the War Diary for theKent home defence area, 1 January – 30 November 1941.* * *Victor Smith and Paul Tritton thank Wendy Rogers of the Heritage Conservation Group of Kent County Councilfor her encouragement to carry out this survey. Sara Normand and Tonbridge School have shown greatinterest and support for this investigation and on several occasions made access available. We are also gratefulto Beverley Matthews, the school’s archivist, for her search of school historical records. George Haysom tookphotographs for the authors at an early stage. Roger Thomas, co-ordinator of the Pillbox Study Group, kindlycommented on some of the findings from the survey.*Victor Smith is an independent historian and investigator of historic defences in Britain and the Caribbeanand was a co-ordinator for Kent County Council’s 20th century Defence of Britain Project. He is past-chairmanof the Kent Archaeological Society’s Kent Historic Defences Group.* * *902: HildenboroughThe preservation of Tonbridge School’s pillboxcoincided with the exposure of a contemporarystructure that had been almost completelyconcealed by trees and undergrowth for at least 30years in the front garden of No. 44 Stocks GreenRoad, Hildenborough, unrecorded in nationalsurveys of anti-invasion defences and known only tolocal residents, the Hildenborough History Societyand few others.In 2018, No. 44 Stocks Green Road (above) was offered for sale for £563,000, advertised as ‘a detached house,in need of modernisation or replacement (subject to planning permission), with 4/5 bedrooms, large gardens,ample parking, and close to Stocks Green School’. At this time Tim Asquith of the Hildenborough HistorySociety became concerned that the pillbox - an important relic of Hildenborough’s wartime history - could bein danger of being demolished to make way for redevelopment of the site, or simply because the new ownermight regard it as an eyesore to be removed forthwith.Permission to clear the undergrowth and inspect the pillbox was refused by the executors of its lastowners but in 2019 the new owners, Lynn and Marcus van Nieuwenhuizen, instructed landscaping contractorsworking on the garden to carefully uncover the structure; later they removed the previous owners’ householdrubbish that had accumulated within it. The structure was then measured and photographed.This done, two questions arose: why was the structure located in a suburban front garden (whenthere were open spaces only a few yards away), and for what purpose? In the absence, so far as is known, ofany contemporary records, we have to indulge in a degree of speculation in seeking answers.Location, location, locationSituated one and a half miles north of the GHQ Line along the Medway, and a similar distance from the antitank ditch and tank-traps on the sector of Tonbridge’s outer perimeter that crossed Tonbridge School’s playingfield, the pillbox is barely visible on an RAF aerial photograph taken in October 1947 and even less evident inlater views.No 44 Stocks Green Road was built in 1925 in the fashionable mock-Tudor style of the period, andnamed ‘Oakfield’. In about 1930 it was purchased by distinguished Kent and England cricketer Frank Woolley,who previously lived with his wife Sybil and their family at ‘Yew Tree Cottage,’ Southborough. Among the fewneighbouring properties in Stocks Green Road at that time were the Old Barn Tea Rooms, opposite No 44,patronized by local residents out for a country walk, and the first generation of leisure motorists taking theirfamilies for a Sunday ‘spin’ in their Austin and Morris motor cars.In 1931 Frank wrote to the Courier, Tonbridge’s local weekly newspaper, saying that visitors to the tearooms might be wondering about ‘the large green shed’ in his garden. It had, he explained, been built for hiscricket coaching school and indoor tennis court, which he now intended to become ‘a practice club forcricketers’, open every weekday evening. A new badminton club was also accommodated there.The venue became very popular, and after retiring from professional cricket in 1938 Frank had moretime to nurture his gardens and enjoy the company of the sports enthusiasts using his pavilion.However, the Woolleys’ happy days at ‘Oakfield’ were numbered. At the outbreak of war the propertywas acquired by Johnsen and Jorgensen Flint Glass Ltd, one of Britain’s leading manufacturers of industrial andhousehold glassware, which decided to move from Charlton, south London, to the relative safety of the Kentcountryside. Production lines were initially set up in the sports pavilion but later extended into two factorybuildings erected on a vacant plot adjacent to the large front garden of ‘Oakfield.’Frank, Sybil and their 22-year-old daughter Joan moved from Hildenborough, never to return. ByNational Registration Day (29 September 1939), when every civilian in Great Britain had to apply for identitycards and ration books, the family was living at 25 Princes Gardens, Margate, with Mabel Day, their domestic91servant. Frank’s occupation was ‘cricket coach’, Sybil was listed as being engaged on ‘domestic duties’ andJoan was an ARP and Red Cross volunteer.The prospect of their popular sports facility becoming a factory upset Hildenborough’s residents, whosought assurances that the pavilion would be restored for its original use after the war. Imagine their surpriseand apprehension when, in Britain’s ‘darkest hour’ after Dunkirk, they witnessed a pillbox being constructed inthe garden, and no doubt subsequently camouflaged, and the neighbourhood rapidly being transformed into amilitary zone within a complex of wartime defences, of which the ‘Oakfield’ pillbox was one.Although not within Tonbridge Fortress, it would have been in the thick of the action during aninvasion of the town. The presence within a few miles of various military establishments, including a RoyalArtillery regimental HQ in what is now Sackville School, Hildenborough (NGR TQ563486) and Gaza Barracks inScabharbour Road (NGR TQ531505) may have necessitated the construction of this pillbox and others in whatnow seem unlikely locations.The rear boundary of ‘Oakfield’ is about 50 yards from the southern edge of West Wood, in which it ispossible that some kind of military establishment was concealed. The pillbox’s entrance was only a few yardsfrom the glassworks’ factory’s extension. Post-war, the factory site was redeveloped for housing and is nowoccupied by No. 42 Stocks Green Road. The east wall of the pillbox stands exactly on the boundary of Nos 42and 44.ConstructionThe pillbox is approximately 11ft x 10ft in plan, with a ceiling height of 79in. Its entrance is ’notched’ into thenorth-east corner. The walls are of standard ‘English bond’ brickwork of good quality, dense with sharpcorners, and do not appear to contain a concrete infill. There is a brickwork embrasure under a taperedprecast concrete lintel in all four walls. These enabled small arms fire to be aimed directly south to Leigh Roadrailway bridge (NGR TQ568478) and west to Stocks Green Road railway bridge (TQ563481), bothapproximately 300 yards away; north towards West Wood, and east to the north end of Leigh Road.An enemy formation that breached the GHQ Line, captured the main line railway from Tonbridge toLondon, and then approached the main road (now the B245) to Tonbridge and London at Hildenborough,would have been fired on from the south and west embrasures. The north and east embrasures covered zonesfrom which attacks were less likely.An unusual feature of the embrasures is that the surrounding brickwork partially intrudes into thefiring aperture, narrowing the gunner’s view and restricting his arc of fire. An internal baffle wall would havedeflected bullets fired through the entrance into the pillbox.The pillbox has a reinforced concrete floor and a concrete roof slab. This is 5½in. deep and has a 2in.drip overhang to deflect rainwater on all sides, although not above the entrance. Nails in the roof, along itsedges and above the entrance probably once secured camouflage netting. The ceiling is spalling due to rustingof the reinforcing bars in the roof slab.The handbook for the Council for British Archaeology’s Defence of Britain Project, published in 2002,shows a variety of structures similar to the one in Stocks Green Road under the general heading ‘posts andsmall observation posts’. Police posts were built at the entrances to military establishments; firewatchers’posts were generally sited on industrial premises; minewatchers’ posts were near harbours and ports. MikeOsborne's regional series of '20th Century Defences in Britain' books just calls them observation posts.The Stocks Green Road pillbox may have been a forward observation post, guarding a roadside checkpoint. The glassworks factory was unlikely to have been of sufficient importance to justify its own purposebuilt defences, although the possibility that vital military assets or clandestine activities were concealed in thefactory cannot be ruled out.Further research is merited.92Below: exterior of south wall, showing embrasure with line of fire to Leigh Road railway bridge. Below right: internal view ofembrasure. (©Susan Featherstone)‘Bricks of good quality, dense with sharp corners ‘. The south-west corner of the pillbox. (©Susan Featherstone)Above : the west embrasure with a line of fire to Stocks Green Road railway bridge. (©Susan Featherstone)Above right: internal view of the west embrasure, also showing damage to the ceiling caused by spalling due to rusting ofreinforcing bars and hole in roof (probably post-war damage). (©Susan Featherstone)93Above: the east wall, with embrasure with line of fire across neighbouring properties to the north end of Leigh Road. Thewall stands exactly on the boundary of Nos 42 and 44 Stocks Green Road. Above right: interior view of east embrasure.(©Susan Featherstone)Above: the north wall of the pillbox and its entrance notched into its north-east corner. Right: internal view of the northembrasure, showing brickwork restricting the gunner’s view and arc of fire. (©Susan Featherstone)94Construction details, showing (above left) drip overhang on roof and (above), nails in edge of roof to secure camouflagenetting. (©Susan Featherstone)Aerial view of location of pillbox, October 1947.Author’s AcknowledgementsMy thanks to my wife Pat who in December 2017, from the top deck of a 401 bus, drew my attention to apillbox had been exposed by contractors clearing a building site at Tonbridge School. This led us to embark onan investigation into the pillbox’s origins that has now culminated in the publication of this book, substantialaspects of which are the result of Pat’s diligent research and editorial assistance.Immediately after we reported the revelation of the pillbox to the Kent Archaeological Society, localmember George Haysom hurried to the site to take photographs just in case the structure became an95‘endangered species’. Subsequently the society’s Kent Historic Defences Group liaised with the schoolauthorities and Kent County Council’s Heritage Conservation Group to preserve and record the structure andbring it to public attention.Thanks also to my mentors and collaborators Clive Holden and Victor Smith of the Kent HistoricDefences Group for their guidance and advice, and for consulting War Diaries and other military records at TheNational Archives for me, to KAS colleagues Shiela Broomfield, Deborah Cole, George Fry and Mike Clinch fortheir help during this project, to Paul Cuming, KCC Historic Environment Record Manager for his cartographicalassistance and for writing the Foreword, and to his colleague Wendy Rogers; also to Beverley Matthews(archivist) and Sara Normand (PA/Operations Assistant) at Tonbridge School, Derek Butler, Wendy Akast(bracketts.co.uk), Gary Coppins, Steve Sullivan, Lynn and Marcus van Nieuwenhuizen, David Walsh and DuncanWelch, and to the following organizations: Harrietsham History Society (Peter Brown); Hildenborough HistorySociety (Tim Asquith); Imperial War Museum, Duxford (Stephen Walton, Senior Curator); Kent Archives; Leighand District Historical Society (Joyce Field); Pillbox Study Group (Colin Anderson, Roger Thomas); RoyalEngineers Museum, Library and Archive (Rebecca Blackburn); Royal Observer Corps Association (Keith Arnold,Neville Cullingford, Edwina Holden); The Slade Area Residents’ Association (Jacquie Wyatt); SubterraneaBritannica (Nick Catford), Tenterden and District Local History Society (Dr Jack Gillett), Tonbridge HistoricalSociety (George Buswell, Pat Hopcroft, Anthony Wilson), Tonbridge and Malling Borough Council andTonbridge River Trips.Identifying the location of the town’s outer perimeter defences and the stop-lines within it thatsurvived after the war would have been impossible but for Kent County Council’s superb Kent Heritage Mapswebsite and its facility to compare maps dating from 1871 with current Ordnance Survey maps, and aerialphotographs for 1947, 1900 and 2008.I gratefully acknowledge the many local historians from whose books and websites (included in thebibliography below) I gleaned many details about civilian experiences and military activities in and aroundTonbridge and Tunbridge Wells during what Churchill called Britain’s ‘darkest hour’ – the period between theFall of France in June 1940 and the Axis invasion of the Soviet Union in June 1941.Most of the photographs I have published are my own or, to the best of my knowledge and belief, arefrom the public domain. Wherever possible I have acknowledged sources of images. I apologize for anyunintentional oversights and will correct these accordingly in any future editions.96Bibliography and recommended further readingAlanbrooke, Field Marshal, Alanbrooke War Diaries 1935 – 1945, Weidenfeld and Nicolson Ltd, 2001.Alexander, Colin, Ironside’s Line, a Guide to the Defence Line planned for Great Britain in response to the threatof German Invasion, 1940-1942, Storrington/Historic Military Press, 1999.Bates, Ann, Tunbridge Wells in the Second World War and the Years of Austerity 1939 – 1953, Royal TunbridgeWells Civic Society Local History Monograph No. 11, 2009.Brown, Ian, and others, 20th Century Defences in Britain, Council for British Archaeology, 1996.Buswell, George/Wilson, Anthony, Tonbridge Through Ten Centuries, Tonbridge Historical Society, 2015.Chalklin, C W (Ed.), Late Victorian and Edwardian Tonbridge, Kent County Library, 1988.Chapman, Frank, Tales of Old Tonbridge, Froglets, 1995.Cox, Richard, Operation Sea Lion, Thornton Cox, 1982.Dobinson, Colin, ‘Operation Diver,’ Historic England, 2019.Featherstone, Susan, 1940 and the Pillboxes around Leigh, Leigh Parish Magazine, July 2002.Goodsall, Robert H, A Third Kentish Patchwork, Stedehill Publications, 1970.Hamilton, Nigel, The Full Monty: Montgomery of Alamein 1887-1942, Allen Lane, 2001.Hennessy, Peter, Never Again: Britain 1945-51, Penguin Books 2006.Holden, Clive, Kent: Britain’s Frontline County, Amberley Publishing, 2017.Hylton, Stuart, Kent and Sussex 1940: Britain’s Front Line, Pen and Sword Military, 2004.Ironside, Edmund Oslac, Ironside: the authorised biography of Lord Ironside, 1880-1959, Stroud: The HistoryPress, 2018.Kent: The County Administration in War 1939 – 1945, Kent County Council, n.d.Khan, Mark, Kent at War 1939-1945, Pen and Sword Military, 2014.Longmate, Norman, The Real Dad’s Army, Amberley Publishing; 2016.McKinstry, Leo, How Britain Crushed the German War Machine's Dreams of Invasion in 1940, John Murray2018.Montgomery, Field Marshal Bernard Law, The Memoirs of Field Marshal Montgomery, Pen and Sword Military,2005.Orchard, Barry, A Look at The Head and the Fifty: A history of Tonbridge School, James & James (Publishers)Ltd, 1991.Schenk, Peter, Invasion of England, 1940: Planning of Operation Sea Lion, Conway Maritime Press Ltd, 1990.97Simmons, Sydney, Tonbridge Castle: further observations on an ancient castle, Archaeologia Cantiana Vol. 116,Kent Archaeological Society, 1966.Slade Area Residents’ Association, A Little Knot of Narrow Streets, a History of The Slade, Tonbridge, 2012.Smith, Victor, Front-line Kent: Defence against invasion from 1400 to the Cold War, Kent County Council, 2001.Tonbridge Free Press, Tonbridge Free Press Centenary, 1969.Tonbridge Historical Society, Tonbridge’s Industrial Heritage, 2005.Wade, Stephen, Air-raid shelters of World War II: Family stories of survival in the Blitz, Barnsley: RememberWhen, 2011.Walsh, David, A Duty to Serve: Tonbridge School and the 1939-45 War, Third Millennium 2011.Waterstone, Tim, The Face Pressed Against a Window, Atlantic Books, 2019.Wills, Henry, Pillboxes. A Study of the UK Defences 1940, Cooper/Secker & Warburg 1985.Wynn, Tanya, Kent at War 1939-45, Pen and Sword Military, 2019.Wynne, G C, Stopping Hitler: an official account of how Britain planned to defend itself in the Second WorldWar, Frontline Books, 2017.* * *The Kent Archaeological Society has published the following papers on the Chatham ‘nodal point’ (part ofMedway’s twentieth-century military and civil defences) and ‘Canterbury Fortress’:Smith, Victor T C, Kent's Twentieth-Century Military and Civil Defences Part 2 – Medway, ArchaeologiaCantiana Vol. 131, 2011.Smith, Victor T C, Kent's Twentieth-Century Military and Civil Defences Part 3 – Canterbury, ArchaeologiaCantiana Vol. 132, 2012.These can be read on-line at https://www.kentarchaeology.org.uk/Research/Pub/ArchCant* * *Recommended Websiteshttp://archaeologydataservice.ac.uk/archiveshttp://webapps.kent.gov.uk/KCC.ExploringKentsPast.Web.Sites.Public/Default.aspxhttp://webapps.kent.gov.uk/KCC.HeritageMaps.Web.Sites.Public/Default.aspxhttp://www.bbc.co.uk/history/ww2peopleswar/storieshttp://www.castlesfortsbattles.co.uk/south_east/tonbridge_castle.htmlhttp://www.kenthistoryforum.co.uk/indexhttp://www.kentphotoarchive.comhttp://www.pillbox-study-group.org.ukhttp://www.southeast-defencephotos.comhttp://www.southeast-defencephotos.com/gallery/http://www.subbrit.org.ukhttp://www.subbrit.org.ukhttp://www.tonbridgehistory.org.ukhttps://en.wikipedia.org/wiki/British_anti-invasion_preparations_of_the_Second_World_War98https://hildenboroughhistorysociety.weebly.comhttps://www.blighty-at-war.nethttps://www.leighhistorical.org.uk/history/1940-and-the-pillboxes-around-leighhttps://www.quora.com/Why-did-Nazi-Germany-never-actually-invade-the-UK

1No. 009The Deal Boatmen - Heroes orVillains?Dr.Jacqueline BowerThis paper has been downloaded from www.kentarchaeology.ac. The author hasplaced the paper on the site for download for personal or academic use. Any otheruse must be cleared with the author of the paper who retains the copyright.Please email admin@kentarchaeology.ac for details regarding copyright clearance.The Kent Archaeological Society (Registered Charity 223382) welcomes thesubmission of papers. The necessary form can be downloaded from the website atwww.kentarchaeology.ac2 The Deal boatmen were portrayed during the nineteenth century as anythingfrom the noblest of heroes to the blackest of villains. Their work, attendingshipwrecks in order to save lives and salvage cargoes, or assisting ships in danger ofwreck to safety, required a high degree of skill and courage. It could easily beinvested with a touch of heroism or romance to appeal to the sentimental Victorianmiddle classes; ‘the high drama of disaster at sea with its connotations of man’s frailtyin the face of the elements held a peculiar, almost morbid, fascination for theVictorians.’1 The many journals and magazines which existed then were ideal vehiclesfor articles on this theme. Dickens’s Household Words, Chambers’ Journal and thePall Mall Magazine all featured the Deal boatmen at various times.2 Even Kelly’sPost Office Directories departed from their normally sedate prose to describe ‘the ...daring intrepidity of the Deal boatmen... for which they are justly celebrated.’3In 1873, John Gilmore, Rector of Ramsgate, published a collection of accountsof rescues on the Goodwin Sands. It was chiefly concerned with the Ramsgateboatmen, but one chapter was devoted to Deal. ‘Few places in the world, if any, haveproved the scene of more daring sailor-life than Deal beach,’ Gilmore claimed.‘Certainly the boatmen of Deal beach are not now, and probably never have been,surpassed for skill and daring... no hurricane daunts them.’ Gilmore’s work was usedin penny readings, and his style tended to be dramatic; ‘it would not be well to refrainfrom bearing testimony to how readily, how gallantly, the men of Deal, ofBroadstairs, of Walmer and Kingsdown as well as of Ramsgate man their respectivelifeboats... and race out to the scene of action, full of hardihood, of skill, of courage.’4Our Sea Coast Heroes, published in 1889, also devotes a chapter to Dealbeach.‘The race of boatmen now existing at Deal has never been surpassedfor those generous qualities which have rendered their forefathersfamous.... There is no danger to themselves which they do nothabitually incur in their endeavours to save life or property. They areindeed a race of heroes who go forth on their mission of mercy withtheir lives in their hands.’5Other writers used equally florid prose; ‘nothing can exceed the coolunflinching bravery of the hovellers as a rule. An instance of a hoveller hesitating fora moment when there is a chance of saving life has, we believe, never been known.The howling storm and the raging sea seem to have no terrors whatever for thesefellows... the greater the storm, the more ready and willing they are always to face it.’6 The Revd. Thomas Stanley Treanor was Chaplain to the Downs branch of theMissions to Seamen and Honorary Secretary of the Downs branch of the RoyalNational Lifeboat Institution. He therefore probably had as great a knowledge of theDeal boatmen as was possible for someone outside their class. He described theboatmen as ‘wild and daring fellows,’ wrote of their ‘skill, bravery and humanity,’and asked, ‘when the boatmen of Deal hang back in the storm blast, who else darego?’7 Among the exploits he described was the saving of the vessel Royal Arch inMarch 1878. The Deal lifeboat was launched to the aid of this ship when she wasdragging her anchors in a gale and heavy sea and in danger of being driven ashore. Asthe lifeboat came abreast of the Royal Arch, five of the lifeboat crew sprang‘over the yawning chasm, on the chance of gripping the shrouds, andsome of them... had to swim on the decks of the labouring vessel....3The captain now hesitated to slip his ship [i.e. cast off anchors andcables to enable the ship to be manoeuvred] lest she might pay off onthe wrong tack and come ashore; but as the vessel was steadilydrifting and... mountainous seas wallowed over both the lifeboat andthe vessel, the Deal lifeboatmen said “If you don’t slip her we will.There’s death right astern for all of us if you delay.”... The spirit andenergy of the Deal men infused new life into the wearied crew, andall hands worked together with a will.... And just within the veryjaws of the breakers, the ship’s head payed (sic) away, to thesouthward, and she escaped - saved at the last minute, and safe to theopen sea.’8 The boatmen’s own statements of their services, submitted to the Cinque PortsSalvage Commissioners, are written in more matter of fact language. Nevertheless,they demonstrate that the lifeboat work described by Treanor differed little from theevery day experiences of the boatmen.‘Being afloat on the lookout it Blowing a strong wind from about thewest... saw the said vessel in great distress with his foremast andBowsprit gone and his colours flying in his main Rigging Uniondownwards.... With difficulty we got our Lugger’s Mainmast andMainsail on Board the vessel Rigged it and got it up with ourmainsail for a foresail in the meantime our Lugger took an Hawserfrom the vessel to tow her.’9‘Cruising in our lugger Sea Flower in the Downs, blowing a terrificgale about NNW and a very Heavy Sea we saw a schooner ridingnearby... we... made towards her... at great personal risk of our livesjumped on board the sea running over the schooner... the anchorswould not hold... the schooner driving down on a Barque... [we]slipped the starboard chain then hoisted the jib put the helm hard aport and slipped the port chain wore ship and made sail for Dover.’10‘Blowing a gale of wind about NE... we were on the lookout on theBeach when... we saw a schooner go right athwart hawse of a Galliotlying in the Roads... We then got our boats ready for launching atgreat personal risk of our lives, there being so much sea on the beachwe made an attempt to launch the boat Watch but could not succeedunfortunately filling it full of water we being all washed out of herdoing her great damage... we then made the second attempt and...succeeded in launching the boat Tyne through heavy sea andproceeded... with two of our crew continually bailing to keep theboat free from water.’11 These first hand accounts justify Gilmore’s description of the Deal boatmen as‘true storm warriors, ever ready to dare all and do all that they may rescue thedrowning from a watery grave.’12 Others, however, especially those in officialpositions, regarded the boatmen quite differently. It was said that ‘a long tradition offraud, robbery and violence attaches to them as a community.’13 The Collector of4Customs at Deal described ‘the thieving propensities of the desperate characters inthis neighbourhood,’ and said that ‘this place has long been notorious for the lawlesscharacter of persons who flock by hundreds to disasters merely for the sake ofplunder.’14 These views arose due to the boatmen’s involvement in smuggling, theft ofsalvaged goods and fraudulent or exaggerated claims for services to ships. In the eighteenth century, Deal was probably the most notorious smugglingtown in England.15 Government action ended large scale smuggling after 1815, butsmall scale smuggling, chiefly of spirits and tobacco, continued at Deal throughoutthe nineteenth century, to the extent that the Collector of Customs there believed that‘scarcely a boatman lands without a pound or more of tobacco concealed about hisperson.’16 William Stanton, a boatman who later qualified as a Cinque Ports Pilot,made ‘several good voyages’ in 1827, bringing in tea, silk and ribbons. He apparentlyhad no qualms about the illegality of his activities, but worried about the number ofpeople who knew of his voyages. ‘I could not do it without employing a great numberof people, and you cannot stop people’s tongues, and after a few voyages you are atthe mercy of so many, that the risk increased tenfold with every voyage.’ Finally,Stanton’s boat, with contraband on board, was seized by the Customs, acting, hebelieved, on definite information. Fortunately for Stanton, none of the Customs meninvolved could swear that he had been in the boat, so although the cargo wasconfiscated, he escaped prosecution and the boat was returned to him. Thecontraband, on this occasion satin ribbon, was auctioned by the Customs for £1700.17Stanton’s ‘several good voyages’ therefore might have made him between £5000 and£10,000. Twenty seven cases of smuggling involving Deal men were reported at Dealbetween 1848 and 1881.18 The number of cases is too small for any firm conclusionsto be drawn, but it may be significant that five occurred in 1858 and 1859, when theboatmen are believed to have been suffering particular hardship. The Collector ofCustoms speculated in 1851 that ‘the distressed and fallen state of the culprits’ wasthe cause of continued smuggling at Deal.19 Treanor also suggested that poverty drovethe boatmen to smuggling.20 The number of cases declined from the mid 1860s, butthe Collector suggested in 1865 that this was no reason for the authorities to relaxtheir vigilance; ‘I do not for a moment doubt that if the force in this locality wereweakened so the chances for successful smuggling became greater than they nowpossibly can be, systematic smuggling once so rife here now only dormant wouldrevive.’21 Most incidents involved attempts to smuggle tobacco. Contraband spirits werereported on only three occasions, in 1851, 1865 and 1876. The most significant casewas in 1865, when the galley punt Providence was found to have 21 tubs containing66 gallons of spirits concealed under fishing nets.22 The largest seizure of tobacco wasof 1200 lbs on board the lugger Earl Grey in 1852.23 Other big seizures were made in1858 when the open boat Lark was found to have 370 lbs of tobacco concealed in herballast bags and the open boat Gem had 248 lbs of tobacco similarly concealed.24 Tobacco, when run in large quantities, was believed to come from Nieuport inBelgium. The Collector of Customs believed that the Deal lugger Fawn, which wasrun down with the loss of her crew in 1864, had been on a voyage to ‘Nieuport, thereto ship a quantity of tobacco to be landed somewhere in the Isle of Thanet.’25However, the majority of cases involved small amounts of tobacco, brought ashorefrom ships in the Downs, often concealed in a boatman’s clothing. In 1851, ThomasCottle was found to have 6 lb of ‘segars’ in ‘a pair of stays very ingeniously made.’5His crewmate John Osborne had 6 lb more in his hat and boots.21 In June 1853, aboatman named Wicks on coming ashore was observed by a Customs boatman to be‘unusually bulky about the legs.’ When searched, he was found to have 4½ lb ofcigars concealed on his person.27 Once landed, the small quantities of tobacco were collected together. In 1859,John Thompson, a local baker, was arrested in Beach Street carrying a basketcontaining 26 lb of tobacco. The Coastguard who made the seizure was alerted by ‘thesuspicious look and furtive glances of the prisoner when passing him... As the tobaccois in very small pieces,’ continued the Collector, ‘I infer that it has not been run at onetime but has been purchased from the boatmen who may have managed to conceal apiece about their persons when landing from vessels in the Downs.’28 It might then besent away, as in 1864, when the Coastguard seized a box of 33 lb of cigars at DealRailway Station, which was believed to have been ‘smuggled from time to time insmall quantities by the watermen.’29 The box was being sent to an address inChatham. Alternatively, smuggled tobacco might be disposed of in the town by theboatmen. In 1859, Thomas Foster had about 1¼ cwt ‘in large and small blocks,’which he was offering for sale at three shillings a pound.30 Convictions for smuggling were not easy to secure. For a prosecution tosucceed, it was necessary for the Customs or Coastguard men who made the seizureto identify the boatmen seen with boat on that occasion. This they were frequentlyunable to do. William Stanton escaped prosecution because, realising his boat wasabout to be searched, he walked away from her before the Customs men were nearenough to identify him positively.31 Even when a case came to court, conviction wasnot certain. In the Earl Grey case in 1852, ‘from the loose and contradictory mannerin which Brinkly and Vallack [the two officers] gave their evidence... themagistrates... could come to no other conclusion than acquit the prisoners.’32 InSeptember 1858, 40 one pint bottles of geneva were found concealed on board theopen boat Ann. The four men who had been on board ran away, but three, WilliamBeecham, John Gardner and James Ellenden, were later arrested and charged. Beforethe trial, John Gardner was able to show that he had been at Folkestone Regatta on theday in question, so only Beecham and Ellenden were proceeded against. However,‘when White [the Coastguard] was again put on his oath he could not swear positivelythat he recognised Ellenden in the boat, and... the evidence of Hocking the principalwitness was of the most contradictory and unsatisfactory nature.’ The case wasdismissed.33 In May and June 1860, the Customs were relying on the evidence of aninformant, Richard Winder, a marine store dealer of Charlton, Dover. Winder wasapparently motivated by the fact that he owed money to Thomas Robbins, a Walmerwatchmaker, ‘who acts as a sort of legal adviser to the boatmen, and,’ the Collectorhad no doubt, ‘is indirectly concerned in all their smuggling transactions.’34 Winderhad given Thomas Foster a bill for £6 to pay for some smuggled tobacco. Robbins hadcashed the bill for Foster and was now suing Winder for that amount in the CountyCourt. Foster was charged with smuggling on Winder’s information, but ‘through theconflicting evidence of Richard Winder... the prosecution terminated in favour of thedefendant.’ Winder was, said the Collector, ‘very much alarmed when he went intothe court as the boatmen are all highly incensed against him.’ This, the Collectorbelieved, ‘tended very materially to intimidate and confuse him in making hisstatement before the magistrates.... Even after the dismissal of the case, the mobthreatened to tar and feather him, and made such a demonstration that the police were6obliged to detain him at the station adjoining the Town Hall.’35 When a conviction was secured, the normal penalty was £100 fine or sixmonths imprisonment, with confiscation of the boat involved. In the Collector’sopinion, ‘the boatmen seem to care less for the loss of their liberty than their boats.’36The seizure of a boat would almost invariably be followed by a petition from theowner requesting its return, stating that it had been taken without the owner’sknowledge and that he or she would never have consented to its use for smuggling.When in 1853 the owners of the galley-punt Friends appealed for her return, Lt. Battof the Coastguard reported ‘any boat on Deal beach with her head toward the sea canbe taken from the beach by any of the Hobblers so that a boat cannot be takenclandestinely away this is a plan the smugglers have adopted of late, that is you cantake the boat and if you succeed in your illegal purposes you pay so much for the boatand if seized she was taken clandestinely from the beach without the owner’sconsent.’37 If the owner or owners could demonstrate some particular hardship, so muchthe better. In January 1851, Richard William Robinson, alehousekeeper, owner of theGipsy Girl, ‘disabled by lameness from the more active concerns of life...endeavoured to improve his means of living by investing his savings in the purchaseof a boat.’38 The return of the Earl Grey, seized in 1852, was petitioned for byElizabeth Petty, widow, aged 82, Sarah Pettitt, widow, aged 60, and Mary Petty,widow. ‘The boat... has been a support to us in our aged days in bringing in a fewpounds a year assisting vessels in distress in the Downs and saving lives fromshipwreck on the Goodwin Sands.... Honorable gentlemen you must be aware the boatbeing taken we nothing to support us in our Old Days.’39 The Collector dealt with thispetition fairly briskly; ‘we have no knowledge of the petitioners being part owners ofthe boat as she was licensed at this port on 17 August 1848 and Bond given by JohnFoster one of the men that was in the boat at the time of the seizure and he declaredhimself as sole owner.’40 The Mayor of Deal then submitted a memorial on behalf of‘these poor and unoffending widows.’41 A note of exasperation is detectable in theCollector’s subsequent report to the Board; ‘the widows named in the memorial havea small share of her but they are not the principal owners but are only named toexcite... sympathy.... The boat is very old and only fit for smuggling and I have nodoubt that if she was again restored, the same owners would be very soon engaged inthe same illegal traffic.’42 On the same day, Lt. Batt reported ‘that the lugger was builtby D. Petty and others of smuggling notoriety... that the ownership belongs to JohnFoster, Abraham Sneller, James Buttress, with Elizabeth Petty and Mary Petty,widows, who it appears have a very small proportion of her and their husbands werealways notorious smugglers.... The widows are not in kneedy (sic) circumstances onekeeping the King’s Head in Beach Street, the other having houses and property, whichMr Reakes the Mayor perfectly well knows.’43 Even if the boat was not returned upon the owners’ petition, there was noguarantee that it would not come into their possession again. Smuggling boats seizedby the Customs were sold at auction, and ‘the tradesmen here [at Deal] and atRamsgate will not bid against the owner of any seized boats.’44 The Collector alsocomplained of ‘the sympathy which when detected and punished the boatmen receivefrom those in a superior position in society - very many of whom have been pointedout to me as owing their position to the fortunate contraband speculation of theirimmediate ancestors - some too of whom I have heard spread their opinion that thereis not much harm either in smuggling or wrecking.’45 Another difficulty was the7nature of the coastline at Deal; boats were ‘drawn up at intervals on the beach,extending over a distance of four miles ready for launching at any moment, andtherefore we cannot have that control over their movements which we mightotherwise have if moored in harbour.’46 The clandestine landing of goods from wrecked ships may have been evenmore common than smuggling at Deal at this time, and was just as difficult to detectand prevent.‘Deal might have been built for smuggling, which is the same assaying it is exactly constituted for wrecking... so easy is it to dispersefrom its beach through its numberless alleys large quantities ofgoods, such facilities are there for the rapid and secret dispersal ofthem in Deal and circulating them through the county and beyondit.... The streets run parallel to the beach, and close to it, and areconnected by numerous narrow alleys, out of which open doors,leading into yards and sheds. The beach extends some miles, and atvarious parts of it, on the shingle itself, stand roomy wooden sheds,belonging to the boatmen. The cargoes of a whole fleet of ships,once landed on the beach, might be so effectually disposed of inthese yards and sheds, in a few hours, that not a trace of them wouldremain.’47 The Collector of Customs observed of the Customs Boatmen at Deal inJanuary 1850 that ‘the greater part of the duty of these men at this season of the yearis preventing the salvagers from running wrecked property... upwards of twentyluggers sometimes make the shore at the same time and the beach [is] literallycovered with valuable goods.’48 In 1858 the Collector remarked that ‘in cases ofwreck... when valuable ... goods are washed on shore for miles along the coast, itrequires an officer of no ordinary courage and determination to resist the thievingpropensities of the desperate characters in this neighbourhood, who are taught fromtheir earliest infancy to look upon wrecked property as a Godsend and plunder as amatter of right.’49 When five ships were wrecked on Deal beach in one night inFebruary 1870, the Collector wrote ‘I have employed a number of extra officers, allbeing Coastguard pensioners.... This I considered imperative, knowing the habits ofthe beachmen here and their ideas regarding wrecked property.’50 Despite theseprecautions, the Collector reported a few days later that ‘the coast was strewn formiles with wreckage, many hundreds of people have been daily collecting propertysince the wrecks, the Coastguard not being sufficient to prevent wrecking. TheInspecting Commander had to obtain assistance from the Marine Depot.... Even withthis force, pilfering went on to a great extent and the Coastguard made manyseizures.’51 The most notorious incident of this type was that of the North, wrecked on theGoodwin Sands in August 1866. The North was abandoned by her crew, and as shelay on the Sands she was visited over the next few days by boats from Deal, Walmer,Kingsdown and Broadstairs. The boatmen stripped the North of everything that couldbe carried away, leaving, according to two Broadstairs boatmen, ‘not enough rope tomake a mop with,’ or enough canvas ‘to tie round your finger if it had been cut.’52Some property was surrendered to the Receiver of Wreck, but ship’s stores andcrewmen’s property worth about £400 were not recovered.8‘About two tons of canvas and three quarters of a ton of rope... haveto be accounted for, and the deficiency in running rigging andhawsers is about four tons. None of the ship’s instruments ever cameinto the possession of the Receiver... the carpenter’s tools... havenever been recovered.... The vessel had at least 12,000 poundsweight of copper on her [hull].... She was stripped on both sides forseven or eight feet down.... The metal thus stripped would weighabout 35 cwt, and only 10 cwt has been returned to the Receiver.’53 Some rope from the North was traced to a paper mill near Dover, and a marinestore dealer named Foster was charged with handling stolen goods. He was acquitted,but The Times the next day reported that ‘The whole of the evidence was of the mostextraordinary character and proved conclusively that “wrecking” is the profession of alarge number of the Deal boatmen.’54 The newspaper referred to ‘the robbery of theNorth [which] represented nothing, it was said, but common practice.’55 Of Foster’strial it said ‘the evidence for the prosecution was given very unwillingly.... Does allthis point to a local impression that taking property from a wreck is not stealing? Isthere any general impression at Deal that the relics of a castaway are commonproperty?... If taking these stores from the North was theft, and the Deal boatmenwere seen to take them, was there no authority competent to stop the thieving? Wouldit be very surprising if men should really imagine they had some right to do what theywere at any rate allowed to do... without any action on the part of the law?’56 What The Times seemed unable to appreciate was that the removal of propertyfrom a wreck was not in itself illegal - quite the reverse. A ship on the Goodwin couldbe swallowed completely in two tides, and if no attempt was made to remove herpossibly valuable cargo, bring ashore any salvageable rope or sails, rescue the crew’sproperty and strip the copper sheathing from the hull, a major loss would result for theship’s owners or insurers. This was a normal and potentially profitable part of theboatmen’s work. As long as they were occupied in removing the property from awreck and stowing it in their own boats, they were acting entirely properly. Wherethey often transgressed was when they returned to shore. The correct procedure wasthat on landing, boats were searched or ‘rummaged’ by the Coastguard on duty on thebeach, any salvaged goods being declared and not concealed in any way. TheReceiver of Wreck kept account of what was recovered and reported to the owners orinsurers. In due course the boatmen were paid in proportion to the value of the goodssalvaged. Sometimes, however, the boatmen disposed of wrecked goods to ships inthe Downs, or attempted to land them without the Coastguards’ knowledge and sellthem themselves, as had allegedly occurred in the case of the North.The Times report of Foster’s trial initiated a protracted correspondence.Opinions in support of the boatmen and against them were expressed strongly. Onecorrespondent, signing as ‘Veritas’, alleged that ‘The [Deal] men actually plunderedthe chests of the whole of the crew...appropriated the contents, and then, as if to addinsult to injury, had the audacity to deliver... the empty chests to the Receiver ofWreck.’57 The Rector of Deal wrote to refute this allegation against ‘certainindividuals who... are sufficiently designated by the fact of their having handed overthe only seamen’s chests which were brought ashore... to be readily identified by allpersons living in this place.’ The Rector enclosed an affidavit by the two men inquestion, Jarvist Arnold and Thomas Edward Bingham, that the chests had all beenempty when they found them and ‘the accusation in The Times that we plundered the9chests is false and untrue.’58 Another correspondent was the Secretary of the Salvage Association atLloyd’s, who wrote that he had been ordered by his committee to carry out aninvestigation into ‘this great robbery.’ He had been ordered to do this with strictimpartiality, and it was his duty to obey this instruction.59 Despite this assertion, hisreport was far from being a reasoned assessment of the evidence, and in places vergeson libellous. Of the Rector’s letter and the affidavits of Arnold and Bingham, thereport says‘There is no doubt that the chests of the crew were delivered up tothe Receiver of Deal empty. Who emptied those chests? Did the seado it? Will the rector suggest that the sea broke open the locks,cleared out the contents and deposited the chests... on the ship’s deck- or that he cockroaches did it?... There is an old saying - “A mandoes not pick up a squeezed orange.” These boxes not worth ashilling appear to have been carefully salved and delivered to theReceiver, by men who did not steal their contents.... It was a verywise thing for [Arnold and Bingham] to make that affidavit, becausethe persons handing over the boxes ran a great risk of beingsupposed to know something about their contents.’60 The Board of Trade held an enquiry into the affair of the North which reportedin June 1867. The marine store dealer Foster was interviewed; ‘his books were verybadly kept, indeed he could not himself read or write, and trusted to a chance comeror his wife to make entries for him. Inability to read or write seemed to me to beconsidered a desirable qualification for a marine store dealer in Deal, Walmer orDover.’ Although Foster had been acquitted of the charges against him, the Board ofTrade Inspector, Mr Bere, reported that ‘his answers were given in a way thatconvinced one of his untruthfulness, and I have no doubt that he was perfectly awarethat the rope and canvas came from the North and, if he had chosen, could havementioned the name of the person who sold it to him.’61 Of the boatmen who gave evidence to the enquiry, Mr Bere noted that ‘therewas a general strong desire to exculpate themselves and their fellow townsmen, andwhile their recollection of what they themselves did at the time of the wreck was clearand explicit, it was, as to the conduct of anyone else, confused and indistinct. None ofthem could remember the name of a single Deal beach boat other than their own, orboats that went out to sea or returned with them [or] seen by them at the wreck, andinability to give any description of the state of the ship, as to its canvas or its rigging,was to be remarked in the evidence of most of them.’62 Many of the potentialwitnesses were conveniently absent at sea during the course of the enquiry, and theirevidence therefore never heard. In addition to the North, cases of misappropriation of wrecked goods werereported in 1849, 1857, 1861, 1870, 1873, 1875 and 1882. In October 1857 anAmerican ship, the A.B. Kemball, was wrecked on the Goodwin; the Collector ofCustoms’ report demonstrates the apparent ease with which the boatmen evadeddetection when landing wrecked goods. ‘42 sails were taken out of her by the crews ofDeal boats and only seven delivered to the Receiver of Wreck.... The sails which werevery large and in a wet state must have required ten or a dozen men to drag them outof the boats on to the beach and yet they were landed without the knowledge of theCoastguard.’63 It was alleged elsewhere that ‘the day after the loss of the ship herprovisions, stolen by boatmen, were hawked around the streets of Maidstone for10sale.’64 Disagreements between boatmen and the owners or insurers of ships as to thevalue of the services rendered by the boatmen were quite common. Sometimes it wasalleged that the services claimed for by the boatmen had been unnecessary orunwanted or had not been performed at all. In 1876, John Cook, Edward Griggs andother crew of the lugger Devastation claimed for services to the French barque MarieAlexandrine. Cook and Griggs originally boarded the vessel in order to pilot her intothe Downs, but‘the gale increasing, gave orders to take the main Topsail off herwith great difficulty proceeded... into the Small Downs brought theBarque up... in Five Fathoms with Sixty fathom of chain, about 3pmthe wind veered into the NNW and blew a Hurricane, bore awayChain to 90 fathom, Barque continued driving... close alongside aBrig, compelled them to slip to avoid a collision... made sail,hoisting signals of distress for tug, none came... our sails blewaway.’65 The crew of the Marie Alexandrine in response stated that, during the time thebarque was attempting to anchor in the Small Downs, ‘the pilots were in the Galleyand had nothing whatever to do with the control of the ship... all orders were given bythe captain, and the pilots had nothing whatever to do with the operations.’66 Moreseriously, the first mate of the Marie Alexandrine made a separate statement that, theday after his ship had been towed into Dover Harbour, the boatmen came ‘to make theproposal... that he should have £5 if he would say that the Boatmen saved the ship.’67The Salvage Commissioners do not appear to have pursued this allegation. Theirjudgement was that the Marie Alexandrine ‘did receive aid and assistance from JohnCook and others of the lugger Devastation... in bringing her to anchor in the Downsand afterwards... slipping the cables and piloting her through the shipping there,’ forwhich they awarded the boatmen £70.68 There seems to be no reason why the Marie Alexandrine’s mate should haveinvented the story of the bribe, and Cook and Griggs might consider themselvesfortunate to have got away with it. In the previous decade, the question of the Dealboatmen’s fraudulent claims for salvage services had received nearly as muchattention as had their wrecking activities, again culminating in a Board of Tradeenquiry. In April 1867,William Spears, on behalf of the crew of the lugger Briton’sPride, of which he was part-owner, made a declaration of services performed by thelugger for the American ship Olivia. According to Spears, while cruising among the shipping in the Downs, thelugger’s crew observed the Olivia apparently in imminent danger of collision withanother vessel. They boarded the ship, and the captain employed them to assist her outof her dangerous position, which they did by setting sail and slipping the anchor andchain. When the ship was in a safe position, they took the captain ashore to arrangewith the agents for a new anchor and chain, which they then took off in the luggerAlbion. For these services, the boatmen were awarded £420. The Board of Trade became suspicious of this transaction and ordered anenquiry, which was carried out by the same Mr Montague Bere who had carried outthe North enquiry. He found that the crew of the Briton’s Pride had first encounteredthe Olivia off the South Foreland, when they put one of their crew, WilliamMiddleton, on board to pilot her into the Downs. The Briton’s Pride had also agreed11to bring another man off from Deal to pilot the ship into the North Sea. Middletondecided to anchor the Olivia in the Downs, although ‘it is doubtful whether thecaptain had agreed to allow the vessel to be anchored.’ Under the strain of the windand tide, the Olivia’s anchor chain broke. The report alleges that this was due either toMiddleton’s poor handling of the ship, or a deliberate act on his part. The lugger then returned with George Baker, the North Sea pilot. Mr Berefound that, contrary to Spears’ statement, the Olivia was not then in any danger ofcollision, and far from the crew of the lugger rendering assistance, it was doubtfulwhether any of them apart from Baker had actually boarded the ship. Baker refused totake the Olivia into the North Sea without a new anchor and chain. He maintained thathe was told the anchor had been slipped. If this had been the case, the insurers wouldpay for replacements; if the chain had broken, they would not. The captain of theOlivia claimed that he told Baker that the chain had parted, upon which Baker replied,‘make it slipped.’ The suggestion was that Baker, Middleton and Spears wished tomake it appear that the ship had been in danger and the anchor had been slipped sothat they might claim for salvage services and for bringing out a new anchor andchain. In order that the Olivia’s log would support their story, they persuaded thecaptain to join in the conspiracy, promising £60 as payment for his cooperation.69. Asa result of the Board of Trade investigation, Spears, Middleton and Baker wereprosecuted in 1868, convicted and sentenced to six months each in Maidstone Gaol.In passing sentence, Mr Justice Wallis observed that ‘this, he feared, was noexceptional case, and indeed this species of offence appeared to be nothing to theconscience of the Deal boatmen.... he had talked to nautical men in different parts ofthe world and all had some tales of the Deal boatmen. He held a book in his handwhich told of the dread entertained of Deal by foreign ships.’70 Mr Bere implied that the boatmen might often succeed in fraudulent orextortionate claims due to the deficiencies of the system whereby salvage awardswere made. Many cases might be settled by arbitration between the parties. Onlywhen agreement could not be reached was the Salvage Commission involved, andeven then ‘there is no sifting of the evidence, and no real examination of the parties.’71Other cases investigated by the Board of Trade in the late 1860s included the ships KitCarson, Bazaar, Gravin Kuyphausen and Iron Crown, all of which were alleged tohave been victims of extortionate demands for salvage by Deal boatmen.72 Thisaccumulation of allegations may have had an impact on the boatmen’s fortunes; earlyin 1870 it was reported that several ships’ captains had refused to employ Dealboatmen in a gale, with the result that five ships were lost which the boatmen claimedcould have been saved.73 If the boatmen exaggerated their claims for salvage money, this was becausethey knew that the sum awarded was likely to be less than that claimed. Out of fortyawards to Deal boats reported in the Deal Telegram in 1859, the boatmen receivedless than they had claimed in ten, the amount awarded being only 53% of the totalclaimed. In the remaining thirty cases, it was not stated what the original claim was.The total awards reported in 1859 amounted to just over £8,600, or about £24 to eachboatman. William Stanton’s opinion in the 1820s was that ‘there never was an awardgiven anything like justice.... They seemed determined that a poor man should nothave the possession of money, as if it were to keep him in a servile condition.’74 Thisbelief was probably shared by subsequent generations of boatmen. One of the most serious charges brought against the Deal boatmen in thesecond half of the nineteenth century was of piracy, made against the crew of thelugger Princess Royal in December 1869 by the captain of a Dutch pilot cutter. It was12alleged that men from the lugger had boarded the cutter at sea one night anddemanded tobacco and hollands and when refused had violently assaulted the captain.The Deal men agreed that they had asked for tobacco and hollands, but said they hadbeen willing to pay for it. A fight certainly broke out on board the cutter, but the onlyserious casualty was a Deal man, who suffered a severe concussion. The lugger’screw had no clear explanation of why the fight occurred. The case was dismissedbecause the Dutchmen could not say which of the Princess Royal’s crew had actuallyboarded the cutter and which had remained in the lugger. Indeed, because of thecustom at Deal of boats having no regular crews and the boatmen’s habit of usingnicknames among themselves, it was not entirely certain that the men summonsed inthis case were actually those who had been in the Princess Royal on that voyage.75 Ashore, the boatmen seem to have been reasonably law abiding. Only threecases of theft involving boatmen were prosecuted at Deal between 1858 and 1883; oneach occasion, the magistrates remarked how rare it was for a boatman to be chargedwith theft.76 An offence that was common among the boatmen was fighting orbrawling, often under the influence of drink. A magistrate once observed that‘boatmen were apt to be too ready to use their fists.’77 These brawls often resultedfrom disputes over ‘the custom of the beach’ and the sharing of earnings. In 1876,James Bailey and George Porter appeared at the Petty Sessions charged with fighting.Porter alleged that Bailey had ‘robbed him in the Lord Paget,’ and that he, Porter, wasas good a man in the North Sea as Bailey was in the Westward. Porter allegedly saidto Bailey ‘you ----, I will eat you on a biscuit.’78 The boatmen attached greatimportance to fair dealing among themselves; as William Spears once said, ‘if I make£1,000 I share it equally, that is being a Deal boatman.’79 Some criticisms of the boatmen were undoubtedly justified, but others camefrom a lack of understanding of their work, as in the case of the North. In May 1864,for example, ‘three gentlemen enquired of one of us boatmen the charge for takingthem from the shore to the Admiral’s ship and wait to bring them back. The priceagreed for was 15s.’ The gentlemen then went to a stationer’s shop where theyenquired if it was a fair price, and were told it was ‘an imposition.’ The boatmencomplained of ‘Mr Busybody’ trying to regulate the Deal boatmen’s charges ‘ofwhich he must be entirely ignorant.... The 15s in question would have been dividedinto six shares, and we sometimes go many days without earning even that sum - afact which is not taken into consideration by persons unacquainted with a boatman’soccupation.’80 An anonymous correspondent of The Times in 1866 probably gave the mostaccurate assessment of the Deal boatmen’s character. ‘The Deal boatmen are as fine aset of men in their speciality as an be found anywhere, and are entitled to any praisethat may be given them, but their faults are as patent as their virtues. They are at oncethe most hardworking and the laziest set of men. They would sacrifice anything tosave a life, and they think anyone fair game of whom they can make a shilling. Theyare generous, hearty and loyal, and the most determined smugglers when they havethe chance. They would wreck a ship and risk their lives to save one with equalreadiness.’8113Notes1. David M. Williams, 'James Silk Buckingham: Sailor, Explorer and MaritimeReformer,' in Studies in British Privateering, Trading Enterprise and Seamen'sWelfare, 1775-1900, ed. Stephen Fisher, Exeter Papers in Economic History No. 17(1987), p.107.2. Household Words and Chambers’ Journal quoted in E. C. Pain, The Last Of OurLuggers And The Men Who Sailed Them, (Deal 1929), pp. 61, 68; Sydney Gerald,‘Deal Beach’, The Pall Mall Magazine, (1893), p.367.3 . Kelly’s Post Office Directory of Kent, 1866.4. John Gilmore, Storm Warriors, or Life-Boat Work on the Goodwin Sands (1873),pp.192, 195, 202.5. Achilles Daunt, Our Sea Coast Heroes: or, Stories of Wreck and Rescue by theLifeboat and Rocket, (1889), pp. 210, 214.6. George Byng Gattie, Memorials of the Goodwin Sands, (1890), p. 100.7. Thomas Stanley Treanor, Heroes of the Goodwin Sands, (1892), pp. 41, 42. Otherbooks by Treanor are The Log of a Sky Pi1ot and The Cry From the Sea and theAnswer From the Shore, publication dates unknown but c.1895.8. Treanor, Heroes, p.164.9. East Kent Archives Centre (E.K.A.C.) CPw/AP 1854/1. The lugger' s crew wasawarded £100 for these services.10. E.K.A.C. CPw/ACp 1862/5. For these services, £65 was awarded to the boatmen,to be divided into twelve shares.11. E.K.A.C. CPw/ACp 1869/6. £100 was awarded, to be divided among eighteenmen.12. Gilmore, op. cit., p.202.13. Public Record Office (P.R.O.) MT9/105A/75, Report on the Subject of Wreck andSalvage on the Coast of Kent. MT9/105A is a bundle of material containing a numberof reports and documents relating to salvage cases in the Deal area.14. P.R.O. CUST 53/2 8 Mar 1858; CUST 53/2 10 Jan 1861.15. P. Muskett, ‘Deal Smuggling in the Eighteenth Century,’ Southern History 8,(1986).16. P.R.O. CUST 53/2 5 Jan 1858.17. William Stanton, The Journal of William Stanton, Pilot of Deal, (Portsmouth1929), pp. 54-57.18. This is the period covered by the letterbooks of the Customs port of Deal, P.R.O.CUST 53/1 - 53/419. P.R.O. CUST 53/1 15 May 1851.20. Treanor, Heroes, p.50.21. P.R.O. CUST 53/3 Jan 186522. P.R.O. CUST 53/3 13 July 1865.23. P.R.O. CUST 53/1 8 June 1852.24. P.R.O. CUST 53/2 1 May 1858, 12 June 1858.25. P.R.O. CUST 53/2 6 May 1858, CUST 53/3 Jan 1865.26. P.R.O. CUST 53/1 7 Feb 185127. P.R.O. CUST 53/1 17 June 185328. P.R.O. CUST 53/2 5 Oct 185929. P.R.O. CUST 53/1 5 July 185430. P.R.O. CUST 53/5 28 May 186031. Stanton, op. cit., p.55.32. P.R.O. CUST 53/1 11 June 18521433. P.R.O. CUST 53/2 16 Sept 1858, 23 Sept 1858. Gardner’s alibi was suspiciouslywatertight, for he had been seen on the way to Folkestone by Admiral Vincent, amagistrate.34. P.R.O. CUST 53/5 28 May 186035. P.R.O. CUST 53/2 19 June 186036. P.R.O. CUST 53/2 3 Feb 186037. P.R.O. CUST 53/1 10 June 185338. P.R.O. CUST 53/1 Jan 185139. P.R.O. CUST 53/1 20 June 185240. Ibid.41. P.R.O. CUST 53/1 Aug 185242. P.R.O. CUST 53/1 26 Aug 185243. Ibid.44. P.R.O. CUST 53/2 2 Aug 185945. P.R.O. CUST 53/3 Jan 186546. P.R.O. CUST 53/2 14 Mar 185747. P.R.O. MT9/105A/75 Report on the Subject of Wreck and Salvage on the Coastof Kent.48. P.R.O. CUST 53/2 10 Jan 185049. P.R.O. CUST 53/2 8 Mar 185850. P.R.O. CUST 53/3 16 Feb 187051. P.R.O. CUST 53/3 19 Feb 187052. P.R.O. MT9/105A Report of Inquiry into the Wreck of the North, p.2.53. Ibid., p.154. The Times, 19 Oct 1866, p.755. Ibid., 24 Oct., 1866, p.656. Ibid.57. The Times, 29 Oct 1866, p.4.58. The Times, 26 Oct 1866, p.10. Jarvist Arnold was coxswain of the Kingsdownlifeboat.59. The Times, 22 Oct 1866, p.7.60. P.R.O. MT9/105A/75 Report on the Subject of Wreck and Salvage on the Coastof Kent.61. P.R.O. MT9/105A, North enquiry, p.362. Ibid.63. P.R.O. CUST 53/2 8 Mar 185864. P.R.O. MT9/105A/75 Report on the Subject of Wreck and Salvage on the Coastof Kent.65. E.K.A.C. CPw/ACp 1876/266. Ibid.67. Ibid.68. E.K.A.C. CPw/ACa3 22 Mar 1876.69. P.R.O. MT9/105A Report of Inquiry into the Accident to the ship Olivia.70. The Times, 29 July 1868, p.1171. P.R.O. MT9/105A, Olivia report.72. P.R.O. MT9/105A.73. The Deal Telegram, Jan & Feb 1870, various issues.74. The Deal Mercury, 2 Apr 1870, p.3; 16 Apr 1870, p.2; Pain, op. cit., p.71.75. Pain, op. cit., p.71.76. The Deal Telegram, 24 June 1865, p.7; The Deal Mercury, 6 Nov 1869, p.3; ibid.,1516 Oct 1878, p5.77. The Deal Telegram, 23 Sept 1865, p.7.78. The Deal Mercury, 13 May 1876, p.2.79. Ibid., 16 Oct 1880, p.2.80. The Deal Telegram, 14 May 1864, p.7.81. The Times, 23 Oct 1866, p.9.

Paper No. 020Sir Edward Dering, lst bart., of SurrendenDering and his 'Booke of Expences'1617-1628Laetitia YeandleThis paper has been downloaded fromwww.kentarchaeology.ac. The author has placed the paperon the site for download for personal or academic use.Any other use must be cleared with the author of thepaper who retains the copyright.Please email admin@kentarchaeology.ac for detailsregarding copyright clearance.The Kent Archaeological Society (Registered Charity223382) welcomes the submission of papers. Thenecessary form can be downloaded from the website at A note on the manuscript and this transcriptionDescription of the volumeThe Booke of Expences is a tall folio volume, measuring 444 by 185 mm., bound invellum, the top and bottom edges folded inward to a depth of 20 to 40 mms. The bindingwas attached to the paper block with five thongs, one of which is now missing, and isreinforced with tacking stitches along the spine. The volume was foliated in recent timesand numbers 95 leaves and three uncounted stubs between ff. 1 and 2, ff. 56 and 57, andff. 7l and 72, taken from two stocks of paper, a gathering of smaller size having beeninserted between ff. 50 and 62. The collation is: [1] [212] (-21 ) [3-416] (-41) [516] (57 +([612] (-67)) [716] (-72) [810]. The first and last leaves seem to have served as pastedowns. The predominant paper measures 446 by 175 mm., suggesting the vellum hasshrunk over the years, and has a watermark of a crowned shield resembling no. 264 inW.A.Churchill’s Watermarks in Paper (Amsterdam: Menno Hertzberger & Co., 1935).Despite some damage around the edges and a few holes, some stains and smudges, a littlefading and bleed-through of the ink, the paper is in fairly good condition and the writingfor the most part legible. The worst damage occurs on f. 28 where several lines have beenso heavily scored through that it is now in two pieces. The inserted gathering, gathering6, consists of twelve smaller leaves tipped in between 57 and 58 (ff. 50 and 62),measuring 388 by 159 mm. The paper is thicker and has a watermark of what appears tobe a crowned eagle bearing some resemblance to no. 439 in Churchill. It is in goodcondition. In addition, a loose unfoliated fragment of paper measuring 142 by 150 mm. isnow inserted between ff. 90v and 91r. It has a portion of a watermark showing the hindlegs of a quadruped, possibly a horse or a unicorn. It is a rough list of a few sweet meats,only the last entry being in Dering’s hand. Ff. 2v, 3v, 26r, 45v, 56v, 85r to 91r, 93v to94v, and 95v are blank. There is no obvious gap in the written record. Both the vellumcover and the paper of the volume have a horizontal crease in the centre, most noticeableat the front of the volume.The pages are ruled into six columns in red ink: the first on the left is for the month andday, the second for the entry; the four narrow ones on the right are respectively headed‘li’’ or occasionally ‘Li’’, ‘s’, ‘d’ and, at the beginning of the volume, ‘ob’’. With a fewexceptions, Dering heads each page with the year and the number of the quarter or halfyear. He usually leaves a sizeable blank space at the end of each full year.Dering wrote a mixed hand, using both secretary and italic forms; he preferred the italichand for names.Dering’s accounting methodsThis volume of his expenses seems to be Dering’s fair copy. Once he refers to his otherbook of expenses for more details (4v), once to the purchase of ‘3 bookes for expences,whereof this is one’ for 7s. 6d. (6v). There are some deletions and corrections, especiallywhen he is adding up sums of money, but on the whole the volume gives the appearanceof being his most up-to-date copy. It incorporates the expenses his father, or brothers, orservants incurred on his behalf. These are copied in in a block and bracketed together. Hestarts by entering his various expenses on a quarterly basis in January 1618/19 (4r),giving the total of each quarter’s expenses at the end of each quarter. In keeping with theusage of the time Dering uses the Julian calendar: the first quarter begins on 25 March(Lady Day), which he once refers to as ‘our Lady day of old’ (59v), the second quarter on24 June (Midsummer’s Day), the third on 29 September (Michaelmas) and the fourth on1 January (New Year’s Day). He does not start to include the month and day whenparticular payments were made until December 1619 after his marriage (7r). On 25March 1620 (8r) he switches to a half yearly basis to enter his accounts, the first halfbeginning on 25 March and the second on 29 September. This is the pattern he followsfor the rest of the volume. He gives the total of the expenses entered on a page at the footof that page, the total spent in a half year at the end of each half year, and the total spentin a full year at the end of each full year. Sometimes he gives the total cost of bracketeditems or of items comprised in making, for example, a coat. Near the beginning of thevolume (3r) he notes each year’s total from 1618 to 1626/27, but not that for 1627 to1627/28 even though the Booke of Expences stops at the end of this year.The entries are generally entered chronologically though one cannot assume that the dateof the entry is the date the item was purchased. The date given can be the date of thereckoning as he clearly states in the entry for 28 November 1623: ‘supper yesternight anddinner too day’ 3s. 4d. (34r), and as is evident when certain payments incurred in one halfyear are paid in the next half year (see for example 62r).One year Dering tried a different method of keeping his accounts. From March 1625 toMarch 1626 he decided to divide his expenses into two categories, Household Expenses(46r-50v, 62r) and Foreign Payments (51r-56r). The latter begin on the first leaf of theinserted gathering. In this year, consequently, there are two sets of expenses, HouseholdExpenses for the first half year and the second half year being followed by ForeignPayments for the first half year and the second half year. On the last two pages for thisyear (56r and 57r, 56v is blank) Dering catches up on his book-keeping and entersexpenses from both categories, all apparently incurred earlier in that year. He gives thetotal sum of each category at the end of the year as well as the total of both categories forthe whole year (56r).Editorial conventionsThe manuscript has been transcribed as literally as possible with certain exceptions.Capital letters, spelling and punctuation, though not diphthongs, have been kept. Thisincludes the long ‘i’, which Dering very occasionally uses within a word and which hasbeen transcribed as a ‘j’, and the sign which looks to the modern eye like an equal sign,‘=’, though this sign has been ignored when it is used in a word break that is not neededin the transcription. Superior letters have been silently lowered except in the case ofsums of money denoting pounds, shillings and pence when superior ‘li’’, ‘s’ and ‘d’ havebeen kept and, the few times they occur, in Latin ordinals as ‘1mo’ (57v). Commonabbreviations like ‘It’’ for ‘Item’, ‘mr’ for ‘master’, ‘yt’ for ‘yat’ (that), ‘pd’ for ‘paid’,and ‘p’ with a horizontal line through the stem standing for ‘per’, have been silentlyexpanded. However, when Dering uses such a ‘p’ as a regular ‘p’ as he often does thehorizontal line through the stem has been ignored, as in ‘passe’ (9r) and in ‘supp’ (34r).Abbreviations for Christian names, names of the months and days have also been silentlyexpanded. Less common abbreviations have had the missing letters added within squarebrackets. Certain abbreviations for weights and various measures have been retained, anapostrophe taking the place of the mark of abbreviation whatever the one used. Thus‘ob’’ stands for obolus (halfpenny), ‘bb’’ or ‘bush’’ for ‘bushel’, ‘dim’’ for ‘dimidium’(half), ‘yd’’ for ‘yard’, ‘qrter’’, or occasionally ‘qter’’, for ‘quarter’, and ‘qrts’’ or ‘qrtes’’for ‘quartes’. In the case of ‘qr’’ it may denote ‘quadrans’ (farthing) or ‘quire’. When itstands for ‘quire’ it has been expanded as ‘q[ui]r[e]’. In the case of two potentiallyconfusing measurements this means that ‘7 li’’ stands for 7 lb avoirdupois, and ‘7 li’’ for£7 sterling, while ‘2 d’ when used to indicate the weight of a nail stands for 2penny[weight], and ‘2d’ for 2 pence in money. ‘Viz.’, ‘&’, ‘&c’ and ‘dd’’ (here oftenstanding for ‘delivered’) have been kept.No attempt has been made to distinguish between Dering’s mixed secretary and italichand, and his italic hand. It is not always easy to be sure about the actual spelling of aword or about a mark of punctuation, nor whether a letter is a capital or not. In the case ofsome initial double ‘f’s written in italic it is difficult to know whether he was writing ‘FF’or ‘ff’. I have chosen the latter interpretation. ‘1’s and ‘2’s, ‘d’s and ‘e’s can also beconfusing.Editorial emendations have been placed within square brackets. A question mark inparentheses has been added after a doubtful reading. Broken brackets enclose deletions, aquestion mark being added if the reading is uncertain. Hyphens indicate illegible letters,words or numbers. Corrected letters have usually been ignored. A caret on either side of aletter or word shows that the letter or word was inserted.Marginal marks have been reproduced or approximated if possible but not most of thepencil dashes in the first column that seem to have been added relatively recently, oftento draw attention to entries about books and plays; a few in pencil that may have beenadded by Dering have been noted (e.g. 57v). The horizontal line drawn between the lastword of an entry and the corresponding sum of money has been ignored, except towardthe beginning of the manuscript where it is sometimes crossed and here indicated by aplus sign. These seem to highlight expenses relating to his wife and to tips and ‘givens’.Bracketed lines have been indicated by using a small bracket at the beginning and/or endof each line bracketed. In several cases Dering uses pencil for his brackets as on ff. 51vand 55r. Folio numbers and the few textual notes have been added in bold type withinsquare brackets.Note of caution when using the search feature in this on-line editionSpelling was not static in Dering’s day and consequently may appear erratic to themodern eye. Anyone wishing, for example, to look up references to people, places andobjects in this literatim transcription, whose spelling may also incorporate Dering’scorrections, must bear this in mind. Thus ‘diamond’ appears as ‘diuamond’,‘greyhound’ as ‘greewhound’, ‘farthingale’ in its variant form ‘vertingale’, ‘hasp’ as‘hapse’, ‘haps’ or ‘happes’, ‘sieve’ as ‘siue’, ‘suet’ as ‘suite’ or ‘sewitt’, ‘tweezers’ as‘twizes’ or ‘etwizes’, and so on. The references to ‘master Dawes’ and ‘maasterDEaues(?)’ probably both refer to Simon D’Ewes who was knighted shortly after thedate of the second entry. 1[Transcription of Sir Edward Dering’s Booke of Expences, U350 E4, Centre for Kentish Studies][f.1] [stub][f.2r]A Booke of expences from ye yeare 1619. (being halfe a yeare before I was first marryed), vnto ye yeare [blank].[f.2v] [blank][f.3r] 1617 li' s d ob' In ye latter halfe of this yeare, beinge from Michaelmas vnto our Lady day, and beinge ye first halfe yeare of my beingeof ye society of ye middle temple, my fathers charges - amounted vnto ye summe of fourescore and ten pounds, and vpwarde, all of itt peace=meale com= minge out of his purse, and I owinge for notheinge. memorandum: I had two suites of apparell, and one plaine blacke cloath cloake lin'd with velluett 90 00 00 2 1618 This yeare I made 4 suites, 5 cloakes and one coate, and a cloake for ye boy: which came to aboue 67li': and in ye last quarter I was knighted wherevpon with the fees and collaterall occasions I spent 232 2103li' - 87?3s - 83d so that this yeares expences amount vnto [blank?] whereof in ye last quarter 283-0-2-ob' and in ye 3 quarters befor 105-14-9 388 14 11 01 1619 The whole yeares expences beinge ye yeare 287 06 10 wherein I was marrided 548 10 02 which sett me in debt 110li'. 1620 The whole yeares expences 300 01 04 1621 The whole yeares expences 4008 140 0103 3 1622 The whole yeares expences 426 17 03 5246 --17 013 1623 The whole yeares expences 323 02 03 1624 The whole yeares expences 591 10 10 1625 The whole yeares expences 6844 .5 11 16276 The whole yeares expences 721 08 11 714 09 03- 572-13-4[f.3v] [blank][f.4r] My -----prodigall ---yeare The last quarter anno 1618, and ye three first anno 1619. 1618. Last quarter 4 from newyeares day vnto our Lady day./ Price of Knighthoode Ian: 22. 160 00 00 Hnighthood [sic] fees 43 00 00 voluntary gratuities 2 18 06 Horsemeate and dyett att London, Puckeridge, ware Newmercat Cambridg, Dartford and Maidestone, for my selfe and horse and for 5 s? more by ye space of 13 dayes 06 19 09 A supper bestowed on sir ffrancis Beaumont mr shelden &c: february 1715 01 12 00 Dyett and Lodginge att my cosen Thomas Deringe's 03 11 00 A Cloake for my boy 00 15 06 Otherwise spent on ye boy 01 14 05 Giuen away att Boughton and els where 01 05 06 7 yds and a qrter' of blacke wrought vellett att 24s per yd to make a suitecloake. 08 14 00 9 yds of blacke french silke plush att 35s per yd to line the cloake 15 15 00 8 yds 3 quarters of blacke furger'd satten, att 18s per yd to make a suite 07 14 06 Ell ett qrter' of coloured taffaty, to line the doublett 00 16 08 2 dozen and 10 yds of imbroidered satten lace att 20s ye dozen 02 2l6 08 5 The taylours bill for this suite 02 056 04 Summ of this suite 38-3-2. Alteringe two cloake 02 18 08 Chamber=rent att ye temple for a whole yeare 06 00 00 Other expences whereof most were very necessary 14 00?1 08 01. Summ of this quarter 283 00 02 01[f.4v] 1619 first quarter from our Lady day vnto midsommer day./ 4 yds of oliue coloured kentish broad=cloath att 16s per yds to make a cloake and breeches 03 04 00 4 yds half qrter' of turky chamlett 01 0410 00 14 dozen of galloune lace for two in a seame and 12 about ye cloake att 2s-4d ye ounce [blank] And 2 ounces 3 quarters of silke 02 18 00 Ell, and qrter' of taffaty to line ye doublett 00 16 06 A grosse of buttons 00 04 00 4 yds of bays to line my cloake as [sic] 4s per yd 00 16 00 The taylours bill 0l 18 02 6 Summ of this suite 11-6-8 Turninge two silke grogarum suites, and makinge them vp with taffaty bought to cutt vpon &c 03 16 09 New makinge my satten=guarded cloake 00 12 00 3 yds dim': of blew kersey to make a suite for ye boy 00 17 06 Crimson silke lace in graine and silke 00 08 00 9 dozen of buttons 00 03 00 Lininge &c and makinge vp this suite 00 15 03 summe of this suite: 2-3-9 In bookes 04 17 10 A clocke with an allarum 04 03 00 Amblinge my dunne' mare a fortnight 00 12 00 The boy stoode me in besides 00 15 08 Giuen away att Boughton and els where 03 01 04 In other expences and those also necessary, as they are specifyed in my other booke of expences 16 053 05 Summ of this quarter is 407 142 5 7[f.5r] 1619 2 quarter. ffrom Midsommer vnto Michaelmas. 8 yds of french greene turky grogarum for a suite att 6.s per yd. 02 09 06 Taffaty to line ye doublett 00 16 05 Canuas, silke, lace, lininges, buttons, bays &c 02 03 00 3 dozen of riband pointes. 00 11 06 makinge this suite 00 18 00 summ of this suite and pointes 6-18-5 ___________ 2 per of gloues 00 02 00 3 per of bootes 0l 10 00 per of spanish leather shoes 00 04 00 Dyett and horsemeatte att diuers places 01 15 04 Lost att play, gleeke and tables 04 0?818 07 2 per of gloues 00 03 02 2 per of gloues for cosen K. Bell 00 03 00 Carrier had 00 01 09 A peache coloured and greene scarfe 00 19 00 A blacke beauer 01 16 00 per of willow=coloured silke stockins 01 11 00 per of blacke silke roses with siluer lace 00 10 00 per of carnation silke stockins for my mistress. 01 04 00 8 per of garters for her 01 05 00 per of roses for her 00 12 00 per of gloues 00 01 08 Ordinary att Allington court 00 01 08 giuen Iacke Tuffton his ordinary there 00 01 00 giuen my boy 00 06 03 giuen poore 00 03 00 giuen att Boughton 01 01 00 giuen att Hothfeild 03 02 00 giuen away els where 02 08 06 Suite att Allington court 00 00 06 Dyett for man and horsemeate 00 01 06 Lost 00 01 03 Iourney for cosen Kate Bell when I did fetch her from Tunbridge 01 04 00 Summ of this qrter' is 32-5-7[f.5v] 1619 My desperate qrter' The 3d qrter' from michaelmas 9 vnto Newyeare'ds day. 5 yds qrter' of Scarlett coloured satten for a doublett, and to line my Cassocke att 16s per yd 04 04 00 5 yds halfe qrter' of fine Scarlett att 55s per yd to make hose, cassocke and Cloake 14 00 00 7 yds dim': of blacke rich velluett att 24s per yd 09 00 00 22 ounces of blacke galloune lace 02 15 00 Taffaty to line the doublett 00 17 00 5 grosse of buttons att 8s ye grosse 01 04 00 pinkinge and racinge the doublett and lininge of ye ropell 00 08 00 for embroideringe doublett, ropell and scarfe 02 10 00 5 dozen of small buttons 00 01 08 Stichinge and sowinge silke 00 14 00 ffor cuttinge ye scallopt?s 00 02 00 Holland to line the hose 00 05 06 Dutch bays for ye hose 00 04 06 Pocketts to ye hose 00 00 010 2 dozen of checker=riband=pointes 00 12 00 Drawinge ye peeces in ye suite and cloake 00 05 00 Canuas and stiffninge to ye doublett 00 03 06 ffor makinge the doublett and hose 00 18 00 makinge ye ropell 0l 08 00 makinge ye Cloake 00 09 00 10 Summ of this suite. 40-2-0 4 yds 3 quarters of ashcolour spanish cloath to make cloake and hose att 16s - per yd 03 18 03 2 yds dim': of ashcolour sattin for doublett att 15s 01 17 06 4 yds of scarlett bayse to line ye cloake att 9s 01 16 00 13 ounces of crimson g^a^lloun in graine att 3s-2d 02 02 11 stickinge and sowinge silke 00 08 08 An ell of taffaty to line the doublett 00 18 00 5 dozen of small buttons to ye doublett 00 02 06 15 dozen of buttons to ye p?doub suite and cloake 00 11 03 holland to line ye hose 00 05 06 Bays to line ye hose 00 04 06 Cuttinge ye scallops 00 00 06 pinkinge ye doublett 00 02 06 2 dozen of checker riband crimson pointes 00 14 00 Drawinge ye peeces in ye suite and cloake 00 03 06 Makinge doublett and hose 00 18 00 makinge ye cloake 00 08 00 2 yds more of the same spanish cloath to make a ropell and per of stockins 01 16 00 11 ounceds dim: of galloune more 01 18 02 Stichinge and sowinge silke 00 07 02?0 14 dozen of buttons for ye cassocke 00 10 06 11 Crimson taffaty to line itt 01 -1?01 06 qrter' and halfe of Crimson velluett to face the toppe of my stockins 00 09 00 ffor makinge ye ropell 0l 08 00 Summ of this suite, cloake, ropell, and stockins Lace for stockins 00 02 04 sowinge silke 00 00 04 drawinge peeces 00 00 03 makinge stockins 00 02 06 Summ of this suite, cloake, ropell and stockins. 22-7-2 2 yds dim': qter of french greene broadcloath 02 00 00 Taffaty to line my coate 01 12 06 4 dozen, 6 yds. of gold galloun att 5s-8d ye ounce 04 16 04 ffrench greene galloune 00 02 06 ffrench greene stichinge and sowinge silke 00 03 00 20 dozen of gold buttons 01 00 00 Cuttinge ye scallops 00 00 08 drawinge ye peeces 00 01 06 Silke to sett on ye gold lace 00 01 00 makinge this coate 00 12 00 Summ of this coate. 10-9-6 12[f.6r] 1619 3d qrter' 2 yds halfqrtr' of oliue coloured cloakethe to make doublett and ho-se 01 14 00 4 yds of bays to line a cloake for this suite which I had made before in ye first qrter' of this yeare 00 15 08 Canuas and stiffninge to ye doublett 00 03 06 Ell of taffaty to line ye doublett 00 17 00 4 dozen of galloune 00 13 08 Stichinge and sowinge silke 00 13 06 5 dozen of small buttons for doublett 00 01 08 Homes fustian to line ye hose and pocketts 00 05 00 Bays to line ye hose 00 04 06 5 dozen of buttons to ye sides of my fe hose 00 03 09 cuttinge ye scallops 00 00 06 Claspes 00 00 04 drawinge peeces 00 01 06 Silke to sow ye lininge of my cloake and makinge itt vp 00 02 06 makinge doublett and hose 00 14 00 Summ: of this suite. 5?6-11-1 A crimson taffaty plaine scarfe 00 16 00 Lace and riband of blacke silke and settinge itt 13 on 4 dozen of crimson and gold pointes 01 06 08 A cappe 00 03 04 A silluer girdle 01 00 00 A ruffe and per of cuffes 01 08 00 Another ruffe and cuffes 01 02 00 A cuttworke fallinge band and cuffes 01 10 00 A satten coller 00 04 00 12 handkercheifes 00 08 00 4 handkercheifes 00 03 00 per of french garters crimson and silluer with knotts. 03 05 00 2 dozen dim': of pointes sutable of silluer'd riband att 15s - ye dozen 01 18 06 mending spurres 00 00 06 A wollen wastcoate 01 02 00 Changinge my last blacke beauer 00 08 00 An earinge with Rubyes 00 10 00 A small, deepe, greate saddle with furniture 04 018 06 Dyinge feather 00 01 06 A sworde damaske hilt 03 06 00 A scabberd and cleaninge old sworde 00 01 06 white felt 00 09 00 A silluer hattband 00 18 00 Dressinge and lininge beauer 00 04 00 Scowringe silke stockins 00 01 00 6 yds of riband 00 02 00 14 157 per of gloues 00 10 02 per of stagges leather gloues quilted in ye seame with crimson silke &c 00 09 00 per of such gloues of bucks leather with crimson and bl[ack]. 00 07 00 per of oyld gb?loues 00 01 08 4 per of plaine boote hose 00 04 08 3 per of boote hose with wrought topps 00 19 00 per of white spanish leather bootes with h?greate galoshaes 01 01 00 2 per of spanish leather shoes with one per of galoshaes 00 09 06 per of russett bootes and galoshaes 00 13 00 2 per of blacke bootes 01 00 00 per of gamashoes to ride in, of leather 00 09 00 price of these wearinge thinges. 31-15-6 per of Gloues for my Lord Hobart 01 011 00not per of gloues for ye Earle of Exester 02 05 00off- 2 per of gloues for my Lady Hobart and myred mother 01 19 00but 2 per of gloues for K.Bell and ffr:kept Tufton 021 04 00refu-2 per of gloues for Sir Iohn Tuffton 00 10 00sed 3 per of gloues for women 01 01 00and per of gloues for Lidia 00 05 00kept 7 per of gloues for men 03 03 00 15 per of gloues for I. Tuffton 00 10 00 26 per of gloues for my sisters and my wiues sisters 00 18 00 price of weddinge gloues 3 13-6-0 besides a paire giuen to my Lady ffr: price 24s. but I paid nott for them. Licence to marry 00 13 04 A cabinett for my mistress 03 00 00 A per of twizes 00 08 00 gilt paper 00 02 00 pens and wax 00 00 09[f.6v] 1619 ` 3d qrter' Seeinge a play with my mistress and ye reste 00 18 00 A sett of counters in a silluer box 00 10 00 per of braceletts of Amatysts 02 10 00 A ringe of gold 00 00 04 6 per of gloues 00 07 00 24 Amatysts 00 08 00 An amber howre=glasse 01 08 00 A purse for cosen Kate Bell 00 08 00 12 per of gloues for her 00 014 00 16 giuen my Lord of Excester's man for bringinge plate 00 10 00 giuen Lady Ruttlands man 00 06 00 giuen my fathers man 00 05 00 giuen for my wife, to Iacke and Charles 00 04 00 giuen Coketts maide 00 01 00 giuen ffr: Lambart 00 01 00 giuen maides att Hothfeild 00 10 00 pitch and pins 00 00 01 Tobacco 00 00 02 Oyle of cloues 00 00 02 Quinces and mermalade 00 08 06 Enamellinge a ringe 00 01 00 Settinge a stone in her diuamond ringe 00 01 00 Lemmans 00 00 08 Laid out for my wiues vse 13-6-0 To mistress Paddy for her s husbands bookes of heraldry 20 00 00 2 paper bookes 00 05 00 27 playbookes 00 09 00 Sir Iohn Harringtons booke of epigramms 00 00 06 Aquinas his Catena aurea 00 08 06 Yorkes booke of heraldry coloured 02 04 00 An Escocheon of my father's and mothers armes 00 10 00 An Escocheon of our armes for my aunt Skeff: 00 06 08 The country farme 00 08 00 17 3 bookes for expences, whereof this is one 4-6 00 07 06 Treasure of moderne times 00 08 06 2 Allmanackes 00 00 04 Bookes 25-0-6 2 pewter dishes 00 03 03 Wax candle 00 00 06 pens 00 00 02 porters att seuerall times 00 04 09 Surgeon for dressinge Iames his legge 00 02 06 Dyatt att diuers places and times 00 1-8 08 BoteteBoate=hire 00 09 00 Horsehire 00 08 06 Horsemeate 00 09 06 Arras powder 00 00 02 powder and boxes 00 05 09 Boatehire 00 01 00 Barber 00 02 02 A trunke 00 11 00 A yd of riband 00 00 02 Needeles 00 00 01 A box of pomatum 00 00 06 Sugar candied 00 00 04 2 per of gloues for my mother 00 02 04 A key to my box 00 00 08 Landresse 00 10 00 A brush 00 00 06 18 paid for vse of mony 02 18 04 mistold in reckoninge of mony 00 01 06 Lost in changinge gold 00 02 00 2 flowers for my sisters 00 03 00 A box combe 00 00 06 fflaske and powder 00 00 06 worme and scowrer 00 01 00 per of mouldes 00 00 06 Corde 00 01 00 Lost 00 05 02[f.7r] 1619 3d qrter' Tauernes and fidlers 01 01 09 ffruite 00 00 02 my mother had of me 00 01 00 2 bands for ye boy 00 01 10 A hatt and band for him 00 04 06 2 shirtes for him 00 05 00 Solinge boyes shoes 00 00 10 mendinge his stockins 00 00 02 Giuen ye boy 00 02 05 torches and linkes 00 03 08 19 Giuen mistress Elyatt mistress Spice her Christninge 00 10 00 giuen ye nurse and keeper there 00 03 00 giuen away 01 11 00 giuen Sharpe ye Lawyer 00 11 00 giuen att Boughton 00 06 00 giuen att Hothfeild and Raynham 02 13 01 ob' giuen att Sir Iohn Tufftons att London. 01 15 01 ob' giuen poore 00 02 09 giuen away in all 6-19-0 Spent this qrter' before I came married home./ 179-5-1December Layd out since I was married and came home.fryday. 17 Carryer had of me 00 02 06saturday. 18 pins for my wife + + 00 00 10 Laces for her + 00 00 02Tuesday. 21. giuen a wench that brought a cake fromm goodwife moulton + 00 01 00wensday. 22 3 qrters' of yd of blacke riband for my selfe 00 00 03 yd of blacke riband + 00 00 06 yd of willow riband + 00 00 06 yd 3 quarters of tinsell riband + 00 00 06 4 yds of fillettinge + 00 02 00 20 23 giuen att Boughton 00 00 06 24 giuen Gadsby's daughter for bringinge a cake 00 01 00 giuen Sir Nicholas Tuffton's boy for bringinge fish 00 00 06 Carrier had 00 08 00 26 Nicholas my boy 00 00 06 28 A pounde of birdline 00 00 08 2 linkes 00 00 08 31 giuen my wife, who lost itt att cardes + 00 13 03 giuen Linley's man for bringinge d?2 Capons 00 01 00 I Lost att Cardes this Christmas 00 15 07 Left wvnpaid for a per of shoes for my Cosen K B 00 00 06 24 per of gloues for ye boy 00 02 00 A shootinge gloue for my selfe 00 00 08 A shootinge gloue for ye boy 00 00 04 pPayd Sir Thomas Wotton on a wager t?when I was marr[ie]d 02 15 00 Summ of this quarter. 185-12-0 Summ from newyeares day, Last 1618 vnto this 1619. 185li'/12s/0d 21 Summ of this yeare./ 548 10 02 Beside horseflesh and horsemeate, iourneyinge in my fathers Company, and some other by thinges which my father att seuerall times payd for: And beside my dyett att home and my boyes ^man's^, att seuerall times 140 dayes. viz: circiter a quarter of a yeare, or more. Item per of gloues to my Lady ffrances somme preissents to my wife, 3 weekes Dyett and lodginge for me and my horses in London, and his owne for my sake &c./[f.7v] 1619 Last qrter' from Newyeares day vnto owr Lady day./ Ianuary. 2 Lost att Cardes 00 00 06 3 giuen att Hotfeild 00 023 00 11 Lost 00 00 02 13 giuen sir Nicholas Tuftons boy for 22 bringinge some of my wiues linnen + 00 00 06 17 giuen b?my brothers I[ohn] et Ch[ar]l[e]s. 00 02 00 my wife gaue them + 00 02 00 19 my wife gaue ye midwife att my Lady wottons Christeninge where she was a god=mother + 01 00 00 She gaue the nurse there + 01 00 00 20 per of shoes for my selfe 00 02 08 26 giuen ye boy 00 00 04 29 giuen att Boughton when I and my wife were there 00 07 06 February 2 giuen some fellowes that came a maskinge hither 00 05 00 3 giuen by my wife att goodwife wooltons Christninge to ye midwife where she was a godmother + 00 06 00 She gaue there to ye keeper + 00 02 06 4 paid ye Carrier for all 00 01 00 paid for false haire for my wife 07?3 00 00 8 Giuen att Boughton 00 01 00 giuen att Hottfeild 00 00 06 mendinge my Clocke 00 02 00 Pedler's ware for my wife. + 00 0?129 00 13 giuen att Boughton 00 00 04 23 19 giuen by bmy wife att hothfeild + 00 05 00 The boy's dinner att Ashford 00 00 06 20 giuen ye boy 00 00 06 22 Oates att Rochester 00 00 06 wine there 00 03 06 GYi-uen there 00 001 00 giuen att Lady Leueson's 00 00 06 ffrost=nayles there 00 00 04 23 giuen att Alysford 00 03 06 Shoinge there 00 00 04 24 giuen att Maidstone 00 00 06 Ordinary att ye starre 00 02 06 25 wine 00 03 02 giuen att Maidstone 00 01 010 28 giuen ye boy 00 00 03 ________ March: ________ 1. giuen att Boughton 00 09 06 giuen Lady Darell's coachman for bringinge vs from Boughton 00 03 00 4 A wheatstone 00 00 03 7 giuen Iohn ye gardener when he first shewed me how to graft 00 01 00 11 per of Cloath stockins for ye boy 00 02 04 paid for ye boyes ordinary att Ashford 00 00 08 24 14 giuen master Carlile, for bringinge thinges from Hothfeilde 00 02 00 giuen one that tooke vp my greewhound for me 00 00 06 16 A per of gloues 00 01 06 17 my wife gaue att Hothfeld + 00 02 06 She gaue there more + 00 06 00 18. paid for ye vse of 50li' for fosixteene weekes 02 10 00 19 To ye Carrier for letters and a box brought for my wife + 00 00 078 To ye Carrier for letters for me 00 00 04 2 per of washinge gloues for my wife + 00 01 00 1000 of pins for her + 00 00 10 giuen ye boy 00 00 02 20 A Chaine and Collar for ye grewhounde 00 01 01 21 giuen my Sister Margarett 00 02 06 my wife gaue her + 00 02 06 she paid my Cosen Kath: Bell for tiffany, and for drawinge and silk for an apron + 00 18 00 24 2 per of russett bootes 00 19 00 per of shoes for my wife + 00 02 04 giuen 00 00 08 giuen poore + 00 00 06 mendinge bootes 00 02 00 25 per of greene worstead stockins for my wyife + 00 05 00 giuen the boy 00 00 04[f.8r] Last quarter 1619. I lost att Cardes, tables, Boules &c 00 04 032 my wife lost att Cardes this quarter + 06 16 03. per of shoes for ye boy 00 01 08 Solinge per of shoes 00 00 08. ________ Summe of this quarter 21 16 10 ________ ___________________ Summ of totall of this yeare 1619 ____________ 287-6-10 ____________ 26 1620 ffirst halfe yeare. March. 25 Imprimis paid to my wife her halfe --- yeares allowance ffirst qrter' 1620. 25 00 00 Aprill. 1 wine att Ashford 00 02 02 giuen 00 00 02 ye Boyes dinner att Ashford 00 00 08 +++ 10 Giuen old Roydon our kinsman 00 01 00 --- 11 Giuen my wife this quarter, which besides her allowance, which she lost att Cardes + 01 03 08 15 Giuen att Hothfeild 00 05 00 18 Giuen my foote=boy Nicholas. 00 00 09 Ordinary att Cockes hoath 00 02 06 Boyes ordinary there 00 00 06 pd S 19 -oGiuen att Boughton 00 07 00 25 giuen fidlers 00 01 00 26 giuen Thomas wyles 00 01 00 .May. 2. giuen my footeboy Nicholas 00 00 06 giuen att Offam 00 00 06 giuen a boy yat brought a letter from my wife + 00 00 06 27 5 paid Iames for his dinner att Cockes hoath 00 00 06 paid him for our horse roome there 00 00 04 giuen him 00 00 02 6 per of shoes for ye footeboy Nicholas 00 01 08 14 poore + 00 00 04 4 birdboldtes 00 00 08 26 A Coller and line to leade a greyhounde in 00 01 02 30 3 gally potts 00 01 01 To Goodman Lane for measuringe lande after 1d per acre 00 07 06 Iune. 3 Horsenayles 00 00 01 giuen Nicholas ye footeboy 00 00 06 giuen goodwife Bull att Dymchurch 00 01 00 4 giuen att Hothfeild 00 00 06 6 giuen att Boughton 00 02 06 9 giuen my sister Margarett 00 02 00 12 paid Elisabeth Bankes her halfe yeares wages 01 05 00 giuen my footeboy Nicholas 00 00 06 Spent Att Rochester as I went to London 00 01 06 29-13-11 28[f.8v] 1620 ffirst halfe yeare Iune. 13 Horsemeate att Grauesend 00 07 011 Dyett att Grauesed when my wife and I lay there 00 014 00 Spent by ye way att Dartford 00 01 02 poore + 00 00 04 Barber att London 00 01 00 14 Bringeinge my trunke to London 00 06 00 A per of Bay Coach geldinges bought in Smithfeild 36 00 00 A per of Coach=harnesse with all furniture 04 00 00 A per of Coach bytts [blank] 2 blacke snaffle bridles 00 003 04 giuen Iames and Iohn for ridinge to London 00 04 00 giuen hims man that I bought my coachorse of 00 02 06 giuen my footeboy Nicholas 00 00 06 6 per of gloues 00 07 06 15 A ruffue and per of Cuffes 01 04 00 per of stockins for ye footeboy Nicholas 00 03 06 29 wine 00 01 06 16 A white sprigge feather for my wife + 01 04 06 Purchase his pilgrimmage 00 12 00 Bill his booke of merchandise accounts giuen to Sir Roger Twysden 00 00 10 giuen footeboy Nicholas 00 00 04 Bottle ale 00 00 02 goinge by water 00 00 06 giuen my brother Iohn 00 02 00 A per of bootes 00 10 00 poore + 00 00 02 17 Conueyinge of Letters 00 00 02 giuen 00 00 01 A knife 00 01 04 Dressinge, Dyinge and lininge my hatt 00 04 06 per of Bootehose 00 07 00 18 giuen 00 01 00 19 Mendinge Locke of Coacbhbox 00 00 03 Spent by Thomas for his supper and by ye way 00 01 04 Horsemeate two nights 00 07 00 giuen 00 00 03 ffor hey 00 06 08 ffor Custome in Smithfeild 00 00 00 ob' 4 trusses of Strawe 00 01 00 ob' 30 Bringinge itt to ye stable 00 00 08 A bolt for ye Coache 00 00 06 1 li' of grease for ye Coach 00 00 04 to one for helpinge Thomas to grease ye Coache 00 00 02 Shoinge 00 00 08 Garters for ye footeboy Nicholas 00 00 06 Giuen him 00 00 06 Girdle for him 00 00 06 Giuen 00 01 00 poore + 00 00 02 20 Sc?einge a play 00 09 08 21 Cuttinge ye Cornes on my feete 00 02 00 poore + 00 00 03 22 Goinge by water 00 01 00 hire of a Coach + 00 02 00 A Coach whippe 00 01 00 A mane Combe and spunge 00 00 06 poore + 00 00 04 Bill his booke of merchandise 00 00 10 The vicars plea for tithes 00 01 00 ten playbookes 00 08 00 giuen 00 01 00 poore + 00 00 02 per of gloues 00 07 00 A blew silke wastcoate 03 04 00 31 A per of worstead stockins 00 07 06 47-9-6[f.9r] 1620 ffirst halfe yeare: Iune 23 Oates 00 08 06 Shoinge 00 01 04 Lodginge for Thomas and ye boy 00 02 04 Settinge vp our horses att London 00 00 06 giuen 00 00 06 per of shoes for ye footeboy Nicholas 00 02 00 4 per of shoes for my selfe 00 11 06 paintinge armes vpon our Coach 01 00 00 A board painted with our armes giuen my Cosen T.D. 00 10 00 pencells and painte 00 04 06 Boy?Goinge by water 00 01 00 Boy goinge by water from London to grauesend 00 00 06 poore + 00 00 02 2 bodkins 00 03 00 giuen att Sir Iohn Tufftons 00 15 00 32 A Case of kniues giuen to Sir Thomas Wotton 00 11 00 per of gloues for my Cosen Mary Bell 00 08 00 A trench bridle 00 01 06 A baskett 00 00 08 Dyett for men att Rochester 00 02 06 horsemeate there 00 04 02 24 Dyett att Grauesend when I and my wife lay there 00 13 04 Horsemeate there 00 08 00 Giuen 00 01 00 poore + 00 00 06 25 poore + 00 00 06 Giuen 00 00 08 paid Iames for horsemeate to and from London and for mens dyetts 00 14 03 Giuen him att his goinge away 00 02 09 26 Giuen att Maydestone 00 04 06 poore + 00 00 03 mendinge irons about ye Coach 00 01 00 Giuen 00 01 00 Horshoe 00 00 06 Baytinge horses 00 04 00 Giuen 00 00 02 Goinge by water 00 00 04 washinge boyes bandes 00 00 02 33 27 Giuen Thomas for beinge with vs in London 00 05 00 Giuen Sander Harte for ridinge to London 00 02 00 Giuen Iohn for ridinge to London and backe 00 02 00 29 Nayles 00 00 06 Giuen 00 00 06 30 paid my aunt ffysher for 2 Conyes and two liue rabetts 00 05 00 paid ye Carryer for bringinge trunke from London 00 06 06 Cherryes for my wife att London + 00 10 05 Lost in gold that wanted waite 00 021 00 ----- Iuly 2 poore + 00 00 06 5 giuen Iohn Gardiner for teachinge me to inoculate 00 01 00 9 poore + 00 00 06 giuen att Boughton when I and my wife lay there 00 06 00 11 Giuen to my Cosen Darell maide for my wife + 00 00 06 Giuen Ginninges his boy when he brought birdes to my wife + 00 00 03 6 pound of Cherryes + 00 01 00 34 14 one old white Doe 00 03 04 2 white rabetts 00 01 00 Giuen Nicholas footeboy 00 00 06 15 Giuen 00 00 03 20 Giuen att boughton 00 04 08 24 Scowringe my pistoll 00 00 04 An iron hatchett 00 01 04 ---------August. 4th Giuen att Douer Castle 00 06 02 Beere 00 00 02 5 A passe from my Lord Warden's Sec to go into france, ye fee to his Secretary 02 00 00 12-2-0[f.9v] 1620 August ffirst halfe yeare 5 Registringe my Lords passe 00 02 06 7 Registringe ye names of vs that went ouer 00 03 00 Maintainance of ye hauen 00 04 00 fferryinge of 6 of vs vnto ye shippe 00 03 00 35 ffrerryinge from ye shippe to Callice in a Shalopp 00 09 06 Giuen 00 00 06 poore + 00 00 06 Supper att Callice for 6 00 08 00 8 mendinge my bootes 00 00 10 A knife 00 02 00 giuen 00 00 06 2 braceletts 00 03 00 10 Threede bought att Grauelin 00 00 06 Beere there 00 00 02 giuen 00 00 10 ffrerryinge Crosse to Grauelin 00 00 03 Seeinge oyle mill 00 00 03 Dyett att Callice from tuesday morninge to thursday night 01 08 10 hyiringe a waggon for 5 to Grauelin and backe to Callice 00 12 00 N L 00 00 062 11 12 Angelott cheeses 00 01 08 giuen Iohn Daniell 00 05 06 passage, h?viz: hiringe a shippe from Callice 02 08 00 meate and wine to Carry on shipboarde 00 02 00 faringe boate from ye shippe to Douer 00 03 00 Giuen 00 04 00 36 Custome att Callice 00 02 00 Dyett att Douer before I went ouer 00 12 00 Horsemeatt att Douer before I went and whilst I was att Douer for 4 horses. 00 16 00 Shoinge by ye way 00 00 06 _________________ All my Expences from ye time -I Came to Douer and returned home are 10li'-0s-8d ----- 14 Supper att Sandway with William Tuffton 00 03 08 15 paid Anne Benett her wages for 6 weekes 00 05 00 18 12 ells of holland to make me 4 shirtes att 4s per ell 02 08 00 22 A per of pincers 00 03 00 26 pacthreade 00 00 06 30 giuen att Godmersham 00 01 06 31 ffor mendinge my Clocke 00 01 00September. 2. packthreade 00 00 08 matche 00 00 01 paper 00 00 03 4 Shoinge 00 01 07 horsemeate att Maidston 00 01 11 Dinner for Richard 00 00 06 37 5 A tablebooke 00 00 10 Giuen att Maideston 00 01 00 goinge by water 00 00 06 A hatt edged with silluer lace 00 09 00 A hatt=band 00 04 00 6 A knife 00 01 00 3 girtes 00 02 00 A whippe 00 00 06 Stuffinge two saddles 00 01 00 3 strappes 00 00 06 per of bootes 00 10 00 poore + 00 00 02 giuen 00 00 10 A false scabberd 00 00 06 A redd feather 00 04 06 A per of bootehose 00 06 06 14-4-10[f.10r]September 1620 ffirst halfe yeare./September. 6 horsemeate att London 00 04 00 Oates att highgate 00 00 08 38 A male pillion for a Cloake=bagge 00 00 10 poore + 00 00 02 wine att highgate 00 00 08 7 Dyett att Dunstable 00 04 10 giuen 00 00 06 shoinge 00 00 01 8 Dyett at Couentry 00 05 05 horsemeate there 00 002(?) 001 giuen 00 00 10 11 Shoinge att Skeffington 00 00 06 12 Giuen att Skeffington 00 02 00 Drinke att Northampton 00 00 06 horsemeate there 00 00 09 Giuen 00 00 02 Saddlecloathe 00 02 00 13 Dyett att Brickhill 00 03 08 Horsemeate there 00 01 10 giuen 00 00 10 wine att highgate 00 03 066 Supper att London 00 03 02 14 An orrange coloured silke scarfe 01 02 00 A riband for itt 00 00 06 Crossinge ye water 00 01 00 Seeinge a play 00 03 00 wine 00 02 08 A per of stockins 00 07 00 39 15 Giuen my sister and brothers 00 15 00 Dr Fulke on ye Rhemish testament 00 16 00 A hatt and band for Nicholas 00 03 04 Boe?yes his Comminge by water 00 00 06 The boy his supper att Grauesend 00 00 06 Giuen 00 01 06 Barber 00 01 00 Crossinge ye water 00 00 06 horsemeate att London 00 02?4 08 giuen 00 00 04 poore + 00 00 04 16 horsemeate att Maidston 00 02 00 Giuen there 00 01 10 23 paid Richard what he layd out Dinner and his supper att Canterbury 00 01 04 Shoinge att Newenton 00 00 06 horsemeate when I was att Dunstable 00 03 06 giuen ostler 00 00 04 his supper and horsemeeate there att his returne 00 02 02 A gallon of oates att Stony Stratford 00 00 04 baytinge horse att Barnett 00 00 04 his dyett att London 00 00 08 Horsemeat there 00 01 04 horsemeate att Northfleete 00 00 04 horsemeate att Maydston 00 00 06 40 ______ per of stockins for Nicholas Aspoll 00 02 06 giuen him 00 00 04 5 ells of Lockarum to make him 2 shirtes 00 06 08 25 Suite att Allington court 00 00 06 Ordinary there 00 01 00 my man's ordinary 00 00 06 horsemeate there horseroome for theire standinge. 00 00 04 27 Giuen att Bougchton 00 06 00 Giuen Nicholas Aspoll 00 00 06October my wiffe gaue Anne Catesby 00 02 00 my wife gaue my Cosen Mary Bell 00 05 00 my wife gaue besse Hills 00 00 06 1 7-18-9[f.10v] 1620September ffirst halfe yeare. Lost this halfe yeare att Cardes, tables &c 02 03 09 Giuen 00 00 06 41 paid ffowler the taylour his bill vpon ye 23d of October, viz: inprimis --- ffor mendinge two per of my breeches 00 00 07 ffor makinge a suite for ye Nicholas Aspoll 00 03 06 ffor an ell of holland 00 02 00 ffor buttons and silk 00 02 04 ffor Canuas 00 02 00 ffor Callico, Clapses and inkell 00 02 01 ffor fustian for my hose 00 00 06 _____ paid my London taylour's bill for all due vnto him vntill Michaelmas day 07 00 00 8-14-0 Summ totall of this halfe yeare beinge ye only full halfe yeare wherein I and my wife disd board with my father, is li' s d 120 - 3 - 0 -------- 42[at foot of page] Summ is 113 - 3 - 3[f.11r] 1620 Second halfe yeare beinge ye first, Since I kept house. 1 paid my wife her halfe yeares allowance 25 00 00October. 2. Giuen 00 05 00 3. halfe a bushell of oysters 00 00 06 4. A gallon and halfe of white salt 00 00 06 7. giuen for bringinge peares 00 00 04 paid Richard Vsmer his wages for one whole quarter after his Comminge, vnto Michael=ma^s^ day 01 00 00 paid ffrank Blechenden all her wages from her first Comminge, May.l9. vnto Michael=mas day 001 04 09 9 Giuen Arrowes for Cuttinge my Cornes 00 00 06 10 A touett of oysters 00 00 06 Giuen Nicholas Aspoll 00 00 04 11 Giuen 00 00 03 12 halfe a touett of oysters 00 00 03 13 60 bushells of lime att 4d ye bushells 01 00 00 43 paid for bringinge of itt 00 03 00 14 2 bushells of old oates bought of Iohn Posse. 00 02 04 egges 12 00 00 04 Giuen for bringinge a baskett of Quinces 00 00 06 10 gally potts 00 02 10 A smoothinge iron 00 00 10 Bitter allmonds 00 00 03 Oatemeale 00 00 04 giuen Iohn for bringinge thinges from Ashford 00 00 04 Scowringe my pistoll 00 01 00 ++ 16 Giuen our old Cosen Royden + 00 02 00 giuen master Brodnie his boy for bringinge a dog 00 00 06 18 paid Thomas Odium for 4 seames of seede wheate att 23s 6d ye seame, 04 12 00 paid him for bringinge ye same in 00 02 06 Giuen Iames Godwin for vse of mony 03 00 00 paid him that which I borrowed -22 00 00 Bought of Goodman Markettman 19 sheepe att 11s 6d ye sheepe 0?10 18 06 I lost N L a peece of gold. 00 10 06 Bought fiue? ^six^ welsh beastes att Charinge faire att 24s ye bsteere 07 04 00 44 A siue for ye stable 00 01 00 A lanthorne for ye stable. 00 01 06 20 paid Erasmus Giles for a quarter of mutton 00 01 10 paid Susan Norman her wages att her departure for allmost three weekes 00 02 06 21 paid sir Nicholas Tuffton for two seames of seede wheate att 24s ye seame 02 08 00 25 Oysters 00 00 09 paid Arrowes ye shomaker all his worke viz: a per of shoes for my selfe 00 02 10 and 3 32 per of shoes for ye boy and a per of bootes new vamp'd for him and mendinge his shoes 00 011 01 26 10 gallons of Butter bought of Daniell Smart att ten gr-oates ye gallon 01 13 04 28 pitch 00 00 06 2 bushels and halfe of oates 00 02 06 2 iacke-ropes to turne ye spitt 00 00 06 Oatemeale 00 00 04 giuen Iohn for bringinge thinges from Ashford 00 00 04 Changinge 12 li' of tallow for Candles 00 01 00 30 ffor eggs 00 00 06 31 giuen 00 02 00 45November. 1 paid Henry Auery for composition mony 00 02 00 2 Shoinge a horse 00 00 04 3 paid Bess Hills for a weeke 00 01 00 paid Huggett's widow for a seame of oates 00 08 00 4 giuen for bringinge medlars 00 00 04 paid George Gadsby for all his smithes worke 00 16 06 37? 2? 10 24 1?6 4 6-?-10 01?-2-10[f.11v] 1620Nouember Second half yeare. paid Iames Goodwin for bringinge --- 5 poore + 00 00 04 Starch and oatemeale 00 00 08 Giuen Iohn for bringinge things from Ashford 00 00 02 Herringes 00 00 04 8 giuen for bringinge thinges from Hotfeild 00 00 04 7 Bought six welsh beasts att Sandway 46 faire att 36? 37s ye bullocke 1?11 02 00 9 paid for 6 chicken 00 01 02 paid for all worke to Browne ye smith 00 04 00 -- paidgiuen Anne Catesby for her helpe 00 01 00 paid goodwife Mercer for her helpe 00 00 06 Bought of widow Daue?y eleuen score pounde of cheese beinge ye quantity of one way of cheese att 2d ob' ye pound 02 06 08 10 paid Iohn ye Gardiner for 6 dayes worke 00 01?3 0-6 14 blacke silke riband 00 02 01 16 per of gloues for Nicholas 00 00 04 paid for markinge my bullockes and for passturage of my sheepe one afternoone 00 01 00 paid Harper for Drenches 00 02 02 paid Dine for 25 per of palinge rayles att 7d ye paire 00 14 07 18 paid ffranke Blechenden all her wages from michaelmas vnto her departure 00 08 00 22 Pu^r^chas his microcosme 00 02 06 Sutton's 3 bookes 00 07 06 Childbirth 00 02 06 practise of piety 00 06 00 A play booke 00 00 06 47 paid Goodwife mercer for her helpe and for eggs 00 00 08 broomes 00 00 01 redd herringes 00 00 02 oysters 00 00 04 paid for a lookinge glasse 00 05 06 30 paid ye shomaker for all 00 06 10 two burninge iron markes 00 01(?) 04 A wooll marke for sheepe 00 01 00 Nayles for Court wheeles weighinge 28 li' 00 08 02 Shoinge ye Court wheeles 00 02 00 A bill and an axe 00 02 04December 2 paid for a per of Court wheeles to ye wheeler 00 16 00 paid for a per of shoes for Michel ye kitchin boy 00 01 10 4 paid ye fee for half a doe withhich sir Thomas Wotton sent 00 06 00 7 Dischargd Rics?hard Vsmer: and paid him all his wages for this whole quarter 01 00 00 paid Harper ff?or a well rope he bought 00 12 01?0 2 halters and a fotheringe line 00 01 00 48 paid Richard Vsmer for his epxpences to London and in returne home 00 07 06 12 giuen 00 00 04 15 giuen poore + 00 01 00 18 ffetters per of ffetters 00 02 06 two wedges 00 02 00 22 paid Ruttinge and his partner for 13 dayes worke att digginge vp of ^12^ great trees 01 02 00 paid Bishop for hi-mself 14d ye day and for his boy 12d for 4 days 00 08 06 22-16-1(?)[f.12r]December 1620 Second halfe of ye yeare 23 paid Milksteed for cleaninge out making 200 pale wantinge eleauen pales 00 01 06 -- paid Iohn ye gardener for 9 dayes 00 04 06 paid Kingst?snoth for a weekes worke 00 03 00 25 giuen poore + 00 08 06 27 giuen 00 00 08 49 a Couple of Chesells 00 01 04 30 A mattocke 00 03 00 A hatchett 00 01 06 2 augors 00 01 06 2 Chessells 00 01 00 A goage 00 00 04 A drawsheare 00 00 08 A Saw 00 01 02Ianuary paid Bishop for Sawinge and Cuttinge of elmes 00 04 00 1. paid my vifes booke vntill ye last of Nou^Dec^ember ^9uember^ 00 08 06 paid my wifes houshold booke for ye whole month of December 02 00 00 5 paid Kingsnoth for a dayes worke 00 01 00 7 giuen 00 00 06 8 paid vnto Georg Sotherden for all his bill for beefe &c' fromm october 7. 06 18 00 Giuen Nicholas 00 01 00 Giuen my brother Charles 00 02 00 per of gloues for Nicholas 00 00 06 paid ye sexton his quarter wages 00 00 08 paid Ihon Gardener for 5 dayes worke 00 05 00 10 paid Anne ye Cooke all her wagers 00 13 04 ffor 10 small bookes 00 02 03 13 paid Ihon' ye gardiner for 5 dayes 50 worke 00 05 00 19 paid G. Pout for 5 dayes worke 00 02 06 20 Giuen mistress Hayman ye midwife 00 10 00 Giuen Sander Hart 00 02 00 22 ffor Canuas for drawers and apron for ye kitchin boy Michill 00 02 06 Cloath for a shirt for him 00 01 06 pulletts and Cockes 00 01?2 08 leather for ye kitchin boyes shoes 00 01 00 Giuen att Boughton 00 00 06 paid Arrowes ye shomaker all his due 00 03 00 27 horsemeate att maistone 00 01 00 3 quartes of sacke 00 023 00 5 quartes of Clarett wine 00 03 04 12 pound of Candles 00 05 00 2 stone potts for beere 00 01 10 giuen my Lady Sydley's man for bringinge things 00 02 00 giuen master Copley's man for bringinge 2 pigges 00 00 06 28 paid Iames Goodwin for a dayes helpe 00 01 00 29 paid mistress Hayman ye midwife for 3 weekes helpinge my wife, and 04 08 00 paid for 4 yds of holmes fustian att 16d ye yd. to line ye Curtaines of my wiues Childbed 00 18 08 51 6 yds of fustian att 15d ye yd 00 07 06 whitinge 00 00 02 6 pound of Candles 00 02 06 A bottle of muscadine 00 01 06 oyle of lillies 00 00 03 20-2-4[f.12v]Ianuary 1620 29 A yd and half of stamell bayes 00 07 06 2 yds of Cotton att 20d ye yd 00 03 04 yd halfe and half quarter of redd Cotton 00 02 08 ob'.February 3 4 horse padlockes for gates 00 02 00 4 A fagott bill 00 01 00 mendinge an axe new steelinge 00 01 00 A hedginge bill 00 01 00 4 yards of course Canuas for a horsecloath 00 04 00 8 giuen Nicholas 00 01 00 giuen att Boughton 00 06 00 9 gffor 2 yds dim' of ffrise att 3s a 52 yd to make Nicholas a ierkyn 00 07 06 ffor silke inkle and makinge ye ierkin 00 01 08 ff-or Claspes and other mendinge of his cloathes 00 00 11 ffor makinge ye Childes mantell and mendinge of my owne cloathes att diuers times 00 05 09 10 a gallon of salt 00 00 04 13 paid George Pout for helpe in ye kitchin 00 01 03 14 Giuen Nicholas 00 01 00 paid my Cosen Ihon' Darell for a wastcoate which I bought of him and X gaue my wife 05 15 00ffeuersham 16 paid vnto George Sotherden all hisbill.vide bill for beefe and suitemarch: 18. vnt?from ye last payment 02 0?15 00 Giuen Nicholas 00 00 06 17 paid my wiues houshold booke from ye first of Ianuary vnto ye 16 of Ian: 01 01 07 18 paid vnto Feild for a bacon hogge 01 00 00 20 Giuen ye Cooke att Hothfeild 00 02 00 paid Goodwife Fox for beinge my wiues keeper ye month she lay in 01 00 00 23 nayles bought of Browne 00 05 06 400 nailes att 5d ye 100. 00 01 08 53 500 nailes att 4d ye 100. 00 01 08 24 A per of stockins for Nicholas 00 03 06 25 paid Robert Bishop for ye settinge of ye new postes raile and pale att ye Changinge of ye high way in pluckley land: att 1s ye rodd for 13 rodds dim' 00 13 06 paid vnto him for 23 postes hewinge att 1d ob' ye post 00 02 10 ob' paid vnto him for 7 rodds and halfe of palinge (postes and railes vtt supra) 00 07 06 paid vnto him for a dayes worke 00 01 04 paid vnto him for a day and halfe for his boy 00 01 06 paid vnto him for Cuttinge downe two oakes 00 00 06 28 ffor makinge of 2 horsecloathes and hoodes 00 04 00 poore + 00 00 01 paid Erasmus Giles for all his worke viz: eleuen sheepe and 3 calues killed att 1d ob' apeece. a porker att 3d and a beast? ^boare^ att 6d 00 02 06March 54 1. Seeinge a play att Maidstone 00 01 08 Ordinary there 00 02 06 ffidlers there 00 01 00 2 per of stirruppe leathers 00 01 00 3 gai-uen poore + 00 00 03 per of gloues 00 05 00 per of boote hose topps 00 05 00 5 giuen the poore + 00 00 07 2 per of gloues 00 10 00 A pendant for my sister Mary Tuffton 00 03 06 A quart of white wine 00 00 06 goinge by water from westmester 00 00 06 17-14-2[f.13r]March 1620 6 2 Collers and a slippe for greyhounds 00 02 06 A beauer hatt 02 04 00 7 2 per of bootes 00 19 08 per of spanish leather shoes 00 03 06 giuen Nicholas 00 01 00 A yellow Coate and petticoates for 55 Anthony 00 13 00 2 per of stockins 00 10 00 Horsemeate att London 00 10 08 giuen horse keepers there 00 00 08 shoinge 00 00 08 ffor makinge Cleane ye Coach and harnesse and oylinge them 00 02 06 ffor a new poale 00 02 06 ffor 2 washers 00 01 00 A poale staple, loope plate and grease 00 01 06 A sumach tree from virginia 00 01 00 A duke Cherry tree 00 01 06 A may Cherry tree 00 01 04 A white Cherry tree 00 01 00 A Cluster Cherry tree 00 01 00 giuen att sir Ihon's Tufftons. 00 08 00 paid for a Cradle, a hamper, and Cloathe to trusse itt in 00 14 00 A hollande Cheese 00 02 09 graftinge tooles 00 04 06 8 packthreade 00 00 02 giuen att my Cosen Th: D 00 00 10 giuen poore + 00 00 04 Shoes for Anthony 00 00 04 2 per of stockins for Anthony 00 01 02 9 giuen att Rochester 00 00 04 56 quarte of white wine 00 00 06 ffor a vertingale for my wife 00 09 00 10 paid Ihon' Gardener for all his worke viz: 12 dayes 00 13 08 12 paid Harper for Brownes shoinge 00 05 00 12 yds of Canuas att 11d ye yd 00 11 00 1000 5d nayles 00 04 02 A horselocke 00 1?01 00 A gate locke 00 01 00 3 touetts of beanes 00 03 00 13 paid my wiues houshold booke from ye first of ffebruary vnto ye ffirst of March 00?1 17 10 Giuen att Maidston 00 05 02 16 paid Ihon Gardiner for fiue dayes worke in my hopyarde 00 05 10 ffor Nicholas his goinge by water 00 01 00 horse hire for him 00 01 00 6 bottles 00 01 06 Corke 00 00 01 white doe 00 02 06 18 paid william, which he ly? laide out for shoinge ye blacke 00 00 01 giuen Nicholas 00 00 03 Bought att ffeuersham faire. powder sugar 12s pound 00 11 00 57 Currants 6 pound att 5d ob' 00 02 09 ffigges 6 pound att 3d 00 01 06 13-10-3[f.13v] 1620 Allmonds. 62 li' att 16d 00 02 08 Raisons of ye sunne 2 li' att 4d 00 00 08 16 Couple off Codd at 15sd ye Couple 01 00 00 2 Couple of Codd att 18d ye Couple 00 03 00 Halfe a barrell of white herringe 00 15 00 Redd herringe a qrter' of a Cade beinge 140 00 02 10 3 touetts of bay salt att 18d ye bushell 00 02 03 A touett of onyons 00 01 00 A touett of rootes 00 00 09 Giuen Alexander Hart for buyinge these 00 02 02 Summ of ffeuersem Expences. 3-5-7. 22 2000 of nailes att 5d ye 100 00 08 04 58 per of kniues 00 01 00 paid Simon Mathewes for 8 seames of oates att 7s ye seame 02 16 00 Item' for 75 li' of beefe att 2s 10d ye score 00 10 08 23 paid Robert Ruttinge and [blank] Ihonson for 48 rodds and 3 qrters' of hedginge in longeford mill feild next ye streate 00 10 02 paid woodward ye Confectionary of maidston his bill, for sweete meates att ye Christ-heninge 02 05 06 27 paid Gadsby his bill 00 11 068 paid him his bill tally, for ye beast which Barton kept with him for shoinge ye oxen and plough irons 01 12 02 30 paid Ihon' Barton Cheife husbandman his wages for half a yeare 02 15 00 paid Ihon Luccas petty husbandman 02 00 00 paid Richard Butcher warrener 02 00 00 paid william [blank] Coachman for 2 monthes 00 12 00 paid Iames Samson plough boy 01 00 00 paid Katharine [blank] my wiues Chambermaide for a quarter and 7 weekes 00 19 06 59 paid Bennet [blank] ye dayry maide for h-er quarter wages 00 10 00 31 paid my wiues houshold booke from ye first March 00 10 04 __________ 21-12 4?8 ___________ Summ of this halfe yeare is. 179-18-4 157-18-84 _______________ Summ totall of this yeare 1620 -------300-1-4 [Last two lines possibly added later over the flourish][f.14r] 1621. Our Lady day 60 ffirst halfe yeare./March 25 paid my wife her halfe yeares allowance 25 00 00 27 giuen att Boughton 00 01 00 29 paid Harper for all ye worke which Browne had done for me and for hallters 00 09 05 paid George Poute for six dayes worke 00 03 00 30 paid [blank] Milkstead for Cleaninge 350 pales of 5 foote att 16d ye C 00 04 08 paid him for 200 pales of 4 foote att 12d ye C 00 02 00 paid him for 9 f per of railes Cleaninge and hewinge att 2d ye per: and 2d abated 00 01 04 paid Butcher for what he layd out for me viz: Scowringe a birdinge peece 00 01 06 A pound of Gunpowder 00 01 00 4 pound of shott 00 00 10 Shoinge as he went to Allington 00 00 04 mendinge his Cony=hay 00 01 08 31 paid Robert Bishop for palinge in 7 rodds of my Close 00 06 08 paid him for 7?3 dayes for him selfe and 53 and halfe for his boy in 61 railinge in Brents meade hole 00 057 06 paid him for a day and his boy for a day hand halfe in railinge in ye Close. 00 02 10 paid him and his boy a dayes worke about ye lime house and sh?laughter house 00 02 04 paid his boy a dayes worke when I was att London 00 01 00 paid ^Ihon'^ Bayly ye sawyer for 300 foote of Elme, sawed att 2s-6d ye C 00 07 06Aprill 5 Giuen att Bougchton when my wife and I lay there 00 17 00 Giuen att ye nurses, to her mayde 00 01 00 Giuen Nicholas 00 01 00 7 paid my hedgers, (Trowell and his fellowes beinge two more) for 55 dayes worke ^betweene them^ in fencinge att Circens pasture and Longe Dane: viz: 16d ye day. 03 13 04 wine sugar &c att Ashford 00 06 08 Giuen there 00 00 04 13 paid Harper what he laid out viz: 600 nailes 00 02 00 per of shoes for my selfe 00 02 06 62 per of shoes for ye kitchin boy 00 01 08 14 paid Ihon Collins ye gardiner for a weekes worke 00 07 00 paid him for pott hearbe seede 00 01 00 18 Spent att Dartford 00 00 10 Crossinge ye water 00 00 06 Supper 00 04 09 Giuen att London 00 02 01 19 A seruice booke in quires, in folio 00 03 06 41 orenges for my wife to preserue 00 01 10 A baskett 00 00 05 Dinner 00 01 08 -34-3--8[f.14v]Aprill 1621 ffirst half yeare. 19 Goinge by water 00 01 00vide. 5 yds dim' of fine french greeneseptemb: 29. C?broade crloath att 20s yebayes for yd: to make me, Cloake suite,cloake boote hose topps and saddle 05 00 00forgotten. Two small bookes viz: one call-d Hispanus reformatus and ye other, ye 63 polonians speech 00 00 09 per of boote hose topps 00 05 06 Paid vnto my brother Robert as followeth viz: ffor ^gold^ waites and graines and wax 00 05 00 ffor Clay pelletts 00 01 00 ffor 6 quire of paper 00 01 06 ffor 4 paper bookes 00 14 10 ffor 2 paire of gloues 00 14 00 ffor Dr Boys his Expositions on ye english liturgy 00 13 00 ffor a seruice booke 00 05 00 ffor deliuered to Dicke skeffington to bestow in tokens for his sisters 01 00 00 ffor 8 yards of ^brlack^ turky grogarum to make me a suite att 7s per yd 02 16 00 ffor taffaty to line ye doublett 00 16 06 ffor 5 ounces of galloun lace att 2s-6d 00 12 00 ffor Canuas and stiffninge, for buttons and silke, for fustian and bayes, for buckles and Claspes. &c 00 17 02 ffor makinge the suite 00 10 00 Summ of this suite 5-11-8 ffor alteringe a greate ridinge Coate into a small 00 13 00 64 20 ffor riband for my scarfe and sowing 00 01 00 wine, sugar and lemmans 00 03 09 21 2 dozen of orenge Coloured silke pointes 00 07 06 Dyett 00 02 04 I?A plaine ruffe and Cuffes 00 14 06 22 goinge by water 00 00 06 wine 00 00 08 23 Bitter allmons 00 00 03 Bottle ale 00 00 10 A grew houndes Coller 00 01 06 goinge by water 00 01 00 Supper 00 04 00 24 per of bootes 00 10 00 Dinner 00 01 04 giuen 00 00 02 25 Ale and sugar 00 00 03 per of stirrups 00 01 06 poore + 00 00 03 Dinner 00 01 03 Supper 00 00 10 [smudge] ffor mendinge ye handle and scowringe my sword 00 02 00 ffor Nicholas his goinge by water to grauesend 00 02 00 Horsehire for him home and backe 00 04 06 65 giuen Nicholas 00 00?1 06?0 his supper 00 00 06 1(?)8-9-8[f.15r] 1621Aprill. ffirst half yeare.26 et 2726. ffor ye tree, pillowes, strapps and stiffninge of ye skirtes with makinge vp of my saddle 00 13 00 ffor gold lace and silke to sett itt on 00 12 00 ffor gilt nayle for ye saddle 00 04 00 ffor an vndercloath of leather penyston lined with leather 00 04 00 A per of stirrup leathers 00 01 00 A sett of wollen webb girtes 00 02 00 A Couer of leather lined with Cotton 00 04 00 my saddle Cost beside ye Cloth: 40s. A Case of kniues 00 11 06 A single knife 00 01 00 A s?greate knife 00 01 06 horsemeate att ye bell silluedge 01?01 01 04 giuen there 00 01 02 Bottle ale 00 01 02 66 goinge by water to grauesend 00 04 06 Diett att grauesend 00 17 10 horsemeate there 00 02 00 giuen there 00 01 02 Dine?ner att London 00 03 00 paid my Landresse att London 00 02 09 giuen ye Cuttlers boy 00 00 06 a small black and white picture or deuise 00 00 03 Shoinge 00 01 04 giuen my Cosen Skeffington's man 00 0?01 08 To a porter 00 01 00 Spent I haue forgotten how 00 09 01 28 paid for a leane sheepe which my doggs killed 00 06 06 paid vnto Richard Spice for 100 li' of beefe 00 16 08 paid vnto Old ffreind for makinge of fagotts att 20d ye hundred 00 06 08 30 paid vnto master Copley for small thi tithes this halfe yeare from michaelmas 00 11 00May 2 paid Browne ye smith ^his tally^ for all his worke vntill this day 00 08 04 3 paid Harper for all that he L[ai]d out 67 for me viz. for Cheese to widow Dauy 02 01 00 ffor ten weathers att 10s apeece 05 00 00 To one for helpe to bringe them 00 01 02 A bottle of wine 00 00 10 Nayles att Charinge faire 00 02 00 6 paid Harper for that which he l[ai]d out viz. To Ruttinge and Ihonson' for 12 rodds of dike and quicksettinge 00 06 00 To Maytam(?) for fagotte?inge 300 fagotts att 20d ye 100 00 05 00 ffor halfe a bushell of salt 00 01 00 _____ paid ffranceis Ianuary for 6 wodcokes att my boyes Christninge 00 04 00 Item for other thinges 00 02 06 17-0-5[f.15v] 1621May ffirst halfe yeare 8 Giuen Nicholas and att Rainham and elswhere 00 02 06 68 Giuen my Cosen Ihon' Dering's man, when I bought my sorrell horse of my Cosen 00 02 00 9 paid for a Conger 00 02 06 paid my wiues houshold booke vntill ye first of May 01 00 04 11 paid old ffreinde for makinge 300 fagotts att 20d ye 100 in Circens 00 05 00 giuen 00 00 03 12 paid goodman Bishop for 9 rodds of palinge of 5 foote pale, att 16d ye rodde, and for makinge 3 gates one for 18d and 2 for 18d. and for a dayes worke 00 0?16 00 13 Giuen 00 00 09 16 paid vnto George Sotherden for all ye beefe and other meate att any time heeretofore had of him 04 06 06 19 paid Ihon ye gardner for a weekes worke 00 07 00 paid william Franke his wages att his discharge and partinge 00 12 00 paid him for all think?ges by him laid out for. 00 04 06 20 paid Harper for all thinges by him laid out. 69 viz. for wine 00 08 06 A quarter of Lambe 00 01 06 8 Chicken 00 02 08 3 Congers 00 01 00 A happes and staple 00 00 02 2 halters 00 00 06 paid Trowell and his partners for a dayes worke in Longe Dane 00 04 06 paid them for halfe a day in Circens 00 02 03 paid Goodman Pell for porke 00 01 08 I began my iourney into Ireland 22 giuen att Boughton 00 01 00 poore 00 00 03 wine att Rochester 00 02 09 giuen there 00 00 04 paid my Cosen Richard Skeffington &c 23 Imprimis for Layd out for a sword 04 10 00 2 bridles 00 03 00 A seruice booke 00 06 00 A note of pye parliament k[nigh]ts 00 02 06 A leather for a pistoll 00 00 06 mapps 00 04 06 A shirt 01 13 00 per of stockins 00 02 06 24 A knife 00 01 00 per of male girthes 00 00 08 70 Lemmans 00 00 04 per of spanishe leather bootes 00 16 00 giuen 00 01 08 poore + 00 00 03 mendinge my scarfe 00 00 02 2 per of bootehose and one of tapps 00 10 00 horsemeate 00 05 04 Riband 00 01 00 25 horsemeate att St Abbans 00 03 03 poore + 00 00 05 Dyett there 00 005 00 Dinner att Brickill 00 04 00 26 poore + 00 00 03 18-17-9[f.16r]May 1621 ffirst quarter. 28 giuen 00 00 06 mendinge bootes 00 00 04 per of bootes for Nicholas 00 07 00 30 poore + 00 01 01Iune 4 giuen 00 02 06 71 5 giuen 00 01 00 Cloath for a shirt for ye boy 00 03 04 A sheath for a knife 00 00 02 paid for all Charges between B?Dauentry and Leuerpoole 02 16 00 paid for Nicholas his Charges 00 07 08 giuen 00 01 05 6 R?Mendinge ye boyes bootes 00 00 04 giuen 00 00 06 Wine sugar and lemmans 00 01 01?7 Horsemeate att Leuerpoole 00 10 00 7 Shoinge horse 00 00 04 wine 00 00 10 8 giuen 00 00 10 9 paid laundresse 00 03 06 horse hire 00 01 00 Lace and Cloath for Cuffes 00 04 02 giuen 00 06?02 06 horsemeate 00 03 10 poore + 00 00 08 passage for me and my horse to ye shippe 00 00 06 paid my Cosen Deringe which he gaue away 00 00 06 makinge of Cuffes 00 00 09 Dyett att Leuerpoole and victualls to 72 Carry a shipboard 001 05 06 A Sea Cappe 00 06 03 poore + 00 00 05 11 wine 00 00 09 giuen 00 01 06 giuen Nicholas 00 01 08 12 wine and sugar 00 02 08 -o?Bought of master Gerard -my Lords brother a white nagge 05 00 00 giuen when I bought him 00 02 06 13 washinge linnen 00 01 03 giuen Blanchard 00 02 06 horsemeate att Leuerpoole 00 02 06 giuen 00 02 01 Dyett for me I. Deringe and my boy 00 12 00 poore + 00 00 04 milke wine and beere 00 02 06 Leffft with Nicholas to beare his Charges att Leuerpoole vntill he Came into Ireland 00 12 00Iuly. 7 Dyett and horsemeate, and all other Chardge and expences for my selfe and my Cosen I. Deringe in our iourney, thorough Scotland and Ireland vntill we Came from 73 Leuerpoole in Lancashire vnto Iun?ne 13. vnto Dublin in Ireland Iuly 7. 10 03.11: 8 wine and sugar att Dublin 00 03 02 giuen 00 00 02 24-16-6[f.16v] 1621Iuly ffirst halfe yeare 9 Deliuered to my Cosen I.D. to beare his Charges into Kent 04 00 00 Bought a mare of my Cosen G. Hawle 02 00 00 Dyett 00 03 00 poore 00 00 06 10 Dyett att Dublin and horsemeate there and in all my Iourney into Mounster and backe to Myllefont and altogether with ye Charges of shoinge &c 04 14 04 Giuen away on this iourney 02 06 05 besides Lent or giuen vnto my Lady Alice Barrey I may say giuen. [last 74 four words added later] 01 02 00August 2 Gipaid my Cosen I. Deringe of Myllefont for my boyes suite brought into Ireland 00 05 00 8 Dallington's aphorismes 00 07 00 Q. Curtius 00 01 00 2. handkercheifes 00 02 04 Dyett and Charges fromm Myllefont vnto August. 6. vnto Leuerpoole August. 12 03 16 04 poore + 00 01 08 giuen in this iourney 02 01 04 Lost att Cards and tables &c 01 05 00 poore + 00 01 08 paid for bringeinge my 3 horses ouer from Ireland 01 10 00 paid for my owne passage and 2 more 00 15 00 12 Giuen my Cosen Ihon' Dering of Myllefont 03 00 00 20 per of buckes leather bootes 00 11 00 per of bootes for Nicholas 00 07 00 Dyett and Charges of iourney from Leuerpoole August. 14 vnto Pluckley August. 31 03 08 00 post horse hire 01 05 00 75 giuen away 02 01 06 poore + 00 00 02 30 A yard 3 qrters' of ffrench greene satten att 14s per yds 01 18 00 An ell Dim' of taffety 01 00 00 A yd and hallfe of ffrenche greene broadClos? Cloath for hose 01 06 00 Gold lace 10 ounces att 6s per ounce: 5 dozen 03 00 00 4 per of gloues 00 19 00 A ruffe 01 04 00 2 shirtes 04 06 00 Morryson's trauayles 00 10 00 ffiscus papalis 00 00 04 Bringinge two horse out of Lancashire 01 01 06 2 dozen of silk and gold pointes 01 08 00 A girdle 00 19 00 A girdle and hangers 001 02 00 A Scarfe 03 10 00 Giuen 00 01 00 57-10-1 Layd out from ye 21 of May vnto ye last of August, in all manner 57 10 01 of Expences, whilst I was abroade in this iourney Sum. 92-2-3 76 -------------------------------- Whereof giuen away 10-11-11--------------------[f.17r] 1621 ffirst quarter halfe yeare. A note of what hath been expended ffor me by my father ^and Harper &c^ &c, in my absence. I paid before I went for a sorrell stone horse bought of my Cosen Ihon Dering 22 00 00 paid George Pout for 4 dayes worke 00 02 00 paid ye nurse Simonson for 20 weekes nursinge of Anthony from ye bi?irth 02 10 00 paid Arrowes for all his worke 00 06 00 paid my seffe for ye belles and repaire of ye Church 04 00 00 paid and discharged Ihon' Luccas 01 00 00 paid for a lambe 00 05 00 paid for 6 chicken 00 02 00 paid for a letter 00 00 06 paid Richard Butcher att his discharge 01 00 00 77 paid for powder and shott 00 01 00 giuen him att his deliuery of his Cloake 00 10 00 paid weekes of Charinge for 2 seames dim'. malt. 01 10 00 paid Kate and? and discharged her 01 06 00 giuen her 00 05 00 Layd out for shinglinge and mendinge ye our Chapple att Willisborough 07 01 06 paid for my Subsibdy 01 00 00 paid Sotherden for beefe taken in my absence 00 19 09 Giuen my Cosen Ihon' Deringe of Myllefont 05 00 00 Layd out by Harper in my absence. paid master Copley his quarter for small tithes 00 05 06 to Goodwife mercer for worke 00 05 00 To lamberts mayde 00 01 00 To Trowell and Ruttinge for mowinge att 18d per acre 00 18 09 To old freinde for ^ffagotts, hay and pease makinge^ haruestinge and other worke 01 10 00 Layd out for ye kitchin boy 00 06 00 paid Browne ye smith 00 03 03 78 paid May ye taylour for worke for Nicholas and ye kitchin boy 0700 07 00 paid Gadsby ye smith for worke in my absence 00 12 00 paid Erasmus Giles for worke in my absence 00 00 06 L[ai]d out by Harper A Coller for my horse 00 01 06 pastornes 00 01 06 for houshold prouision 00 02 04 meshes and drenches for horse 00 08 06 paid old freinde, Snoade, Ihonson, Smith and polle for weedinge and reapinge 02 07 08 1000 of nayles 00 03 04 Paid Mathewes for 6 seames and halfe of oates 02 05 06 ffor Carryinge and stackinge of 8 loade of woode 00 08 00 ffor Carryinge of 60 loade of dunge 00 07 06 ffor stirringe the fallow att 4s per acre 001 12 00 ffor Ihon' Bartons boarde att 3s 4d ye weeke 02 06 08 Abated? ffor Barly and Carryinge, of tares, 79 wheate and woode 02 03 10 65-16-1[f.17v]september 1621 ffirst halfe yeare Since I Came home. 4 wine att Canterbury 00 00 08 giuen there 00 00 02 6 wine there againe 00 01 10 giuen 00 00 02 2 per of bootes made by ffoxe 01 02 00 7 Giuen my brother Charles 00 01 00 9 paid Iames Sampson and discharged him 00 10 00 11 giuen ffidler 00 00 06 13 giuen att Mersham 00 01 00 21 paid the pauers for 115 yds of pauinge, in ye Causeway, beside ye forestall where I remoued the highway, viz: att 2d ob' per yd 01 04 00 paid them for ^digginge of^ 6 loade of stones 00 03 00 23 paid? To a breife + 00 00 04 Giuen Thomas wiles for buyinge thinges 00 00 04 80 [blank] of poldauis to packe my hoppes in 00 04 08 24 Giuen att my vncle Christopher Deringes 00 03 00 Ordinary att Aldington 00 01 00 Giuen my Cosen ffranceis Dering his ordinary 00 01 00 Suite att ye Court there paid 00 00 06 Shoinge att hieth 00 00 04 25 Shoinge att Douer 00 00 09 Dyett there 00 06 02 horsemeate 00 04 00 giuen there 00 01 05 27 lost att tables 00 00 08 Giuen in ye feild att huntinge 00 03 06 28 Giuen att my Cosen Bargar's 00 06 00 wine att Canterbury 00 01 00 horsemeate and giuen. 00 00 10 Shoinge att my Cosen Bargar's att &c 00 01 06 29 paid Goodwife mercer for all worke &c 00 05 06 --- paid Goodwife Gadsby 00 00 08 paid for Bottominge of a siue 00 00 06 paid Ihon' ye gardener for all manner of worke, from ye time I went into Ireland vnto ye 13 of Nouember 04 04?5 00 paid Ihon' Hunt for all his worke att 81 ye two stilles and for raylinge, att ye new way 00 06 00vide. aprill 19 paid Hamley my taylour for gold lace for my greene Cloath suite 04 08 00 ffor 20 dozoen of broade flatt buttons 02 00 00 ffor taffaty for lininge 00 17 00 ffor a dozen and halfe of longe gold buttons v?for my Cloake 022 015 00 ffor makinge suite 01 00 00 ffor makinge Cloake, stiffinings lininges, silke &c 01 10 00 Summ - 12li' - 0 - 0 paid and discharged Clarke my taylour, ffor makinges my french greene suite with my sattin doublett for silke, buttonss, stiffnings and lininges 02 02 00 Lost att Cardes &c 00 10 00 paid Paine ye pedler for all thinges had of him vnto ye 14 of Nouember 00 04 05 paid Fowler's widow for all her husbands worke 00 05 05 245 - 00 - 10 Summ: totall of this half yeare. 261 - 15 - 0 82 beside other thinges as Barton's wages &c': and Harper's diett &c'.[f.18r] 1621 Second halfe yeare.October 2 Giuen my brother Henry 00 05 06 paid my Cosen ffr[ancis] D[ering] for halfe a bushell of Saffron heades 00 01 04 paid for Carriage of them 00 02 06 3 paid to master Copley his quarters Due for small tithes: due att St Michael last 00 05 06 8 paid and discharged old ffreinde, for 6 acres of pother, reaped att 3s 4d per acre 01 00 00 14 paid Daniell Smart for his Crockes 00 01 00 22 Att maidston Giuenn there 00 05 00 Shoinge 00 00 06 Horsemeate 00 02 00 wine 00 02 09 Stockins for my Anthony 2 per 00 01 08 83 giuen Nicholas 00 01 00 26 paid Browne ye smith for all 00 04 03 paid for Composition 00 02 00 giuen Harper for his Dyett in my absence 01 10 00 giuen Harper 00 11 00 29 Giuen 00 02 08 6 yds half qrter' of spanish Cloath to make suite and Cloake att 18s per yd 05 10 00 4 yds of bayse to line ye Cloake att 3s 6d per yd 00 14 00 11-18-9 11 ounces of gold galloune lace for one in a seame 03 09 00 ffor insides and silke and stiffninge 01 08 00 ffor 4 dozen and halfe of gold buttens att 10d ye dozen 00 03 09 ffor makinge ye suite 00 10 00 ffor makinge ye Cloake 00 04 00 ffor mendinge Cloathes 00 10 00 30 ffor a watch 07 00 00 A hatt 00 10 00 A hattband 00 11 00 2 dozen of pointes 00 15 00 per of gloues for my Cosen M. B. for good newes 00 11 00 A brush 00 01 04 84 riband 00 01 00Nouember 2 Shoes and garters for Nicholas 00 03 04 A ringe 00 03 06 2 allmanackes 00 00 04 3 Riband 00 01 00 5 Mendinge sSword and for a false scabberd 00 11 00 Laundresse 00 02 06 per of bootes 00 10 00 per of liquored bootes 00 12 00 goinge by water 00 00 06 Dyett att this time beinge in London and by ye way 01 07 00 Horsemeate in London and by ye way 01 07 03 Giuen 00 06 06 Spent from the time I went to London vntill I returned home. 20li' - 3 - 0 __________________ 9 paid Ihon Hunt for gatheringe of apples att 1d ye bushell 00 06 00 11 to a breife + 00 01 00 15 paid nurse Simonson for 20 weekes nursinge my boy att 2s 26d ye weeke, from ye last payment, Iune. 85 ye 9th. vnto October 27. 02 10 00 17 Giuen Ihon' Barton for a skine of a pollcatt 00 00 06 19 Giuen att Boughton 00 04 00 22 paid old Hall for all his worke 00 05 00 35 - 8 - 2[f.18v] Second halfe yeare.Nouember 1621 2330 Giuen att Cole=hill 00 00 06December 1 24 paid Ihon' Barton his wages due att Michaelmas 02 15 00 Giuen him 00 05 06 paid for shirtes for Nicholas 00 06 03 paid for quitt=rents for Sothreton's due to Conningbrooke 00 19 06 paid for suite 00 00 04 paid for Composition 00 04 10 paid for Cloath to make Cuffes of 00 08 00 Lost out of my pockett 00 04 00 paid Arrowes ye shomaker for all his 86 work 00 03 01 25 paid Elmer ye taylour for all his worke for me 00 01 02 paid him for worke for Nicholas 00 04 04 paid Harper for A Coller for my horse 00 02 00 paid for shoinge my mare 00 01 04 ffor ropes to packe my stuff in 00 01 06 paid goodman Milkestead for Cleaninge 400 of 5 foote pale att 15d ye 100 00 05 00 paid him for fellinge an oake 00 00 06 26 Giuen att my fathers 00 10 10 27 Dyett att Rochester 00 12 08 horsemeate there 00 06 06 giuen there 00 01 03 poore by ye way + 00 01 00 28 per of spurres 00 07 00 Breakefast 00 00 08 Giuen Nicholas for dyett 00 01 08 29 for horsemeate 00 09 00 giuen 00 00 06 Giuen Thomas 00 05 00 paid for his dyett 00 02 00 3 yards qrter' dim' of spanish frise att 13s-4d per yd = to make a Coate and per of stockins 02 04 00 A red scottish embroidered saddle with 87 furniture 02 04 00 Ouids metamorph: English 00 01 00 Giuen 00 00 06 Barber 00 02 00 A stone and muller for Colours 00 05 00 2 paper bookes in fol. for Commonplaces 02 02 00 30 per of shoes for Nicholas 00 02 06 paid ye painter for armes 00 02 00 A trunke 00 11 00 Giuen 00 00 06 porter 00 00 04 mendinge hatts 00 04 06December. 1 pillion. Cloath. and furniture 02 04 00 pens and blacke=leades 00 01 06 A pistoll 00 11 00 + A bible for my wife + 00 11 00 2 mendinge bootes 00 00 11 Giuen 00 01 03 paid and discharged Thomas Hamley my taylour for all his worke, 06 00 00 3 Horsemeate in London 01 02 00 Giuen 00 01 00 + paid ffoster my wiues taylour for her 04 09 00 + my wife layd out in London for silke stockins, scarlett kersy. &c 04 14 00 88 + A hatt for my wife 00 10 00 giuen att sir Ihon tuffton's 01 07 00 poore + 00 00 10 Giuen In London 00 12 00 4 Dyett by ye way from London 5 6 to ffisherwicke for me and my 7 wife, one maide and 5 men 04 00 06 8 42 - 5 - 3[f.19r]December Second halfe yeare 1621 Horsemeat by ye way for 4 horses 00 14 07 Giuen by ye way. 00 06 054 poore by ye way. + 00 02 08 Greasinge ye Coach 00 01 00 5 paid Iames Goodwin for all thinges L[ai]d out by him for me, In and for this Iourney 00 19 04 6 ffidlers 00 02 00 7 paid for ye hire of 4 Coache horses and and man from London to ffisherwicke 07 05 00 89 Giuen ye Coachman and his brother 00 06 00 for billetts for 4 horse to go with 00 02 06 8 paid for bringinge a trunke to ffisherwik 00 13 06 giuen 00 00 06 paid Iames Goodwin againe for other thinges by him L[ai]d out 00 13 08 Giuen to him for his iourney 01 02 04 11 Oyle and wine 00 01 01 A surcingle 00 00 08 12 starch and soape 00 01 00 ffreecze for a Ierkin for Nicholas 00 05 00 + 14 my wife L[ai]d out for a Coyffe 00 01 04 paid for bringinge 2 trunkes, an hamper, and 3 bundles of beddes att [blank] ye hundred 05 06 00 Giuen 00 00 04 15 A pounde of shott 00 00 03 16 Giuen 00 00 05 Settinge my peece straight 00 00 06 19 A letter from ^to^ london 00 00 02 22 ffidlers 00 01 00 24 per of gloues 00 00 10 + paid Besse for thinges L[ai]d out for my wife 00 05 06 paid Besse for threede 00 00 03 90 giuen 00 00 06 25 ffidler 00 01 00 + 26 Riband for my wife 00 00 03 27 per of gloues 00 01 00 29 paid Ihon Ferriear for dressinge my horse and lettinge two bloude 00 03 00Ianuary. 2. paid ye shoemaker for bootes and shoes 00 16 06 + paid him for a per of shoes and goloshaes for my wife. 00 04 06 giuen 00 00?1 06 3 giuen 00 00 06 4 riband and inkle 00 01 08 5 ffidlers and dauncers 00 02 00 + my wife laydout in riband 00 01 06 6 ffidler 00 01 00 7110 giuen 00 02 06 N L 00 01 04 11 paid for 4 horse loade of lime att 14d 00 04 08 12 4 strike of oates att 13d 00 04 04 Giuen 00 00 01 Carriage of letters 00 00 03 Shott 00 00 03 17 poore + 00 00 04 18 paid a Carpenter for 9 dayes worke about Horton stable 00 07 06 91 ffor Noggins and piggins 00 01 00 19 paid ye thatcher 00 02 00 + giuen by my wife for anchoues sent 00 00 06 20 medicinses for my horse 00 03 00 21 Carriage of thinges from London 00 01 04 23 ffidler 00 01 00 A buttery knife 00 00 03 + per of kniues for my wife 00 00 11 + riband for my wife 00 00 06 22 - 0 - 6[f.19v]Ianuary 1621 Second halfe yeare23 19(?) paid Ihon Ferrier for dockinge my horse 00 02 00 L[ai]d out by will[ia]m Cowper. for beefe 00 02 06 for 6 pound of Candles 00 02 00 oatemeale, salt &c 00 02 01 for 200 of nailes 00 01 00 X 22 paid Marler for helpinge ye thatcher and for thatchinge rodds 00 01 02 23 paid Cotton for shoinge 00 02 01 X 24 Bringinge thinges from London 00 04 06 92 ffidlers 00 01 00 X An iron racke for Coales 00 10 00 X Giuen att ffisherwicke 001 12 00 25 paid Cowper for meate &c bought att Lichefeild markett 00 15 08 26 2 pounde of butter 00 00 08 Breade 00 01 08 26 Giuen my Cosen Pyott's man fo-r bringinge things 00 00 08 X 28 paid Raff m-ody Moody for 18 dayes worke att 6d 00 10 00 29 Giuen Wall 00 00 06 X 31 paid William Whateley for a beadstedd 00 16 00 X paid him for remouinge another 00 00 06 + my wife layd out for aprons 00 10 00 X ffor 12 yards of scottish pyed wollen Cloath, 3 qrters' broade att 16d ye yarde 00 16 00 + per of kniues for my wife 00 01 00ffebruary X 1 paid Marler for 2 dayes worke 00 01 00 per of shoes for Nicholas 00 02 00 X 2 paid for bringinge A trunke, and ye striped dornex from London, where of ye dornex fwas ye weightiest 00 16 04 Giuen him yat brought itt from Tamworth 00 00 06 93 Giuen Richard Grenley 00 02 06 3 Giuen poore + 00 00 04 5 paid William Astell ye taylour for makinge vp of my wiues redd sattin wastcoate embroidered with blacke 00 10 06 paid him for mendinge thinges for me 00 04 06 X paid ye Cowper for 2 barrells 00 12 00 X ffor 2 halfe barrells 00 08 00 X ffor a Chimnell 00 07 06 X ffor a paile and a o? 00 01 00 X ffor a gallon 00 00 06 poore + 00 00 02 00 02 06 6 paid ye shoemaker for mendinge for me 00 03 00 paid him for mendinge for Nicholas 00 00 08 Giuen my Lady Bowyers man 00 02 06 Giuen 00 01 00 X paid Smith for 5 dayes worke and his partner for 4 aboute ye garden and sinke 00 04 06 + 108 a per of shoes for my wife 00 02 06 13 ffidlers 00 00 06 X paid preston ye smith for all his worke viz: X ffor hinges to ye stable windowes 00 00 10 X ffor 10 tenter hookes in ye Larder 00 00 05 94 X ffor two hookes for ye kitchin ^potts^ range 00 01 00 X ffor a locke for my study doore 00 00 08 X ffor 2 barres and stayes in ye kitchin ^range^ 00 01 09 X ffor a locke for ye stable doore 00 01 06 X ffor three Curtaine rodds 00 03 00 X ffor frostnaylinge &c 00 00 08 18 my wiues bookes for ye house for ye first weeke, vt sequitur. X A Chaffinge dishe 00 00 09 X A smoothinge Iron 00 00 08 A siue 00 00 08 11 - 6 - 5[f.20r]February Second halfe yeare. 1621 A lane siue 00 01 00 two boules 00 00 04 A rene siue 00 00 03 4 Crockes 00 00 08 ffor meate and other thinges 01 15 05 95 my wiues houshold bookes for ye 2seconde weeke ----- whereof, A siue for beere 00 00 06 ffor meate and other thinges this weeke 02 04 11 my wiues houshold bookes for ye thirde weeke, whereof, ffor 2 scuttles 00 00 09 X A Canne for beere 00 00 05 X A kettle 00 06 08 X A fryinge panne 00 03 00 for meate and other thinges 00 19 05 paid for mendinge Nicholas his Cloathes 00 01 00 20 Giuen 00 00 10 shoinge 00 00 02 22 Giuen 00 01 00X paid for pickinge vp of stones for ye wateringe place in Hademore 00 02 09 paid Raff Moody for his worke there. 00 01 06 my wiues houshold booke for ye 4th weeke &c: 02 03 10 ffor two loade of fagotts. 60 in a loade 00 04 04 X A gridiron 00 00 10 X A whiskett 00 00 06 ffor shoinge my horses 00 02 08 96 X A band pott 00 00 03 poore + + 00 02 00 ffor meate, and houshold prouision 01 13 06 23 paid for two loade of hay bought a month before of master Hill's's deceased 01 16 08 7 yds and half of threade riband 00 00 06 Giuen 00 01 00 X 26 paid Preston ye smith for two spitts 00 06 00 X ffor a fire=shouell and a per of tongues 00 03 06 X ffor a kettle=bule 00 00 04 X ffor mendinge ye Iacke, for a weight, pulleses, and settinge itt vp, 00 05 00 X ffor a Choppinge knife 00 01 08 27 paid goodwife Moody for hee?mpseede 00 01 00March 1. paid for strappes for my saddle 00 00 10 giuen ye sadlers man 00 00 03 2 giuen for ridinge rodds 00 00 06 My wiues houshold booke for ye fift weeke, &c. Bringinge a peece and Cruell from London 00 02 00 ffor Caririage of letters.. 00 00 05 4 strike of oates att 17d 00 05 08 97 for a Muzzell for my horse 00 02 00 for oyle of wormes 00 00 04 + Laces for my wife 00 00 02 poore + 00 00 0210 giuen 00 00 03 2 drinkinge beere glasses 00 01 06 Carriage of a letter 00 00 02 3 Crossinge Elford water 00 00 06 4 A per of white stockins for my selfe 00 02 08 + 2 per for my wife 00 05 04 Expences for houshold prouision this fift weeke 03 04 05 17 - 12 - 0 15 - 8 - 2[f.20v] 1621march Second halfe yeare 5 poore 00 00 06 6 Shoinge my white nagge 00 01 04 Shoinge my sorell horse, 2 shoes 00 00 08 ffor strawe 00 01 00 A bande for my selfe 00 01 02 98 2 thimbles 00 00 02 A band for Nicholas 00 01 02 Claspes for him 00 00 02 2 per of Cuffes for him 00 01 00 Another band for Nicholas 00 01 04 ffor a wheele 00 01 02 7 Giuen Cowper 00 01 05 Oyle of wormes 00 00 06 A halfe strike measure 00 01 00 A gallon 00 00 04 A lanthorne 00 01 00 15 pounde of flaxe 00 0^5^85 08 A wooden platter and two dishes 00 00 10 per of stockins for Nicholas 00 02 06 A dozen of trenchers 00 00 08 giuen Nicholas 00 00 04 8 my wiues booke for houshold prouision this 6th weeke 03 04 10 9 14 ells dim', of holland att 2s 2d ye ell 01 11 00 whereof for my wiues vse 12 yardes of Scottish Pladd, att 16d ye yd 00 16 00 A brine tubbe 00 03 08 A tunnell 00 00 10 X paid ye glasier for glasinge att Horton 00 02 00 99 4 strike of oates bought att Tamworth, to pay my Cosen Richard Skeffington a lost wager 05 05 04 48 strike of oates more, bought there ^att Tamworth^ att, 16d ye strike for my horses 00 0510 07?8 ffor a leadinge Corde for my horse 00 01 00 Carriiyinge a letter 00 00 02 11 6 per of white gloues for my selfe 00 06 06 + 2 per of gloues for my wife 00 01 10 A per of gloues for Nicholas 00 00 08 A per of stirropes 00 01 06 A sett of girthes 00 01 00 12 A per of bootes 00 08 00 giuen ye shomaker 00 00 06 Another wheele 00 01 02 13 A yarde of houswifes cloathe 00 01 00 paid Raff Moody for all his worke 00 02 06 12?4 paid Preston for an axe 00 02 00 ffor a locke for ye Closett doore and a key 00 00 10 165 my wiues bookes for houshold prouision this 7th weeke 02 14 00 16 mendinge Cloathes for Nicholas 00 01 00 Carryinge letters and graftes to and from London 00 00 07 100 Giuen ye Carrier 00 00 03 Shoinge my dunne mare 00 01 04 20 12 yds of houswifes Cloath att 13d 00 012?3 00 4 strike of Oates att 18d 00 06 00 2 buckles 00 00 02 poore + 00 00 03 A strike of beanes 00 03 04 22 giuen Nicholas to go to ye barbers 00 00 06 Giuen William Cowper 00 01 00 paid Thomas Martin for hay for -my Sorrell horse whilst he had him to amble 00 02 00 paid him for teachinge my Sorrell horse to amble viz. 10. dayes 00 06 00 A letter from London 00 00 02 Giuen him that brought itt from Tamworth 00 00 01 paid my Cosen Richard Skeffington for oates yat I lost 6 vnto him 00 023 00 Giuen Nicholas 00 00 06 A letter to London 00 00 02 13 - 14 - 11 101[f.21r] 1621March Second halfe yeare. My wiues booke for houshold prouision, for this last weeke of this yeare 01 14 08 paid William Astell of Couentry for all his worke 00 01 06 Carryinge of 21 loade of woode from Hademore to Horton att 00 11 06 250? kidds--- f--- ffor Kiddinge 250 kidds. att 9d ye 100 00 01 10 2 pewter Candlestickes 00 03 00 A tinne drippinge pan 00 01 06 2 pewter sallad dishes 00 01 06 A possnett 00 02 060 + my wife lost att ffisherwicke att Cardes 01 14 04 4 - 11 - 10 Summ of this second halfe yeare. 1446 - 159 - 31 ____ 102 1621 Summ totall of this whole yeare is. _________________________ 4068 - 14 - 31. _______________________[f.21v]March 1622 ffirst halfe yeare. 27 8 yds of sacke cloath for sackes att 7d ye yd 00 04 08 Riband 00 01 06 A pound? A herringe barrell 00 01 00 Taylour for worke 00 00 04 30 paid my vnkle Skeffington for 16 loade of ^hard^ woode att 3s-4d a loade 02 13 04Aprill 1 Giuen att Skeffington 00 04 06 2 Dyett att Northampton 00 03 08 horsemeate there 00 02 02 giuen there 00 00 08 A male pillion 00 00 08 103 5 Dyett att Brackley 01 02 06 ffidlers there 00 04 00 A Coursinge saddle with all furniture 00 13 04 A Coller for a horse 00 01 04 horsemeate at Brackley 00 15 00 6 Dyett att Brickhill 00 02 00 horsemeate there 00 023^3^ 02 Dyett att Barnett 00 03 00 horsemeate there 00 01 06 7 bringeinge Cloakebagge from Brackley to London 00 02 06 8 Lyames and Collers 00 05 00 Barber 00 01 06 Loopes for Cloakebagge 00 00 02 poore + 00 00 02 Dyett for William 00 03 02 Giuen sir Ihon Tuffton's mayde fromm my wife 00 05 00 horse medicines 00 05 06 mendinge spurres 00 00 06 ye Boy of Billson 00 00 06 ye Fauourites chronicle 00 01 00 A l?pewter squirte 00 01 04 Borrowinge a ruffe 00 01 00 paid ffoster my wiues taylour vt sequitur. 104 7 yds dim: of tuff=taffaty att 9s ye yd 03 07 064(?)-7-0 4 yds dim: of say att 2s 4d 00 10 06 an ounce, dim: and dm' qrter' of lace att 3s 8d ye ounce 00 0506 11 makinge of itt ye petticoate 00 03 00 Buckarumm, Collers, Canues etc: 00 0 9 porter 00 00 06 horsemeate att London 00 11 03 Dyett and Breakefaste in London 00 04 00 12 post horse from London to Bearstead 00 14 00 11 Giuen att Boucghton 00 09 00 fforgotten to sett doinwne in this iourney 00 17 03 12 paid my father all that he th?, hath layd out for me since Michael=mas vt sequitur paid Kinge for reapinge of Chalky att 3s-6d per acre 00 17 06 ffor reapinge of pod ware 00 07 00 Carryinge in of pease 00 01 06 Cuttinge of oates 00 05 00 Iames his Charges from Stafford[shi]r[e] 00 10 00 400 of 5d nayles att ye way 00 01 08 paid G: Goodwine for mendinge Corne 105 loft 00 02 02 paid for Charges of reparation att Willisborough 03 08 08 7 rayles for ye way 00 02 04 200 of 5 foote pale for ye way 00 13 00 3 poastes for ye way 00 0011 02 quitt rent to sir Robert Darell for little Chart=landes 00?1 03 05 ob' quitt rent for Sotherton's to Conningbrooke 00 19 06 ffor suite of Court 00 00 04 Composition for Surrenden landes 00 04 10 Sadler att Maidstone 00 03 00 paid Barton a quarters wages 01 07 06 more from Christmas to Candlemas 00 10 00 22li' - 15s - 7d - ob'[f.22r]Aprill 1622 ffirst halfe yeare paid Ihon Hunt for settinge 18 roddes of pale 01 07 00 paid him more about ye way 00 13 10 paid Harper for Composition in Chart 00 02 00 106 paid quitt rent to Boughton Court for 5 acres in broademeade 00 02 00 paid for worke in my hop=grownde 00 14 00 more for setts 00 09 00 paid Coueney for Willisborough, for part of Hinxhill lands vnto Biglsington 00 07 04 300 4d nailes 00 01 00 paid master Boothby 50 00 00 paid him for a yeares vse 04 00 00 ffor Cuttinge of hop=poales 00 05 04 paid Thomas Robins his bill for for my wife 01 10 02 paid him his part of ye bill for little Anthony 00 05 00 _____ paid for Charges of reparation of willisborough. A loade of tile 00 16 00 4 redge tile 00 00 08 halfe a loade of lime 00 08 00 ye mason for 12 dayes worke 00 08 00 paid ye glasier for new leadinge of windowes 01 12 00 paid ye plummer for soderinge ye gutter 00 04 00 107 19 giuen boy for goinge on attn E?errand 00 00 06 20 white wine, oyle, and hony for horses 00 02 08 Bringinge trunke from London 00 04 00 per of sizzers 00 00 06 21 paid Nurse Simonson for 20 weekes nursinge 02 10 00 23 riband 00 01 04 horsemeate att Maydstone 00 03 06 Ordinary att ye Cocke 00 02 06 ffor standinge for my horses 00 01 00 25 Giuen att Boucghton 00 14 00 paid master Copley for halfe a yeares small tithes 00 11 00 26 paid Beeching's bill for all thinges hitherto 01 02 06 paid Mathewes for Barton's boarder 18 weekes 03 06 00 ffor 9?5 bushells of oates whereof 8 for ye parke 00 016 03 giuen him in reckoninge 00 00 09 paid Mathewes for ploughinge ^and sowinge and harrowinge.^ ye parke att 6s per acre beinge 19 acres 05 14 00 Giuen Harper 00 06 00 Shoinge bay mare 00 01 08 108 medicines for yat mare 00 04 04 paid my father for 4 bushells dim of tares 00 12 00 Item for 9 bushells of pease 01 10 00 ffor 7 bushells of oates 00 08 06 paid Thomas Hart for 3 seames of oates att 9s 6d 01 08 06 paid goodwife Codwell for 2 seames of oates 00 19 00 paid Ianuary for 3 seames of oates att 9s 6d 01 08 06 paid Moter for 3 seames of oates att 10s 01 10 00 ffor hony 00 01 00 to a boy for keepinge rookes 00 09 00 27 Giuen att my fathers 00 06 06 beere 00 00 02 29 paper and wax 00 02 02 an inkehorne 00 00 04 An orbe or globe terrestriall 00 02 00 3 per of gloues 00 11 06 + 2 per for my wife 00 13 06 Sir ffrancis Bacon's history of Henry 7 00 06 06 Dinner 00 02 00 30 2 bridles 00 03 00 109 5 play bookes 00 02 00 A scarlett Cappe 00 11 00 90 - 5 - 0 40 10[f.22v] Aprill 1622 ffirst halfe yeare 30my suite ffor 8 yds of turky gragarum, and a Cost. 8li'. qrter', att 7s 02 17 09 3 dozen of embroidered satten lace att 16s a dozen 02 108 00 ffor all other thinges, as lininges, fustian's, and makinge &c 02 14 03 paid a porter 00 00 06 Supper on munday night 00 02 00 A hatt and band and box for my wife 01 01 06 poore + 00 00 07 mendinge girdle 00 00 02May A shirte giuen to my Cosen Richard Skeffington 03 10 00 1. poore + 00 00 07 110 mendinge stirrup 00 00 01 horsemeate 00 04 05 Dyett att st Albanes 00 04 04 giuen there 00 01 03 paid ye smith for dressinge my bay mare 00 06 06 A male pillion and loopes 00 01 00 Dinner and horses att Rochester 00 04 00 William's dinner 00 00 06 Saddle and Cloath 001 00 00 Stuffinge a saddle 00 01 00 2 3 horses att hay 3 nightes in London 00 06 00 2 bushells dim' of oates 00 06 08 william Laide out for me 00 02 02 L[ai]d out by william for my horses 00 05 00 2 Beere att by ye way 00 00 04 Sb?hoinge 00 00 05 Dyett att Dauentry 00 004 00 horsemeate 00 02 04 Giuen in this iourney otherwayes 00 08 09 _______ _____ 3 Giuen to a breife 00 00 06 4 A strike of oates 00 02 10 Carriage of a letter 00 00 02 my wiues houshold booke for 4 weekes whilst I was in Kent 003 12 03 111 7 poore + 00 00 03 8 paid for all shouinge vntill this time 00 02 04 10 paid my brother Robert for all ye mony by his My brother Robert disbursed for me att London. Imprimis for a peece 01 05 02 ffor bringinge houshold stuffe to London out of Kent 00 15 00 A bible bound in folio 01 02 00 63 yds of Dornex att 20d ye yarde 05 05 00 Canuas to packe vp ye Dornex in 00 01 03 A round horse brush 00 01 00 2 necke buttons for a Cloake 00 01 03 A Ia^c^ke, and baskett to putt itt in 01 04 06 Carriage of itt to ye Carrier 00 00 02 A bottle and pint of Dr Mountfordes Cordiall 00 04 04 9 ounces of Cruell att 4d ye ounce, and 4 ounces of Crimson in graine att 8d ye ounce 00 05 08 2 ells of Canuas to worke on 00 02 10 Striped stuffe 3 yardes broade att 5s 6d per yd 00 07 00 2 per of shoes, and a per of goloshaes 00 09 00 Charges about fetchinge my trunke from 112 st Albanes 00 02 05 portage of Dornex and letters to and from ye Carrier, att sundry tymes 00 03 02 my wife paid Elisabeth Sharpe her wages from Michaelmas ^Christmas^ vnto midsommer 001 00 00 33 - 2 - 2[f.23r] 1622May ffirst halfe yeare 10 Carrier from London 00 05 00 Carrier to London paid to my aunt. 00 09 00 3 yds of white cotton for Nicholas his breeches 00 02 00 2 yds of Buckarum 00 01 04 an old skin 00 00 11 11 Giuen ye Cooke of ffisherwicke 00 02 06 12 Crossinge Elford water 00 00 06 16 pfor purses bought att Congleton, for one purse 00 06 00 ffor 3 purses att 4s a peece 00 12 00 ffor 5 purses att 1s 00 05 00 113 ffor 2 purses att 1-s 00 01 00 17 Giuen att Knypersley 00 08 06 Giuen b in valew for light gold 00 00 03 my wiues houshold booke for 7th weeke 01 07 00 18 paid for 2 yardes of greene say serge to make Nicholas a doublett 00 06 10 paid ye taylours bill for makinge itt 1-2-3 and 2 per of breeches, a per of stockins, and a girdle 00 06 06 Lininges silke buttons Canuas &c 00 05 06 Giuen 00 00 06 19 poore + 00 00 08 20 Giuen ye vicar of whittington 00 01 00 22 Bringinge thinges from London 00 03 00 3 strike of oates 00 06 00 paid my wiues houshold booke for ye 8th weeke 00 17 03 25 poore + 00 00 02 bandstringes 6 per 00 01 00 Shoinge dunne mare and white nagge 00 02 08 Oyle for ye Coache 00 00 06 ffor strawe 00 00 06 paid my wiues houshold booke for ye 9th weeke 01 06 11 _________ 28 paid Preston for a key 00 00 06 114 paid him for iron=worke about ye Coach 00 03 00 29 2 strike of oates 00 03 04 Shoinge my horse 00 00 08 30 A letter from London 00 00 04Iune 2 giuen 00 001 02?0 3 paid Moody for all worke 00 03 00 Left mony with Richard Greeneley to pay ye shomaker of Lichfeild for all his worke 00 06 06 paid and discharged Nell ye Cooke 00 11 03 giuen her 00 03 00 giuen Richard Greeneley 00 02 06 giuen Ihon' Iones 00 02 06 A snaffle 00 01 00 ffor Couentry blew threede att 6d ye ounce 00 05 00 + ffor mendinge my wiues gowne 00 00 08 ffor Coales bought att Elford 00 07 08 25 li' et dim' of beefe 00 04 03 lost 00 00 02 4 grease for ye Coach 00 00 06 Stuffinge of a saddle 00 00 08 paid for Coachire hire from ffisherwicke to London 07 00 00 Giuen ye Coachman 00 05 06 115 mendinge ye Coach 00 02 06 5 3 iron boxes att 16s a peece 02 1?08 00 paid and discharged William Cowper 01 06 08 giuen him 00 13 04 my wife in ssSacke 00 01 00 22 - 8 - 8[f.23v]Iune 1622 ffirst halfe yeare 7?6 Giuen Sander Hart when he came to London 00 05 00 7 Giuen Thomas 00 05 06 + my wife layde out att London 00 08 00 grease for Coach 00 00 04 8 ffor three washers 00 01 00 ffor mendinge Coach 00 01 06 Giuen ye poore in my iourney from Horton to Surrenden in six dayes 00 03 00 Dyett by ye way from Horton to Surrenden in 5 dayes beside London dyett 03 01 05 Horsemeate by ye way from Horton to Surrenden in 6 dayes 02 08 11 116 Giuen by ye way 00 11 00 paid Harper for all that he laid ---- out. 12 ffor salt 00 02 04 A temse sieue 00 00 07 giuen idle Ihon' 00 00 02 halfe a bushell of oatemeale 00 01 06 A Crocke of butter 00 05 03 Carryinge of a loade of stuffe to ffeuersham 00 12 00 ffor ye towne draught 00 00 04 Giuen one to watch itt 00 00 02 Giuen fro?or bringinge duckes and Chicken 00 02 06 poore + 00 00 06 ffor5 51 ordinary hopopes att 2s a hoope 00 08 06 ffor worke about ye Coole=fatt 00 02 00 ffor puttinge in of 8 heades of barrells 00 00 08 ffor settinge on 7 newe Chines 00 00 07 ffor mendinge a kilder kine heade 00 00 02 ffor a newe heade of a hog=sheade 00 01 00 ffor one oaken hoope vpon ye hogwash tubbe 00 03 04 paid ye hopman for worke 00 010 00 117 A weekes pasturage for my mare att grauesend 00 03 06 paid ye fferrier there for her dressinge 00 03 04 paid Powte for 8 dayes worke 00 08 00 paid Hunt for palinge 00 07 06 ffor egges 00 01 00 A handle for ye peele 00 00 04 Giuen Nurse Simonson 00 05 06 15 A small round nett with a hoope 00 01 06 my man's dinner there att Ashford. + my wife laide out for inkle and pins 00 00 06 A sin(?)e of lace 00 01 00 ___________________ ___________________ Bringinge thinges from Ashford 00 00 02 16 A little paper booke 00 01 05 17 paid old freind for makinge 265 fagott att 20sd ye 100 00 04 03 houshold expences 00 07 07 more 00 07 03 19 Spent att Dartford 00 01 09 poore + 00 00 02?3 2 per of silke stockins for Lettice and Cisley Skeffington 02 00 00 2 per of worstead stockins for my selfe 00 12 00 118 A booke of ye glory of England 00 01 04 20 2 Candlestickes 00 05 00 6 porrengers 00 03 06 A greate iron barred Chest for 04 08 00 21 per of bootes 00 10 00 20 - 11 - 11[f.24r] 1622Iune ffirst halfe yeare. per of bootehose topps 00 06 00 Heyward's Norman K[ing]s 00 01 06 2 Iuory boxes 00 05 060 poore + 00 00 04 porter 00 00 04 topothpickes and a case 00 01 06 22 per of goloshaes 00 03 00 giuen 00 00 04 Dyett att London 00 14 04 23 horsemeate 00 06 08 giuen 00 00 06 giuen G. Smith 00 02 00 goinge by water to Grauesend 00 06 00 post horse to Rochester 00 04 06 119 giuen post boy 00 00 06 hire of a hackney for Nicholas to maidstone 00 02 06 horsemeate and giuen att Rochester 00 03 06 Giuen ye poore of Pluckley + 01 00 00 Giuen master Bennett ye phisitian 01 02 00 Giuen master Doctor Moseley(?) for his funerall sermon 03 00 00 Banquett from maidestone 03 03 00 Banquett frl'?om Ashford 01 19 00 Giuen a woman sent from Hothfeild 00 01 00 Giuen Lydia 00 10 00 Giuen ye poore att Surrenden house + 00 17 06 Giuen mistress Benett 00 06 00 Giuen ye sexton for tollinge ye bell and digginge ye graue 00 10 00 goodwife Maresface and goodwife Hill's for helpe 00 02 00 paid Thomas Robins for lendinge of blacke Cotton to hange escocheons on viz to hange all ye Church except ye greate Chancell, 3 times Downe ye body. and my fathers hall 00 07 06 3 blacke liueryes and a pulpett Cloath which master Copley had to make a Cloake of 06 03 04 120 for ye hire of a velluett hearse cloath 01 00 00 Riband for ye liueryes 00 04 04 ffor Carrijng(?) ye hearsecloath backe to London 00 01 00 ffor Carri?yinge and recarrijnge of itt in London 00 00 10 2 dozen and 6 escotchens in mettle 04 07 00 16 escocheons in paper 01 04 00 more to ye poore att Surrenden 00 03 00 Coffin and embalminge 01 06 08 Nicholas his Charges vp and Downe between London and home 3 times 00 18 10 A blacke Cloake for my selfe att 35s per yd 04 11 10 2 per of gloues, garters, and ribandses 00 16 06 A hatt and band 00 11 06 A Ruffe and Cuffes 01 01 10 3 dozen of pointes 00 13 06 per of stockins 00 12 00 per of spurres 00 01 02 per of hangers 00 07 06 _____ 25 2 paper bookes for expences 00 04 06 paid and discharged Besse Sharpe 00 10 00 121 she laid out for vs 00 03 00 giuen her aboue her wages 00 12 00 Nicholas his Charges out of London home 00 03 08 giuen him 00 02 06 30 per of bootes 00 09 06 per of shoes 00 02 06 spent in stafford, butt not sett doune 00 04 04 402 - 9 - 9 42 - 14 - 1[f.24v] [1622]Iuly 1 paid for bringinge 1400 weight ^dim'^ of stuffe from London to ^London to^ ffeuersham to Surrenden 00 10 00 Dressinge and poalinge my hopyard 00 06 06 paid G. Pout for all his worke att Surrenden 01 00 00 paid for bringeinge a loade of stuffe from ffeuersham to Surrenden 00 10 00 Towne draught 00 00 04 Wharfage 00 01 00 122 4 firre poales for fishinge netts 00 01 04 2 paid Paine's bill 00 03 08 3 paid Sotherden for all ye meate I had of him hitherto 02 04 06 8 paid G. Goodwin for all his worke 00 0?12 03 paid master Copley for all small tithes past and vnto Michaelmas next 00 02?4 00 paid him for his tith hay in broade reede 00 05 08 12 paid Browne ye smith 00 00 06 paid Iohn Hunt for worke 00 02 06 13 Cleaninge a birdinge peece 00 00 06 14 paid G. Pout for 7 dayes worke 00 07 00 two gate lockes 00 01 00 16 giuen Nicholas att seuerall times 00 02 02 paid ye taylours bill for Nicholas 00 11 00 paid ye maltman for 2 seames of malt 01 16 00 giuen 00 00 07 Iron wire 00 00 02 19 12 ells of holland att 3s per ell 01 16 00 paid G. Pout for worke 00 03 00 20 paid ye thatcher 00 02 06 per of shoes for Nicholas 00 02 06 paid ye Carrier 00 01 02 my man's dinner att Ashford 00 00 08 123 horses there 00 00 03 powder aattnd shott 00 00 06 nuttmegges 00 00 02 21 poore + 00 01 01 ob' Layd out att London by my brother 27 Robert vt sequitur: viz: Inprimis for diuers letters. 00 01 00 ffor 5 1/2 yardes of mottley for Cloake baggs 00 11 04 ffetchinge my mare from St Albons 00 03 04 paid there for here 00 03 06 for her meate att London and Conueyinge to Grauesend 00 05 03 A kegge of sturgeon 00 17 00 paid for bringinge stuffe from staffordsh[i]r[e] to London att 4s 6d ye C 02 19 00 paid porters for loadinge and vnladinge 00 02 06 paid ye water=bayliffe for wharfage &c 00 01 04 paid a porter to Carry a letter from London to Surrenden in hast when my Cosen Skeffington was sicke 00 07 06 Dyett when I was in London and lay att my Cosen Bringborn's 01 05 06 Letters 00 03 00 124 18 - 8 - 11. ob'.[f.25r] 1622Iuly ffirst half yeare A silluer sugar=chest weighinge 18 ounces 1/2 and 3d which att 5s 10d per ounce is 05 08 06August. 5 Giuen my brother Robert 05 00 00 Barber 00 02 00 9 Paid G Pout for all his worke about greate Pickenwell pond, 01 02 06 paid Ihon Hunt for all his worke there 00 03 06 paid G. Pout for all his worke about ye stew 00 04 00 Giuen att Boughton 00 00 06 10 paid for Mowinge and makinge of 143? ^13^ acres 3 qtrs' of hay att 2s 8d per acre 01 13 00 12 Giuen ye nurse and midwife att my Cosen Edward Dering's sonnes Christneinge beinge my Godsonene 01 02 00 16 --- Giuen att ye takinge say of a deere a peece of gold 00 04 04 125 Giuen Charles who lett my grey hounde slipp 00 01 00 --- lost att tables 00 02 06 17 Spent att Ashford 00 05 06 more for my man and horses 00 01 00 18 Giuen Thomas 00 00 06 paid ye nurse for ye last 21 weekes nursinge of Anthony 02 12 06 Giuen ye nurse 00 05 00 Giuen her maide 00 02 06 19 Giuen att Hothfeild 00 00 06 20 Giuen att Iohn Awcock's 00 00 06 paid G Pout for all his worke whereof yfor ye stew 1s-6d 00 06 00 25 per of stockins for Nicholas 00 03 08 deliuered in part of wages to Simon Barwicke 00 10 00 27 Giuen Barwicke 00 00 04 his Charges when he went to ffayrelane 00 02 04 my sister Marg[aret] had 00 01 00 29 paid Harper for all by him layd out vt sequitur: paid ye Cowper for makinge two tubbes, and for hoopes. 00 05 00 A sneue(?) bought of Adgore 00 00 04 paid Bentley for once brewinge att 126 Surrenden 00 04 04 meate bought att lenham and att Harrisom before Midsommer 00 06 02 Sugar 00 02 06 Butter and Cheese 00 05 03 milke and Creame bought 00 01 03 paid Browne ye smith for all his worke 00 08 05 paid Gooden ye mason for stoppinge the barnes(?) 00 04 06 6 dishes and a ladle 00 00 08 goodwife Maresface for eggi?es 00 00 10 Carryinge of 9 loade of hay from broade reede to Surrenden att 14d ye loade 00 10 06 weedinge of my Corne in ye parke 00 13 04 30 S?Giuen ye phisitian for Barwicke, when he was sicke 00 10 00September 5 Giuen att Mersham 00 03 00 6 Giuen 00 00 04 Ordinary att Bearstead 00 02 06 Stirruppes attnd leathers 00 02 00 my man's ordinary there 00 00 08 his ordinary att Ashford 00 00 08 my horses there 00 00 04 Nicholas lost and spent 00 01 10 127 7 Giuen Vaunt 00 00 04 23 - 19 - 5[f.25v]September. 1622 ffirst halfe yeare. 8 Giuen att Bougchton 00 13 00 9 Giuen ye Waters ye phisitian for Barwicke 00 06 00 10 Giuen Nicholas 00 02 06 1 li' of galles 00 00 10 42 ounces of gumm Arabicke 00 00 06 A tinne box 00 00 04 Riband bought of Paine 00 01 04 12 Giuen Goodwife Pay for Barwicke 00 06 00 13 paid ffuller for a loade and halfe of lime, annd for bringinge 3s. per loade 13s-4d 01 03 00 14 Spent att Ashford in wine &c 00 09 00 paid ye phisitian for Compositions for Barwicke 00 05 06 Settinge my horses att ashford 00 00 06 my man's ordinary there 00 00 08 paid old ffreinde for makinge 100 Copp 128 of bondes att 4d 20 Coppe 00 01 08 paid him for drawinge of bo?and Corne 00 01 04?0 paid G Pout for settinge vp rayles and post in Longe dane 00 04 06 paid him for haruestinge in my parke 00 03 00 16 Giuen Ihon Lucas for helpe in haruest 00 01 00 2119 Giuen att Wy 00 00 06 21 my man's ordinary and my horses att Ashford 00 012 00 Giuen Nicholas 00 00 06 23 Giuen ye Clerke of ye marshe for a Coppy of ye Surueyours and Lordships which he geaue me 00 02 06 my man's dyett and horsemeate att Aldington 00 00 12 25 paid Raff steward ye glasier for threescore and 15 foote repayringes: viz: burnishinge soderinge, and bondes att 2d per foote 00 12 06 for new leadinge of 5 foote, att 3d per foote 00 01 03 Threescore and 16 quarryes of glasse att 1d per quarry 00 06 03 27 paid Pout for all his worke 00 07 00 129 28 paid Ihon Hunt for 4 dayes workes in makinge and layinge a new penstocke to my Pickenwell stew 00 04 08 paid him for all worke beside 00 0233 06 _______________2 half yeare 2 lockes bought att Maidstone 00 06 06 29 paid Goodman Butcher for all his worke 00 08 00 +++_______________________ paid Hickes ye shomaker for a per of shoes for Nicholas 00 02 04 paid of bootes for him 00 08 06October. 7 paid Sander Hart for all he had lDisbursed for me. ^viz: paid for mowinge and makinge hay 00 03 00^ for Corde and pacthreade 00 01 00 for 2 lockes 00 01 04 Trayne oyle 00 01 03 Nicholas his dinners and horsemeate att Ashford 00 02 00 Giuen him 00 00 02 ______________________________ 4 dozen of buttons 00 01 08 sti^t^chinge and sowinge silke 00 00 07 Claspes 00 00 03 Buckarom for ye winges 00 00 03 130_______________________________ paid my Asses for ye poore of Charte 00 03 06 paid Georg Gadsby for all between him and me for worke 00 04 08 for A grate to my stew 00 04 00 for ye a halfe yeares schoolinge beforehand vnto our Lady day for f George Elton 00 06 00 An Accedence for him 00 00 04 George Gadsby his Charges of his iourney to place him att schoole 00 06 08 10 paid Iohn' Hunt for worke in ye Corne loft 00 02 00 11 paid George Pout for 6 dayes whereof 4 in Castinge Pluckley Land pond 00 06 00 12 7 yds of stuffe for Anthony att 21s 8d per yd 00 11 08 13 poore 00 00 06 15 Pout 3 dayes pluckley land pond 00 03 00[f.26r] [blank] 131 [The entries on ff.26v and 27r, up to and including the one for October 15, repeat all the entries on f. 25v, usually more fully][f.26v]Iuly 1622.September ffirst halfe yeare. 78 Giuen att Boucghton 00 13 00 9 Giuen waters ye phisitian for Barwicke 00 06 00 10 Giuen Nicholas 00 02 06 1 li' of gall's to make inke 00 00 10 4 ounces of gumm arabicke 00 00 06 A tinne box 00 00 04 Riband bought of Paine 00 01 04 12 Giuen goodwife Pay for Barwicke 00 06 00 13 paid Fuller for a loade ^and halfe^ of lime and for bringinge att 3s. att 13s 4d per loade 01 03 00 14 Spent att Ashford in wine 00 09 00 paid ye phisitian for Compositions for Barwicke 00 05 06 Settinge vp my horses att Ashford 00 00 06 my man's ordinary there 00 00 08 paid old freinde for makinge 100 Coppe of bondes att 4d ye 0?20 Copp 00 01 08 paid him for drawinge of band Corne 00 01 00 132 paid G. Pout for settinge vp rayles and postes in Long dane 00 04 06 16 Giuen Ihon Lucas for helpe in haruest 00 01 00 19 Giuen att Wy 00 00 06 21 my man's ordinary and my horses att Ashford 00 01 00 Giuen Nicholas 00 00 06 23 Giuen Kennett ye Clarke of ye marsh for writinge a Coppy of ye Lordshipps and surueyours 00 02 06 my man's dyett and horsemeate att Aldington 00 01 00 my ordinary there 00 01 00 25 paid Raffe steward ye glazier for 75 foote of repayring. viz. burnishinge, sodering, and lea?dbondes att 2d per foote 00 12 06 ffor new leadinge of 5 foote att 3d per foote 00 01 03 76 quarryes of glasse new putt in att 1d ye quarry 00 06 03 [total of sums bracketed in right-hand margin entered at right:] 20s 0d 27 paid Pout for all his worke 00 07 00 28 paid Ihon Hunt for makinge and layinge a new penstocke of elme to 133 my stew old stew att Pickenwell 00 04 08 paid him for all other worke 00 03 06 29 paid Butcher for all his worke 00 08 00 paid Hickes ye shomaker for a per shoes for Nicholas 00 02 04 per of bootes for him 00 08 06 ______________________________ 6 - 17 - 10 ______________ Summ totall of this first halfe yeare 278 - 15 - 46[f.27r] Second half yeare. 1622October 7 paid Sander Hart for his disbursments for me viz: ffor Corde and packthreade. 00 01 00 2 lockes 00 01 04 Traine oyle 00 01 03 Mann's meate and horsemeate att Ashford 00 02 00 Giuen him 00 00 02 paid my Asses for ye poore of little 134 Chart 00 03 06 paid George Gadsby for worke 00 04 08 more for a grate for my stew 00 04 00 for half a yeares schoolinge before hand from Michaelmas vnto our lady for Georg Elton 00 06 00 An Accedence for hism 00 00 04 George Gadsby his Charges of his iourney to place him att schoole 00 06 08 10 paid Iohn Hunt for 2 dayes worke in ye Corne loft 00 02 00 11 paid Pout 00 02 00 12 7 yds of stuffe for little Anthony att 1s 8d 00 11 08 13 poore + 00 00 06 15 paid Pout for 7 dayes worke att Pluckley land pond to Cast itt paid00 07 00 16 7?8 bushells of haire for morter att 6d per bushell 00 04 00 A Corne rake 00 00 06 Bridge for mowinge of oates one day 00 02 00 Butcher for 2 dayes 00 03 04 Barnard for 2 dayes 00 03 04 Kingsnoath bindinge &c 5 dayes 00 08 04 Fidge for reapinge of pease and bindinge of oates 00 11 06 135 Fowler for reapinge tares &c 00 07 09 Iohnson for 9 dayes dim'. 00 13 04 4 ewes bought of Markettman att 6s 4d apeece 01 05 04 2 sheepe ^ewes^ of Harper att 7s 4d 00 14 08 2 Rammes att 13s 01 06 00 when I paid Harper this reckoninge I gaue him 01 13 01 paid Christopher Butcher for 4 dayes dim'. att Pluckley land pond 00 04 08 Item for other worke 00 02 1?00 paid William Snellinge for All worke 01 03 10_________ N L 00 00 03 19 Idle Iohn for bootes? Lace? and 5 yds of bla[ck] bayes to line my cloake att 4s 6d per yd 01 02 06 7 yds of bl[ack] sattin for a suite, att 14s-4d per yd 05 07 06 gloues for my selfe 00 11 00 20 poore + 00 00 04 per of spurrs 00 01 04 21 A planire(?) ruff 00 11 00 2 per of plaine cuffes and banstringes 00 01 06 6 handkercheifes att 8d a peece 00 04 00 22 paid master Clarke my taylour his 136 bill &c: for a mourninge suit of bl[ack] Philjpp and cheiney, lined with taffaty &c 03 19 04 for makinge my cloake, drawinge ye peeces, and ribands 00 07 06 for a girdle 00 01 00 for puttinge a lininge into my cloake 00 01 06 for a paire of Sattin hangers and gerdle, lined with plush 00 15 03? 00 For taffaty lininges for my satten doublett, for holland for ye hose, for pocketts, silke buttons, and all 10s for makinge ye suite and for buckarum, straite lininge, stiffnings, gallowne, loopelace, and a flannell betwene ye outside and ye Inner. for all 02 14 04 So this bl[ack] satten suite 27 - 16 - 5. standes me(?) in/8-1-10./[f.27v] October Second halfe years. 1622. 22 2 bands for Nicholas 00 01 08 137 A velluett scabberd, and sanguininge my rapier 00 06 00 Argenis and playbookes 00 14 00 23 4 per of bootes, goloshaes and spanish leather shoes 02 06 00 A beauer hatt 02 03 00 A bl[ack] Cypresse hattband 00 02 00 A hatt for Nicholas 00 04 00 Selden de Dijs Syris for master Perde 00 02 00 4 dozen of bl[ack] pointes 00 11 00 24 Giuen my brother A turky grogarum suite 05 05 00 Seeinge ye seuerall places in ye Tower 00 05 06 25 Lysander and Calista 00 03 00 new bindinge itt 00 01 00 26 Dressinge of 2 hatts for Nicholas 00 01 06 27 A steele padlocke 00 03 06 An ounce of powder of Corrall 00 04 00 Babyes for Anthony 00 01 00 27 Goinge by water 00 00 06 Seeinge tombes att Westmester 00 01 00 28 The Arcadia 00 09 00 29 Geiuen Hart of Ireland 00 10 00 Astrea 00 01 00 A Case of kniues 00 011 00 per of stockins bl[ack] 00 07 00 138 3 per of stockins for Anthony 00 02 06 per of stirrupp stockins 00 02 06 31 5 playbookes 00 02 06 paper 00 00 02 Seeinge a play for my selfe and others 00 03 06Nouember. 1 A torche 00 00 10 N L 00 00 06. 3 Goinge by water 00 0-30 006 5 mendinge my watch 00 02 00 Giuen Phillpott the herald 00 11 00 7 A Combe 00 00 10 8 A Catalogue of All ye knights' made by ye K[ing]. 01 02 00 A brasse ruler 00 05 006 16s-6d A per of Compasses with, pen, and bl[ack] leade &c 00 08 00 A per of Compasses 00 03 00 Goinge by water 00 00 06 per of bootehose topps 00 06 00 Wither's his workes 00 03 10 pens 00 00 02 9 Cloakebagge stringes 00 00 08 per of plyers 00 01 01 A vice 00 01 08 2 per of Compasses 00 02 06 139 A vice with a winche 00 02 10 A hand=vice 00 01 10 3 files 00 00 04 2 per of plyers 00 02 00 2-3-5 3 per of Compasses 00 03 00 3-19-10 A graftinge saw with 2 blades 00 07 00 A graftinge knife 00 01 00 A rasour 00 01 06 A sett of iron letters 00 01 02 E D in iron letters 00 00 04 A padlocke 00 04 00 4 stocke locke 00 02 00 paper and pens 00 11 00 11 Giuen att ye heraldes office 00 02 06 wax 00 00 04 Sweete powder 00 03 08 3 per of gloues 00 03 06 20 - 19 - 3[f.28r] 1622Nouember Second halfe yeare./ 12 Collers and terretts, 2 per 00 01 08 Aaron Rab?thborns his Surueyour 00 05 00 140 The Surueyours dialogue 00 01 04 Shoinge my horses 00 01 00 A wax Candle 00 00 06 14 2 quire of paper with escocheons printed 00 02 08 per of bootes and goloshaes 00 12 00 per of bootes 00 12 00 15 4 Allmanackes 00 00 06 Single Coates with mantle and Creast att 18d 00 08 00 Redd inke, bottle, and pens 00 00 06 pensells 00 00 06 halfe a pounde of gumm Arabicke 00 01 00 A box 00 01 00 NL? Laundresse 00 05 00 16 Land? A false scabbard 00 01 00 To a porter 00 00 06 Horsemeate in London and by ye way 01 06 02 Chamber rent for a fot?rtnight, viz. 3 Chambers att 16s per weeke 1 12 00 My dyett and my mens beinge a month in London 04 02 04 N L 00 09 06 poore + 00 03 04 Giuen 00 0311 0410 18 paid vnto my Lady Wotton, as a legacy, 141 from my vnckle Edward Dering who dyed att Venice, in [blank] last, past. there were present my Cosen Edward Dering of Egerton and his brother Iohn Deringe 20 00 00 29 paid --- [deleted entry. Leaf now broken in half along this heavily inked deletion; writing mostly illegible]--- 29 of his money(?) --- 19 Shoinge my mare 00 001 00 20 paid Bishop of fford mill, before I went to London/. for [blank] 21 paid Iohn Hunt and his boy for one dayes worke in ye Corne loft 00 01 02 paid Butcher for 2 dayes worke att pluckley land pond 00 02 06 paid Iohn Gardner for weedinge my saffron 00 01 00 Composition in Pluckley 00 05 10 Composition in little Charte 00 02 10 22 Lost last halfe yeare att boules and Cardes 00 03 00 22 paid Kinge for Carryinge one loade of hay 00 00?11 02 paid him for bringinge 2 loade of drift sand 00 02 04 142 paid him for bringinge 2 loade of other sand 00 02 04 23 Giuen my sister Margarett 00 01 00 25 paid Elisabeth Hills for tendinge of Brarwicke when he was sicke 00 04 00 26 paid Lanes ye gatherer for quittrent, due vnto ye K[ing]s lordshipp of Conningbrooke for landes in Willisborough 00 19 09 Item for releife a thirde part of ye rent 00 06 07 1-11-3 Item for fealty 00 00 02 Item to ye Clarke of that Court to enter ye releife 00 01 00 Item quittrent to ye Lordship of Westwell for part of Dunmersh 00 01 10 Item for releife halfe ye quittrent 00 00 11 Item to ye Clarke of that Court to enter ye releife 00 01 00 29 Giuen Simon Barwicke 00 01 00December Giuen Iohn Hunt when I driu'ed a pinme(?) 00 02 00 1 paid Christopher Butcher for threshinge of Coppe of oates [blank] att - 12d per diem for 8 dayes 00 08 00 paid Abraham Butcher for 12 dayes 143 threshinge of pease, att 12d per diem. viz. abot?ut 60 Copp 00 12 00 paid him for 3 dayes worke in haruest 00 04 00 paid him for 3 dayes worke about pluckley land pond 00 03 00 Giuen my sister Margarett 00 01 00 5 paid Ihonson my hopdresser in part of payment 00 010 00 6 ffrise to make Nicholas a ierkyn 00 05 02 nayles 3?136 - 4 - 11.[f.28v] 1622December Second halffe yeare. 9 Giuen because Lent 00 00 06 12 Dinner and wine att maidstone 00 13 00 Horsemeate there 00 01 00 Giuen att to Berwicke 00 01 00 16 Giuen att Boucghton 00 11 06 19 paid to Smith for a blacke Coate I bought of him 02 00 00 Giuen ye sexton of Beatherisden 00 00 06 21 paid ye Carrier for bringinge thinges 144 from London 00 04 00 Giuen Ihon Lucas for Cleaninge Oates 00 00 06 22 paid my asses 00 05 00 To Nicholas 00 00 02 23 Giuen my Cosen Mary Bell 00 00 06 Barbe?ar 00 02 00 28 paid Christopher butcher, for 3 dayes the?reshinge for himselfe and 3 for his brother 00 06 00 29 paid Barwicke for all layd out by him 00 01 00Ianuary 1 Giuen Musitian att Boucghton 00 02 06 Giuen att Boucghton 00 17 06 paid Butcher and his brother for threshinge 00 06 00 measuringe of land att 2d per acre 00 02 02 Nicholas his Charges to London 00 03 06 176 Dyett and horsemeate att Douer and Canterbury 01 0-4 00?3 Giuen ye warren s? keeper 00 02 06 ffidlers 00 01 06 18 paid Ihon Hunt for all his worke att 14d per diem 00 10 00 29 Spent att Maydeston and Bearstead 0011 11 06February 4 Giuen att Boucghton, vlcombe, and Maydeston 00 16 00 8 Giuen fidlers 00 02 00 145 Horsemeate att Canterbury 00 02 08 Giuen there 00 01 04 A baskett and Corde 00 02 00 10 Giuen att Boucghton 00 02 00 poore + 00 01 00 6 playbookes 00 02 00 A male pillion 00 02 06 Spent 00 03 06 Goinge ---[leaf broken in half along heavily inked deletion; parts missing] 00 00 06 paid vnto Harper vt sequitur Imprimis for pitch 00 01 00 2 gate lockes 00 02 00 ffor shoinge and a per of ffetters att Brown's 00 08 02 paid ffowler for grubbinge vp of trees 01 05 00 paid Ihonson for digginge of gritt in ye south shoue of ye parke att 3s 4 per 100 00 03 00 2 ewes bought of goodwife Codwell 00 16 00 20 ewes bought of George Gadsby 07 00 00 tapps &c 00 00 04 12 paid Sander Hart 400 of 5d nayles 00 01 08 400 of 4d nayles 00 01 04 3 qrters' of a yd of fustian to mend 146 my gowne 00 00 07 18 giuen att Boucghton 00 11 00 my brother Robert layd out for me att London &c ffor letters 00 01 00 ffor heades of haire and beards 00 17 06 paid my father for Ihon Hunt 00 11 04 paid ye Butcher's for 2 dayes threshinge 00 04 00 paid Hernden for digginge of stones 00 08 00 paid Ihon Hunt for all manner of worke due vntill ye 14 of ffebruary 01 07 00 a per of sizzers 00 00 06 21 paid Ihonson in part of paiement which makes itt vpp. 20s 00 10 00 22 paid ye 2 buttchers for a day's threshing 00 02 04 3?23 paid vnto Simonson an asses and half for ye poore 00 10 00 26 Nicholas his dinner 00 00 08 paid Georg Gooden for digging of 18 loade of stone att in Chaltagh att 6d per loade: viz. 3 foote square sett 00 09 00 27 Giuen a messenger Came from boughton 00 00 06 paid master [blank] Carington for 147 writing out ye play of HK[ing] Henry ye fourth att 1d ob' per sheete and giuen himore(?) 00 04 00 26 - 19 - 6[f.29r]March. 1622 Second halfe yeare 1. Giuen ye gardiner att Boucghton for Cutting some graftes 00 02 00 2. Giuen master Iackson a poore minister sometime Chaplain vnto Doctor Hampton Archbishop of Armacgh 00 010 00 ______ Stolne out of my pockett 00 13 00 8 paid Harper for all he layd out for me vt sequitur: 2 working oxen 08 00 00 keepinge them vntill I had them att 4d per weeke apeece 00 048 06 per of hinder wheeles for my waggon 00 16 00 Shoing of those wheeles att 2d ob' ye pound 01 14 08 2000 of 5d nayles 00 08 04 148 ploughing of Long dane att 5s per acre 01 05 00 paid wood for digging of gritt in ye parke att 3s ye 100 01 07 00 paid Browne ye smith for shoing 00 03 11 Happes and staples 00 01 06 A staple and a linke for an enebb yoake 00 01 00 A per of traces 00 00 06 A spade 00 01 06 ______ paid Ihon Hunt vt sequitur. Imprimis att Mosewell spring ffor 1000 settes of Quicke att 6d per 100 00 05 00 ffor settinge of 19 rodds and halfe of double rayle att 4?6d per rodd 00 09 06 6 dayes he and his boy makinge ye dike and laying ye setts, he att 16d per diem, his boy att 8d 00 12 00 18 rodds of single rayle about ye spiringe being 2 dayes whorke for him and his boy 00 04 00 _______ more for a daiyes worke att ye forestall 00 02 00 _______ 149 Giuen Sir Thomas Wotton's footeman 00 01 00 9 Giuen att Boucghton 00 00 06 13 paid for wine when Sir Thomas Wotton was heere 00 04 00 paid for petticoates for Anthony 00 10 06 paid a taylours bill for Nicholas 00 07 03 paid ye Charges for Nicholas a night in East Kent beinge sicke 00 05 06 14 -paid ffowler for worke about hedges 00 03 00 paid ffowler for grubbing a hedge 00 03 04 more for Charges when Nicholas was sicke 00 05 00 Thread &c 00 00 07 17 Giuen att Boughton 00 14 06 Spent att Berstead 00 05 06 18 Dyett att Rochester 00 04 02 horsemeate there 00 05 00 male girtes and Surcingle att London 00 01 06 To a porter 00 00 06 19 To a barbar 00 02 06 20 A bridle 00 01 04 A play booke 00 00 06 A box 00 02 06 pens and paper 00 00 02 horsemeate 00 00 06 poore + 00 00 03 150 Threade 00 00 01 21 Going by water 00 01 00 Shoinge 00 00 10 A hatt for my selfe and band 00 11 00 Gloues for my selfe 00 14 00 An inkehorne 00 00 06 wax of ye best att 8d per ounce 00 00 08 Blacke riband 00 01 06 22 per of bootes 00 11 00 per of spanish leather shoes 00 03 06 To a porter 00 00 04 per of bootehose 00 07 00 A ruffe and Cuffes 00 13 00 A dinner with my bbrothers 01 00 00 per of slipperes 00 02 06 Carrying of letters t 00 01 07 A Coller for my horse 00 02 04 23 Giuen att mistress Kinge's 00 02 00 14 - 17 - 4?10[f.29v]March 1622 24 The spanish proclamation 00 00 10 Dyett att London for my self, my 151 brother Henry and my two men 02 02 00 horsemeate there for 4 horse 01 12 08 poore + 00 00 04 Giuen 00 00 06 Lost this halfe yeare att Cardes, boules &c 06 01 00 paid Simon Berwicke a yeares wages vpon ye 7th of Aprill 02 010 00 giuen him when he went away 01 00 00 Giuen Nicholas ^Aspoll^ when he went from me 0044 00 00 paid Ihon Woulton for lace march: 15 00 015 07 paid Butcher for threshing 00 02 04 paid Elmer for worke for Nicholas 00 07 03 18 - 12 - 6 Summ of this halfe yeare 040?5 - 10 - 5 145 - 10 - 5 ________ 1622 Summ totall of this whole yeares expences 152 5426 - 17 - 3 5029 050 - 1100[f.30r]march: 1623 25 Dyett att St Alban's 00 07 04 Horsemeate there 00 04 11 poore + 00 00 06 26 Giuen att Sir Arthur Throckmorton's 00 01 00 27 Dyett att Torcester 00 06 10 horsemeate there 00 07 06 poore + 00 01 02 Giuen att Sir Hatton Farmer's 00 02 00 Dyett att Brackley 00 13 00 ffidlers 00 01 00 mending bootes for Nicholas 00 01 00 my mens diett there 00 01 06 28 horsemeate att Brackley 00 04 06 poore + 00 02 00 29 Dyett att Knoll 00 04 06 horsemeate ther 00 04 00Aprill. poore + 00 00 03 2 Standing for my horse att Sutten 00 00 04 poore + 00 00 02 bought att ffisherwicke 4 bushells of 153 oates att 22d 00 07 04 horse standing and meate att lichfeild 00 00 06 4 mending and stuffing of saddles 00 01 03 letter from London 00 00 03 5. paid for bringing thinges from London to ffisher wicke att 1d ye pound 00 06 00 A Collar to lead a horse in 00 02 00 6 Crossing of Elford water 00 00 06 7 horsemeat 00 04 00 lost of mine by Nicholas 00 06 00 8 Shoing my horses 00 04 06 9 Spent att Sutton 00 00 06 Giuen att Sir Thomas Holt's 00 00 06 10 paid ye taylour for Nicholas after he went 00 01 00 A letter brought 00 00 03 4 bushells of oates 00 08 00 giuen Richard Greenly 00 00 06 12 giuen att Wistaston 00 02 00 giuen att Crew house 00 01 00 15 Giuen att Knipersley 00 05 00 16 Giuen att Rushall 00 00 06 19 Shoing my horse 00 01 06 giuen Iordaine 00 00 06 23 giuen att Arbery 00 00 06 poore + 00 00 03 154 24 giuen att Croxhall and att Elford 00 01 00 25 mending bootes 00 00 06 11 per of gloues 00 11 00 26 giuen att ffisherwicke 00 11 06 28 giuen att Skeffington 00 02 06 29 Dyett att Northampton 00 07 00 horsemeate there 00 02 09 30 Dyett att Dunstable 00 08 00 horsemeate there 00 02 08Mary 1 little boxes and a whettestone 00 01 03 2 per of bootes 00 11 00 per of boote hose 00 08 00 per of spurres 00 02 00 2 b?play bookes 00 01 00 2 per of knitt linnen stockins 00 07 06 Camdens remaines for my aunt Skeffington 00 02 00 Spanish mandeuill for my Cosen Biddulph 00 02 00 horsemeate att Bellsauage 00 05 00 3 Lemmons 00 00 03 going by water 00 00 06 Sei?eing a play 00 01 00 ffidlers 00 01 06 A Coppy of my mothers picture 01 10 00 11 - 17 - 9 155[f.30v]May 1623 4 mending my rapier 00 05 00 per of shoes 00 03 06 Going by water 00 00 06 5 Gi 6 per of gloues for master Lyne 00 12 00 2 per for my selfe 00 02 00 A bracelett for my sister Marg[aret] 00 07 06 Rhenish wine att ye stillyard for my lady Wotton 00 02 06 6 an escocheon of armes 00 01 06 7 Seing a play 00 01 00 2 seales and ye Cutting 00 01 00 paid Thomas Dering for an angle and for fishing roddes and lines 00 12 10 paid him for horsemeate and letters 00 03 00 Giuen att mistress Ksing's 00 02 00 8 Seeing a play 00 00 06 12 Giuen Sir Thomas Wotton att ye mermaide in ye old bayley, before --- Doctor Bargar, master Partherich, master Bradshaw and Robert King, vpon this Condition that when he is 156 Lord warden of ye Cinque portes I may be his leifetenant 01 02 00 13 2 bookes of gardening 00 02 00 14 Mariana de Rege &c 00 02 00 de iure regio Samuelis prophetae 00 01 00 15 A gilt sword 04 01 00 Carrying a letter 00 00 02 17 Barclayus de potestate Papae 00 01 00 Bruti vindiciae contra Tyrannos giuen master Perd 00 05 00 B. Morton, causa Regia 00 02 00 B. Abbot, de suprema Potestate regis 00 01 06 G. Barclayus de regno et regali potestate 00 03 02 G. Barclayi ius regis 00 01 04 Machiauelli princeps Bruti vindiciae contra tyrannos de iure magistrat[uum] in subditos 00 01 00 Iamblicus Proclus Porphyrius Psellus mercur[ius] Trismeg[istus] 00 01 00 per of pearle Colour silke stockinegs 01 12 00 2 per of worsteade stockins 00 17 00 157 2 inke hornes 00 01 00 3 per of gloues 00 06 00 per of garters, roses and 2 dozen of orange Colour psilke pointes 00 17 00 bl[ack] silke pointes 00 04 06 A silluer seale 00 12 00 A feather with 3 falles 00 11 00 Seeing a play 00 01 00 poore + 00 00 06 18 poore + 00 00 04 19 A false scabbard 00 00 06 A white Canuas doublett 03 08 00 whashing 00 06 00 A fortnights vse of a Chamber 00 0?16 00 lost in light gold 00 01 00 Dyett whilst I was att London 03 02 04 giuen there 00 10 07 per of shoes 00 03 00 Horsemeate in London 001 05 00 A knife 00 01 00 Bables for little Anthony 00 00 06 paid for bringing my horse from London to grauesend 00 02 00?9 21 - 18 - 0 158[f.31r]May 1623 20 Horsemeate att Grauesend 00 02 06 Spent this iourney from ye 16th of march vnto ye 20 of May - 59 - 2 - 6. 25 paid G. Gooden for digging of stones 00 04 00 27 paid Potkins what he layd out for a Coate for Anthony 00 14 00 Item for Conserue of roses for my aunt Skeffington 00 07 00Iune 1. paid master Copley for 3 quarters of a yeare, for all small tithes 00 15 00 3 paid Harper for all he layd out for me viz. ffor threshing of 9 seames of oates att 10d per seame 00 0808 00 paid ffowler for Cleaning of wood 00 14 00 paid Wood and his brother for hedging and ditching and Cutting bushes 03 00 00 paid Taylour for Catching of molles 00 06 00 per of shires, an augur and tarre 00 01 07 A halter and per of traces 00 00 11 per of working steeres of 4 yeare old 08 01 03 2 stocke lockes 00 02 08 159 A bottle for drinke for Barton 00 03 00 4 giuen 00 00 06 5 giuen 00 00 10 6 Dyett att Douer when master Perd was with me. 00 09 03 Horsemeate there 00 02 06 Giuen att ye Castle there 00 02 06 7 Giuen att Sir Ihon Sydley's 00 02 10 9 Giuen 00 00 06 10 paid Lucas for Cutting my Sorrell stone=horse being of 5 yeares old 00 05 00 Giuen him 00 01 00 11 paid for ye reparations of Willisborough to my father 02 18 00 paid Butcher for threshing 00 07 00 paid Campion for bringing horses from London 00 03 08 14 paid Miles for Carrying 2 Cloakebagges to London 00 03 04 Spent att Ashford 00 00 06 16 Giuen 00 00 06 17 paid Elmer ye taylour 00 00 10 18 paid Stephen, for his lodging att New Romney 00 00 04 4 horses standing att Dimchurch 00 00 08 Spent on ye way 00 00 02 160 2 ordinaryes att Ashford 00 00?1 04 horses twice there 00 0-1 00 Giuen, stephen toward ye trimming of his Cloake 00 01 08 my sister Margarett had 00 04 00 19 paid my Hopman his last payment of 30s for this half years dressing my hopgarden 00 10 00 21 Spent att Ashford 00 03 08V. 22 P-eit to Sir Francis Barnham' for Hinchell lands 00 07 06V. my halfe assesse to ye poore 00 06 08 23 paid G. Gadsby for shoing of 8 toxen 00 08 00 paid him for Cloathes which he bought for George Elton 00 07 04 paid him which he layde out for G. E. schooling vntill Christmas 00 09 00 his owne Charges going thither by water from London 00 01 02 25 ffor oyle to vsed about my Coach 00 010 03 ffor 2 yds of fustian for Anthony 00 02 04 my man's ordinary att Ashford 00 00 08 horsemeate there 00 00 04 Shoing my nagg 00 00 07 his dinner att Harriotsham fayre 00 00 08 27 Spent in dyett this fortnight being in 161 London for my seflfe and man 023 19?^01^ 10 Giuen away. 00 10 06 poore + 00 02 10 28 A trunke 00 08 00 Chamber rent for a fortnight 00 15 00 28 - 4 - 2[f.31v]Iune. 1623 28 halfe a pound of sweete powder for my heade 00 08 00 ounce dim' of Corall powder for teeth 00 04 06Iuly. 2. porter 00 00 02 mending my saddle 00 00 08 3 girthes 00 01 00 3 boxes 00 00 04 paper 00 00 01 Hire of a Coach for an afternoone 00 06 00 3 7 yds of blacke satten att 15s per yard 05 05 00 Ell dim' of taffaty 01 00 00 4 dozen dim of silluer edging for one in a seame ye doublett being Cutt in 162 panes, and 2 downe ye side of ye hose, att 5s per ounce, weighing 811-1-0 ownces 02 00 00 4 ffor 11 dozen of buttons 4 for ye doublett 7. for hose 00 12 10 ffor straight liyninges, stiffning, buckarum, silke, holland, fustian, C-laspes(?), pinking &c 01 03 02 ffor making my suite 01 00 00 This suite Cost 115 - 1 - 0 fforgotten to sett downe 00 02 01 4 washing 00 01 00 porter 00 00 08 A Callico halfe shirte 00 10 06 A ruffe and per of Cuffes 00 19 00 redd wax and blackel Leades 00 00 06 5 pens inke horne and paper 00 00 06 A silluer hattband and new lining my hatt 00 11 00 Barber 00 01 00 A wax Candle 00 00 06 per of silluer girdle and hangers 00 11 00 per of white spanish leather shoes 00 03 06 2 per of sockes 00 01 00 7. going by water 00 00 06 toothepickes and Case 00 01 0-8 163 9 A sword hatcht with silluer and 2 swordes 02 05 00 10 3 per of gloues with silke and silluer lace 00 11 00 per of silke and silluer roses 00 11 00 per of gold and silluer hangers without a girdle 01 019 00 mending a per of hangers 00 01 00 A hattband 00 05 00 Riband 00 01 11 mending trunke 00 00 06 to a porter porter 00 00 03 mending stockins 00 00 03 2 dozen of blacke and white pointes 00 07 06 11 Giuen Stephen 00 01 00 A laced fulling band 00 02 00 A playne falling band 00 01 04 Bought 41 bookes Cost 03 14 07 bables for Anthony 00 00 10 boate hire 00 01 06 horsehire 00 01 00 horsemeate in London for 2 horses a fortnight 01 10 06 _______ 123 paid Ihon Hunt for all his workes? done 01 10 00 164 paid G. Pout for 2 dayes worke 00 02 00 To Idle Ihon 00 00 043 18 Dyett whilst I was att ye assises and spent, in wine and Cherryes, and fidlers and my mans dyett 00 14 02 giuen att G.H 00 02 00 poore + 00 00 03 20 paid for 12 ells of Canuis to Thomas D[ering] 00 10 06 To a porter for Carrying my trunke 00 00 06 21 paid wood for making of fagotts 00 06 00paid vnto paid him for 4 dayes workes 00 04 00Harper ffor washinge my sheepe 00 02 00 ffor shearinge 00 05 00 30 - 8 - 1[f.32r]Iuly. 1623 ffor oyle for sheepe 00 02 00 ffor tarre 00 01 00 ffor two hoopes 00 02 08 ffor oyle for my horse 00 01 00 ffor a greate b?timber rope and a topp rope 00 10 04 165 ffor a new little Court 00 05 00 paid Browne ye smith for ploughe irons and for shoing ye ploughing ( mare 00 09 00 paid him for shoing my other horses 00 03 00 paid King for Carrying of timber 5 dayes att 5s per day 01 05 00 Paid master Copley for tith hay of 4 feildes 00 15 00 paid ffidge for mowing and making of Pluncton's hay att 18d per acre each 00 12 00 paid for mowing of mill Croft, pluckley land and mare hams, being 17 acres att - 18d per acre 01 05 06 paid for making all ye hay there att 17d per acre 01 04 01 Cherryes 00 01 00 22. 23. Spent att Canterbury 00 03 06 24. 25. Shoing 00 00 06 Giuen att sturry and oasten hanger 00 17 06 Giuen att Canterbury 00 01 00 26 Spent att Ashford 00 02 06 horse reoome there 00 00 04 my man's ordinary 00 00 08 27 paid Arrowes for a per of shoes for Nicholas before he went away 00 02 06 166 paid him for 3 per of shoes for little Anthony 00 02 04 28 paid Gadsby for shoing 6 beastes 00 06 00 31 Giuen ye midwife att Ihon sydley's christning 00 15 00 Giuen the nurse there 00 15 00 Giuen master Smith's man of oasten hanger 00 02 00 Giuen Thomas wyles 00 01 00 ffor a scoope to la-de water with 00 01 00August 2 hire of a horse from Ashford to Oasten hanger 00 02 06 Buttons and threade 00 00 02 Giuen 00 01 00 8 nayling my horse shoe 00 00 01 Laying thinges vp att Eastwell 00 01 06 9 Dyett and wine after dinner, and ordinary att Ashford for me and my man and for my horses standing 00 09 11 A ho-aer(?) for my garden 00 02 06 bringing of Letters 00 00 04 giuen to tumblers 00 00 06 16 Carrying of a letter to Oastenhanger 00 00 06 17 paid Ihon Hunt for all due vnto him viz for mending plough and wheelebarrow 00 02 04 167 And for Carrying hay 00 00 10 paid Butcher for spreading 38?0 330 loade of gritt in ye parke att 18d ^00 04 11^ per loade 100 00 05?4 00 ffor Casting ye pound in my Close 00 01 04 ffor helping att ye shoing of my oxen 00 00 03 paid Miles ye Carrier for all due vnto him 00 07 00 15 Bought ye 15th of August of Wattle of Sellinge a roane ambling gelding and paid 14 00 00 16 Giuen att Oastenhanger when I Came away ye 16 of August to ye seruauntes 00 17 00 17 my sister Marg[aret] had 00 01 00 22 Giuen ye keeper of Eastwell parke when my dogg kill'd a bucke and I tooke say 00 06 00 Giuen him that held my dogg 00 01 00 Giuen to him that shewed ye house 00 01 00 27 - 11 - 1[f.32v]August. 1623 168 23 Spent att Ashford 00 05 00 lodging for my dogges and horse roome and stephen's breakefast att ye alehouse by eastwell 00 00 08 per of sizzers 00 00 06 A surcingle 00 00 06 stephen's ordinary and horses att Ashford 00 01 00 29 wine att wrotham 00 04 00September 1 A slipp and Collers for my doggs 00 04 00 bables for Anthony 00 00 06 2 yds 3 qrters' of ash collour spanish Cloath att 12s per yard 01 13 00 4 ounces qrter' dim of Crimson galloune att 3s per ounce 00 13 00 3 ounces of Crimson silke 00 09 00 2 2 dozen of pointes 00 06 08giuen giuen my taylours men 00 03 00in this Barber 00 02 06iourney Riband 00 00 0631s-6d 2 sermons by Thomas Scott 00 02 00 Dinner with Sir Ihon Milliscent 00 05 08 9 Giuen att st cleeres 00 09 06 10 Giuen ye nurse that nurst my Good God=son- my Lady Sydley's child att chart 00 02 06 169 11 Giuen att chart 00 05 06 12 Giuen George my Cosen Malton's boy 00 01 00 Giuen Gabriell hall because I tooke say of --- bucke which I killed with my dogg 00 06 00 Giuen other wayes 00 04 00 13 wine att Ashford 00 02 00 my horses standing there 00 00 03 stephen layd out att Berstead 00 01 00 N -L 00 03 08 15 horse att Ashford 00 00 06 14 paid for 600 of 5 foote pales att 7s ye 100 with ye Carriage 02 02 00 21 giuen 00 00 06 22 Dyett att Aldington 00 01 00 23 Giuen att Sir Norton Knatchbull's 00 09 06 26 Giuen att sterry 00 09 06 giuen 00 00 06 N L 00 0-0 02 paid stephen for his ordinary att Aldington 00 00 08 horseroome 00 00 06 nayling and shoing 00 00 06 spent 00 00 04 paid Stephen Kennard all his wages vntill from ye time he Came 170 vntill Michaelmas being a month? aboue? ^month aboue^ a qrter' 01 13 04 27 Giuen my sister Margarett 00 05 02 28 paid Harper for all vt sequitur: for 3 basketts 00 03 10 paid ffreinde for mowing of oates 00 05 00 paid him for worke 00 05 06 paid Hunt for worke 00 00 06 for 7 ells qrter' of Canuas 00 04 03 paid ffidge for binding of oates att 18d per acre for 4 acres dim' in Long dane 00 06 09 ffor knitting of l8 lambes 00 01 06 ffor 1 seame 2 bushells att 38s per seame of seede wheat 02 07 06 ffor 2 seames of seedes wheate 04 00 00 ffor one seame more 01 018 00 ffor 2 seames more 03 18 00 Giuen Harper 01 02 00 - paid Georg Gooden for pauing ouer ye graue 00 02 06 paid him for pauing ye bottom of ye pond in my Close 00 05 00 paid Ihon Hunt for Chepping ye plough 00 00 08 26 - 13 - 1 171[f.33r]September 1623 ffirst halfe yeare. paid Ihon Hunt for all his worke and his boyes 01 03 10 paid him for setting vp and paling of 18 rodds between ye Close and orchard att 18d per rodd 01 07 00 ffor Cleaning 2 pistolls 00 02 00 ffor a screw pin 00 00 03 29 Giuen Thomas for drying my hopps 00 02 00 Supper att London 00 02 00 ______ paid Ihon Barton from ye 6th of ffebruary all his wages 03 09 00 paid mihil wood - from ye 12 of march all his wages 01 01 08 Giuen Ihon Barton 00 01 00 Giuen mihill 00 00 04 7 - 9 - 1 Summ totall of this halfe yeare. 154 - 1 - 3. 172[f.33v]September 1623 Second halfe yeare. 30 Barber 00 00 06 per of spurres 00 001 06 Seeing ye Elephant 00 00 06October poore + 00 00 02 1. Giuen att Perry 00 01 00 2 ffidlers 00 01 00 Giuen ye postboy 00 02 00 poore + 00 00 04 Seeing a play 00 01 06 3 mending hangers 00 00 03?4 Barber 00 00 06 going by water 00 00 06 Seeing a play 00 01 06 4 per of bootes 00 09 00 3 bookes 00 01 00 Seeing a play 00 01 00 Dinner with my Lord Mordaunt and Sir Thomas Wotton 00 10 06 mending spurres 00 00 06 A hatt for ye Child 00 05 00 173 5 Giuen Laundresse 00 01 00 Seeing a play with my Lady Wotton 00 07 00 6 Shoing of my horse 00 00 025 ffor sadlers ware 00 09 02 meate for doggs 00 00 03 To ye Cryer for Crying my lost doggs in fleetestreet 00 00 08 Shooing 00 00 02 7 my dyett and my man's and wyne this iourney (beside 12s 6d before sett downe) 01 14 09 Horsemeate this iourney being out from Michaelmas day vnto ye 7th of October, to meete Sir Thomas Wotton and to bring him home out of Northamptonshire 01 05 01 Horsehire when I rode poast this iourney 00 14 10 N L. in this iourney 00 04 07 Spent in all this iourney to meete Sir Thomas Wotton. 7li' - 0s - 3d besides Layd out for Robert Honywood which he fonde hand repayd vnto me again 00 13? 00 13 Beere 00 01 06 14 Giuen att Sir Ihon Sydley's 00 08 00 174 18 Giuen att Boucghton 00 12 00 N. L. att greate Chart when Thomas Bettenham lay with me 00 03 06 21 paid master Copley his qrter' for small tithes vnto Michaelmas 00 025 00 22 paid for Composition in Chart 00 02 10 Giuen Gabriell Hall when I tooke say. of a doe att Boucghton 00 04 00 25 Giuen att Boucghton 00 11 00Nouember 1 paid my assesse for ye poore in Chart 00 03 06 2 paid Harper, for shoing my oxen 00 04 00 paid Browne for sall shoing 00 07 06 paid him for all mending of plough irons 00 12 06 A key for my stable doore 00 01 06 paid Ihon Hunt for ^halfe^ a dayes worke in ye wineseller 00 00 08 paid him for Thomas Hamms driuing ye plough in ye parke for 20 dayes att 8d per diem. 00 13 04 8 bought of my brother Harry D. 5 weather lambes att 4s 4?d6d ob' apeece 01 02 00 bought of him 5 ewe lambes 00 15 00 9 paid Ihon Elmer for making a Couer to my Coach 00 01 00 175 ffor mending my doublett 00 00 03 paid Anne Catesby for thinges for ye Child 00 00 07V. paid vnto Lanes for Quittrent vnto Conningbrooke 00 19 09 paid vnto him for Quittrent vnto Westwell court 00 01 10 paid ye sueite groutes for ye 2 Courts 00 00 08 paid Georg Goodaen for all worke 00 02 08 paid Arr-owes ye shoemaker for all his worke 00 03 09 --- 10 wine att Rochester 00 02 00 horsemeate there 00 02 04 11 horsemeate att London 00 02 10 12 Going by water 00 01 00 poore + 00 00 02 13 Dyett for me and my man 00 04 04 14 poore + 00 00 03 15 - 7 - 6[f.34r]Nouember. 1623. 176 Second halfe yeare 14 8 yds of bl[ack] figured sattin, figured in stripes like lace att 16s per yd to make a suite 06 08 00 7 yds qrter' of greene, [blank] to make ye Child a coate att 13s 6d per yd 04 14 00 2 dozen of silluer lace to go twice about his Coate att 4s 10d per ounce. 2 ounces 3 qrter' 00 12 11 8 yds more weighing [blank] Seing a play with my Lady Sedley 00 02 00 per of kniues 00 02 00 15 Dyett 00 03 00 17 A beauer hatt (and band 4s) 02 06 00 dyett 00 01 06 18 poore + 00 00 03 giuen 00 00 06 giuen George Smith 00 02 06 Supper with Sir Ihon Milliscent, Sir Walter Waller, Master Crofts, master Tyrwhitt, master shelden, my cosen Honywood, master Dawes 00 05 06 per of boote=hose 00 08 00 19 Seeing a play with master Perd and H[enry] D[ering] 00 03 06 177 paid my brother Charles for mending an houreglasse 00 04 00 paid ye taylours bill for ffustian Canuas stiffning taffaty and silke 00 08 00 paid him for making itt 00 06 00 20 Seeing a play with Sir Ihon Hobart 00 01 06 21 5 playbookes 00 02 00 Pancirollus both parts 00 05 06 Drexelius de aeternitate 00 01 00 A ruffe and per of Cuffes 00 15 00 per of stockins for ye Child 00 00 10 paid stephen when he went to Battersey to G. E. 00 00 10 Supper 00 02 04 22 breakefast 00 00 02 giuen 00 00 04 seeing a play with my lady W[illia]m Tuffton, and my sisters Ffranc[es] and Mary Tufftons 00 06 06 poore + 00 01 00 24 3 yds 3 qrters' of bl[ack] vncutt velluett to make a per of breeche 04 of breeches att 23s per yd 04 06 00 giuen 00 01 00 25 ffor washing of linnen 00 06 05 ffor 2 greate basketts to Carry 178 bottles of wine downe into ye Country [blank] A sett of seales for Richard Spice 00 05 00 A blew Cassocke for ye Child 00 04 00 supper 00 03 06 26 2 per of bootes 00 018 06 A per of winter liquored shoes 00 03 06 giuen 00 00 06 setting vp my horse a while 00 00 02 Giuen att my Cosen Thomas Dering's 00 02 00 dyett 00 02 08 27 16 playbookes 00 09 06 20 playbookes 00 12 11 dinner 00 01 06 paid for Stephen's Lodging in gracious streete 00 02 00 giuen there 00 00 06(?) porter yat brought my trunke 00 00 08 Candles 00 00 04 Stephens dyett 00 00 08 28 paper 00 00 01 12 playbookes 00 06 00 supper yesternight and dinner too day 00 03 04 12 playbookes 00 07 11 2 playbookes 00 00 07 30 playbookes 01 00 00 179 poore + 00 00 01 29 15 playes 00 10 02 blacke leades 00 00 02 dyett 00 0104 08?0 30. dyett 00 08 06 Giuen. 00 01 06 Giuen my taylours man 00 01 00December 1. washing of Linnen 00 01 08 6 quire of paper 00 02 00 29 - 13 – 0 [f.34v] 1623December Second halfe yeare 1 2 padlockes 00 01 06 Boissard de diuinatione et magicis praestigijs 00 07 00 Mason of ye Consecration of Bishops &c 00 03 06 binding a volume of play bookes 00 00 10 Going by water 00 00 06 Toothepickes and Case 00 01 06 poore + 00 00 06 2 18 playbookes 00 10 00 binding 2 volumes of play bookes 00 01 08 180 stephens dyett 00 02 08 supper 00 05 06 9 playbookes 00 04 06 dyett 00 02 00 3 Sugar Candy 00 00 02 4 dozen of quart bottles att 2s 6d per dozen 00 10 00 7 pint bottles 00 01 00 A grosse of Corckes viz. 12 dozen att 4d 00 04 00 porter to Carry these 00 00 03 Stephen's dyett 00 00 02 Giuen 00 00 02 Seneing a play 00 001 06 Giuen little Thomson there 00 02 06 dinner and supper 00 07 06 9 playbookes 00 06 00 4 6 playbookes of Band Ruff and Cuff 00 01 00 Dinner 00 023 060 Seeing a play 00 01 06 supper with R.Moulton and A.C. 00 06 00 5 A Case of kniues for Sir Thomas Wotton 00 12 00 A box of mermal-ad 00 01 00 binding a psett of playbookes 00 00 10 A letter to Cambridge 00 00 02 Candles 00 00 02 181 2 meales for Stephen 00 01 04 2 playbookes 00 01 04 A whistle and a brush 00 01 02 A sett of seales and a bable 00 01 00 2 vices and a Cupp 00 02 06 per of bootehose 00 10 00 going by water 00 00 06 giuen 00 00 06 dyett 00 10 06 Seeing a play 00 01 06 2 volumes of I Sa?hakespear's playes 02 00 00 Ihonson's playes 00 09 00 Drexelius his meditations 00 01 00 6 per of russett stockins 00 04 06 binding 2 volumes of playbookes 00 02 00 breakefast 00 00 02 Giuen 00 00 02 6 yards of greene riband 00 00 06 A white Cornelyan ring 00 02 06 Seeing a play 00 01 06 Giuen little Borne ye boy there 00 02 06 Dyett 00 06 10 7 Going by water 00 00 06 Supper 00 05 06 8 Barber 00 02 00 182 ffpaid my taylour for all his worke. viz: ffor making my ashcolour Cloath suite with one galloune Crimson lace and opened with flopps 00 16 00 ffor holland to line ye hose with 00 05 06 eull' dim' of taffatty to line doublett and face ye pocketts att 14s 001 01 00 ffor strayte linings fustian &c 00 05 06 ffor a box to putt itt in 00 01 00 12-19-7 ffor making my bl[ack] satten suite beside a(?) Coate(?) 04 05 00 Ell qrter' of Taffaty att 14s 00 19 12 - 19 - 7. ffor all other thinges [blank] ffor half an Ell' of taffaty 00 06 08 ffor 9 yds of galloune 00 02 00 ffor all other thinges &c 00 05 00 halfe a yd of satten 00 07 00 blacke fustian to ly vnder ye suite 00 06 00 silke to sett ouer ye lace 00 08 08[f.35r] 183 16223December Second halfe yeare 28 ounces 1/4 of blo[ck] naples lace being 16 dozen, att 2s 6d per 03 10 08 ounce, to lace a suite all ouer 04 16 00 5 dozen of buttons 00 01 08 ffor making this suite laced all ouer 01 05 00 ffor halfe a yd of satten 00 07 00 ffor silke to sett on ye lace 00 08 08 ffor russett fustian to ly on ye inside of ye satten 00 06 00 9 yds of galloun 00 02 00 halfe an ell of taffaty 00 06 08 straight linings, stifning, buckarum, silke &c 00 05 00 This suite Cost. 6 - 13 - 0 ffor making my blo[ck] figur'd satten suite 00 10 00 Ell' qrter' dim' of taffaty 00 19 00 holland to lyne ye hose 00 05 06 Cloath to go with ye outside of ye hose 00 04 00 Buttons, silke hookes fustian, buckarum &c 00 11 06 This suite Cost with ye price of 184 ye stuffe beinge 6-8-0 / 8-18-0 memorandum: paid my Taylour William Henley for all his bills 7 - 19 – 0 paid Sinolphus Bell for 3 grosse and 4 dozen of Crimson purl'd scotch buttons 00 13 04 ffor Crimson(?) in graine galloune lace 00 04 06 1 ounce 1/4 of silluer edging lace for ye Child 00 06 00 paid Laundresse for all her washing 00 11 00 wine Clarett old: 14 gallon's and a quart att 7d ye quart 01 13 05 Giuen him that bottled them 00 01 00 ffor bringing bottles and Carrying backe to ffanchurch streete 00 01 04 2 yds of Canuas and pacthread 00 01 02 A letter to staffordshire and a porter 00 00 04 dyett for Will. King 00 00 06 binding 5 uolumes of playbookes 00 04 04 A boy 00 01 00 Supper 00 05 06 Stephen's supper 00 00 09 9 seing a play 00 02 00 9 binding 2 volumes of playbookes, 00 02 00 185 ffor smoothing out my Cloath of gold 00 03 00 ffor a new Christall and putting itt in, into my watch 00 05 00 Seeing a play 00 01 06 10 Soling my bootes 00 01 00 giuen shoemaker's boy 00 01 00 giuen 00 03 08 fagotts 00 04 00 4 bottles and 47 Corckes 00 01 00 giuen a whistling fellow 00 02 00 horsemeate in London 00 06 00 giuen ostler 00 00 06 Dyett 00 10 10 A false beard 00 01 00 Oyle and vinegar 00 03 00 wine in bottles to send into Kent 00 05 00 11 Dyett and horsemeate att Dartford 00 08 10 wine att Maydstone 00 02 00 12 horsemeate att Maydston 00 02 06 Giuen att my Cosen G. Hawle's 00 03 06 Redd wine and a bottle 00 01 00 -To porters att London 00 01 00 Dyett there for Stephen 00 01 00 Giuen 00 00 02?3 Bought 10 tame Conyes 01 02 00 13 Giuen Mihil when he fetched them 00 00 06 186___________________ 18-1-11 N L in this time being att London 030 065 017 _________________________21-168-0 paid Iackson for all ye gloues and pointes &c that I haue had of him 03 00 06 Will King when he fetched a horseloade of bottles with wine from London, and brought my horses to London and giuen him. 7d 00 08 00 21 - 16 - 0 ________________________ Spent this time being in London. 65 - 1 - 6[f.35v]December 1623 Second halfe yeare. 14 paid Miles ye Carrier for all 00 11 00 18 Giuen att Boucghton 00 11 06 24 paid my father for Quittrent to ye mannour of Boucghton, for 4 acres and more of land in willisborough Called Broad mead 00 01 00 187 paid (which he Layd out) for Composition for for my Landes in Pluckley. 00 04 10 paid Harry for ye hopman's worke 00 10 00 paid for fetching my horses from London 00 06 01 paid George Gooden for digging and for setting of 26 loade of stone in Chaltaglyh(?) and little Pikenwell 00 13 00 paid Ihon Bayley ye sawyer for sawing of 2411 foote of timber att 2s 4d per 100 02 16 03 paid Ihon Hunt for him and his boyes for all theire worke 01 1211 0007 26 My Cosen Mary Bell had 00 02 00 27 Little Anthony gaue his nurces daughter 00 00 06 28 paid Thomas Masters my asses vnto ye Church 00 06 08 29 Giuen master Partherich his boy 00 00 06Ianuary 2 Giuen ffidler 00 00 06 3 A handkercheife 00 01 03 7 Giuen att Canterbury and sturry 001 005 05 wine att Canterbury 00 05 09 barber 00 01 00 188 Dyett att Canterbury 00 047 00 8 horsemeate 00 04 0610 Three girthes 00 01 00 mending my saddle 00 00 06 9 Giuen Sir Ihon Sedley's man 00 01 00 10 paid for bottoming a siue 00 00 06 N. L. 00 03 00 paid George Gooden for digging of stone 00 04 00 11 Wine att Maydstone 00 03 00 12 Horsemeate there and for my owne horses and my men when I went to Chuse Sir Nicholas Tuffton knight of ye shire. and att Sandway for 2 00 046 06 16. Giuen att Boucghton 00 12 00 17 7 yds of stuff to make ye child a coate att 18d 00 10 06 18 paid Steward ye glasier for new glasse att 6d per foote 00 04 03 ffor mending of old glasse 00 06 03 ffor two new casements for barton's Chamber windowes 00 05 00 a linke att madyston 00 00 04 my man's dyett att Ashford 00 01 042 horsemeate there and giuen 00 00 08 189 hire of a horse 00 01 00 21 paid Ihon Hunt for all his worke 00 1912 024 paid Ih?acke Dauy's for attending on ye Child whilst he was att London 00 07 06 paid Browne ye smith for 9 scoare barres of iron for my Cony hutch att 15d per scoare 00 11 03 hookes and staples for ye same 00 00 08 500 of 2d nayles for ye same 00 01 02 ffor 5d nayles for ye same 00 001 10 ffor shoing, ploughirons &c 00 09 01 Laid out for Sir Nicholas Tuffton att Ashford in wine vpon ye gentlemmen there, ^on Saturday ye 17.^ as he appointed me: which was offered to me againe on munday ye 19 but I refused itt 01 01 06 5 yds of pyed thread riband 00 00 07 Tobacco 00 00 03 16 - 6 - 6 190[f.36r]Ianuary 1623 Second half yeare 27 Giuen my sister Margarett 00 02 06 31 paid Payne for a pound of broune thread 00 02 04February 2 Broomes 00 00 02 giuen 00 00 01 8 My sister Margarett had 00 02 00 9 Giuen nurse Simonson for attending my boy when he was sicke 00 05 00 A wine glasse 00 00 06 11 paid Ihon Hunt for Cleaning of pales 00 10 00 paid him for Cleaning ye iacke, and for wisping the trees about in ye beane garden 00 01 00 paid for 4 dozen dim' of moles? moales kiledde att 12d per dozen 00 04 06 paid Simon Mather?wes for ye peece of ground I haue taken from him 00 06 08+ 12 Giuen my Cosen M. B. NL. 00 02 06 13 Cambricke, and bone lace for my ruffes, bought by my mother 00 16 10 28 Giuen att Boucghton 00 11 00 Giuen there for seeing ye Church bookes 00 01 00 191 ffor help in ye gardein 00 01 00 paid Ihon Hunt for all his worke and his men 01 11 00 paid Bayly ye sawyer for all his work 02 13 00 29 paid my assesse to ye poore of Pluckley 00 06 08March 1 paid Harper for all yat he layd out viz: ffor a horsecombe 00 00 08 ffor pitch and tarre 00 02 00 ffor blacke soape and quicksilluer 00 01 04 ffor a pully roape for timber 00 09 04 ffor ye topp roape, a halter, and a fothering line 00 01 04 ffor 40 bushells of oates, viz. 5 seames for seede for Circens 02 00 00 ffor bringing them home 00 03 04 ffor a per of working oxen 11 07 06 paid Tilghman for 10 dayes worke 00 10 00 paid him for worke for Ihon Barton when Ihon Barton was sicke 9d+ Giuen my Cosen M B. NL. 00 02 06 5 Riband 00 00 03 6 Giuen att my Cosen George Hawle 00 03 00 6 Aquavitae and tobacco, and masticke 00 00 043 A porter had 00 00 10 192 A trunke 00 09 00 10 Drawing a Coate of armes 00 02 06 paid master tTaylour also for other worke 00 02 06 11 Laundresse 00 05 00 A Reame of royall paper 01 03 06 other paper 00 03 00 A knife 00 02 06 Seeing a play with my Lady ffrances &c 00 01 06 11 ffagotts 00 02 00 Going by water 00 00 06 A linke 00 00 04 Threade 00 00 01 132 12 yds of striped Dornex for Bertyn's Chamber att 20d per yd 01 00 00 12 dozen of Curtaine rings att 3d per dozen 00 03 00 Inkle 4 dozen 00 01 03 Tape 2 dozen for ye topp of ye hanginges 00 00 09 A brush 00 01 02 A torche 00 00 10 A ^double^ seale att armes of silluer double 00 12 00 15 per of boote hose 00 10 00 193 26 - 1 - 7[f.36v] 1623March. Second half yeare 15 per of gloues buckes leather 00 04 04 per of Kidds leather gloues 00 02 00 27 yds 3 qrters' of double tufted mockado greene all?nd yellow att 2s 6d per yd 03 08 09 Loss in bad gold 00 00 03 19 ounces of redd and white Cruell ffringe with a silke Cawle of greene for Bertyn's Chamber att 15d per ounce. 01 03 09 16 Binding a volume of playes 00 01 00 3 playebookes of ye Woman-Hater 00 02 00 A stamp with my h? armes in steele 00 05 00 18 A print Cutt in wood for to print blanke Escocheons in paper royall 00 10 00 Bookes 00 01 06 Canuas 00 02 00 porter 00 00 08 194 Going by water 00 00 06 A Curry-Combe 00 03 00 little bables for ye Child 00 01 02 19 Gieuen att Sir Ihon Tufftons house 01 00 00 Giuen els where in this iourney 01 04 05 per of bootes 00 10 00 Barber 00 02 06 Horsemeate this iourney 02 01 02 faggotts 00 00 03 A porter 00 00 04 ffidlers this iourney 00 05 00 Dyett for me and my man 02 15 10 4d yds half qrter' of oliue Coloured broad=Cloath att 17s per yd to make b?one suite and Cloake 03 08 00 4 yds of Deuon[shi(?)]r[e] bayes to lyne my Cloake att 3s 4d per yd 00 13 04 5 dozen of Chaine gold lace for suite and Cloake bweighin 7 ounces qrter' att 5s 8d per ounce 02 01 00 2 dozen of haire coloured and gold pointes to this suite att 14s per dozen 001 08 Canuas and stiffening 00 02 06 An ell qrter' of taffaty to line doublett 00 16 04 195 two yds half qrter' of satten to edge this suite and Cloake att 13s 4d 01 08 00Summ of 3 ounces of stitching and sowing silke 00 06 00this suite An ell and half of holland to ye hose 00 04 0013-17-0 Pocketts 00 01 08_______ Galloune to bind ye doublett and hose 00 01 00 hookes to ye suite 00 00 02 Drawing ye peeces of ye Cloake 00 01 08 Stiffning to ye Cape 00 00 04 ffor making this suite and Cloake edged and bottoned doune ye armes, and batc-ke, and with stripes before on the hose 01 00 00 9 dozen of oliue colour and gold baskett buttons att 14d per dozen 00 10 06 15 dozen of larger buttons of ye same making att 18d per dozen 01 02 06 1 dozen of gereate buttons for ye Cloake 00 10 00 A loope button with a gold head for ye Cloake 00 02 00 27 - 19 - 5 196[f.37r] 1623. Second half yeareMarch. [a smudged mark?] 3 dozen of gold and silke lace for my Cloath of gold doublett and ye hose to itt, weighing allmost 11 ounces att 4s 4d ye ounce 02 07 04 2 dozen of purple and gold pointes att 16s 01 12 00 10 dozen of buttons for ye suite 00 09 04 Taffaty to line ye doublett 00 16 04 ffor pointing ye doublett and for razing ye hose 01 00 00 ffor necessaries in other particulars 00 14 04 ffor making this suite 00 11 00 This suite Cost me beside ye outside of my doublett which was Cloath of gold giuen me by my mother, 11-16-4. ye breeches were vncutt velluett, which Cost 4-6-0- of ye price. Giuen poore + 00 00 06 Nott sett downe spent NL 03 08 03 this iourney being lesse then 3 weekes cost me 45 - 4 - 0 b?whereof part is not yett sett 197 douneMarch. 22 paid Arrowe the shomaker for all his worke 00 02 10 27 paid Stephen Kennard his wages 02 10 00 paid Mihill and discharged him when he went away 01 00 00 Binding of 2 volumes of play=bookes 00 02 00 paid for printing of 14 quire of royall paper viz: printed with blanke escocheons 00 08 06 A print Cutt in brasse for to presse my armes on my bookes 01 00 00Iune 9 paid Iohn Barton his halfe yeares wages 02 15 00 18 - 17 - 5 Spent this half yeare. 169 - 1 - 0 _________________ Summ totall of all this yeare 198 323 - 2 - 3[f.37v] 1624.March. ffirst halfe yeare. 27. 13 gallons, 1 pinte, and halfe of white wine, Clarett, and Maligo sack bought of Simon Willimott 01 15 00 giuen his seruants there 00 01 00 giuen to porters 00 01 06 ffor packthreade 00 00 043-7-0 Going by water 00 03 00 ffor horsemeate att Grauesend 00 03 06 my man's expences for 4 dayes 00 06 002 4 dozen of quart bottles, and 7 pint bottles, and Corckes to them 00 12 00 Giuen Stephen for all this iourney 00 02 03 Giuen att Boucghton 00 01 00 paid ye smith's bill for all his worke 00 11 03 paid him more for Curtaine rodds for Bertyn's Chamber 00 07 04 paid ye hopman 00 10 00 paid Ihon Hunt for Cleaning 200 5 foote pale 00 02 00 199 Item for 300 of 4 foote pall 00 02 06 paid him for himselfe and this 2 boyes about ye timber 00 12 09 paid him for other worke about stiles, and about ye barnes, &c harrowing 00 11 08 paid ye Mason about ye house 00 01 03 paid for Carrying a box to ye Carriers 00 00 06 per of stockins for Anthony 00 00 10 paid for 6 ridge tyles 00 01 00Aprill. 13 Giuen att Boucghton 01 03 00 paid for oates att Boucghton 00 01 06 my ordinary att Cockes hoath 00 02 06 Horses there and man's meate 00 012 04 15 paid Browne ye smith his bill 00 09 00 paid Bayly ye sawyer for sawing of 1204 foote of boarde placke, and rayles 01 08 00 Mending of my parler glasse windowe 00 01 06 paid Ihon Hunt for all his worke, about mending and new making of my gates Item for making a slide, and a rowll &c 0-1 06 03 paid him for hewing of timber 00 11 08 16 Giuen att Hoathfeild. 00 00 06 200 paid ye masons about ye barnes 00 02 06 paid for 14 ridge tiles 00 02 04 paid ye painter for all his worke, viz: painting ye parlour, and Barton's Chamber white and greene 01 10 00 24 Giuen att Boucghton 00 12 00 Stephen gaue ye taylour's man 00 00 06 he gaue vnto Sir Nicholas Tuffon's boy 00 01 00 Horsemeate when he went to London for to buy blacke for Sir Iohn Tufton's funeral 00 03 04 Dyett for him there 00 05 06 Going by water 00 01 04 His lodging att London 00 01 00 He gaue att his lodging 00 00 04 per of mourning gloues 00 01 06 4 dozen of black wouen silke pointes 00 13 00 per of spanish leather shoes 00 03 06 Bandstrings 00 01 00 A redd leather bagg 00 01 06 buttons and taffaty 00 01 06 his dyett 00 00 08 Giuen Stephen 00 01 04 25 per of spanish leather shoes 00 03 04 Giuen for sending a letter 00 00 04 201 16 - 00 - 07[f.38r] 1624Aprill. ffirst halfe yeare. 25. paid may ye taylour for worke 00 01 00 paid Theophilus Tylghman for 24 dayes work 001 04 00 paid goodman Beeching for all his worke and 00 04 11 paid -l?him for 2 new gate lockes 00 02 00 paid him fo-r one new horse=locke 00 01 04 paid him for 1000 5d nayle 00 04 02 paid him for 1000 4d nayle 00 03 04 27 Giuen att Hoathfeild when I lay there att Sir Iohn Tuffton's funerall 00 09 00 Giuen att ye ostlering there 00 05 00 Giuen Thomas Weild(?) 00 01 00 Giuen Anne Catesby att her marriage to Alexander Hart for tending my boy 02 00 00May 1. Giuen att Boucghton 00 11 00 2 Giuen 00 00 02 202 paid miles ye Carrier 00 01 00 5 paid Bayly ye sawyer for 959 foote of timber sawed into boardes, topp=rayles &c att 2s 4d per foote 01 02 04 paid for shoing my oxen 00 06 00 paid Iohn Hunt for half a day's worke setting vpp my boardes in ye barne 00 001 01 paid for ratts bane 00 00 06 Giuen Sutton's man for bringing a dogg 00 02 06 paid for a bushell of barley 00 02 08 paid H[enry] D[ering] when hee went(?) to Dower Charges for me 00 04 02 18 Giuen att Boucghton 00 12 00 19 Giuen ye seuerall s?Clarkes of 3 Churches 00 01 06 20 Giuen Richard Kenward of Dymchurch for &c 00 02 00 Giuen Andrew Hills for taking Care for my bitch 00 00 04 212 Giuen a boy that brought me word of my oxen 00 00 03 22 Giuen one for going from boucghton to Pluckley 00 00 06 Horsemeate and man's meate att Dymchurch 00 01 00 203 Shoing 00 00 02 25 paid Elnar ye taylour for mending Cloathes 00 02 00 paid him for making my mourning goune and hood. 00 03 06 29 Spent att Ashford 00 03 00 30 paid master Copley for small tithes, due from st michael. 1623. vnto St michael 12624. viz: for one whole yeare wh?for my selfe and my brother H[enry] whereof -- 20s. whereof my brother payes and. 01 00 00 paid for 6 yds of white tufted Can^uas^ att 15d per yd to make Anthony two Coates 01 01 04 31 Giuen my sister Margaret 00 05 00Iune 1 paid for 16 yds of white tufted ^Canuas att 15 per yd^ to make ye Child two Coates. 01 01 04 7 Giuen att Boucghton 00 13 00 9 paid Harper for all by him layd out for me viz: ye last payment to ye keeper of my hop=grownd 00 10 00 ffor 150 hop=poales and for bringing them 00 12 00 204 ffor hemp=seed 00 09 00 ffor shearing my sheepe 00 02 03 ffor other things 00 04 09 paid Stephen and giuen him 2d 00 021 00 paid Browne ye smith for all his worke 00 07 05 paid Bayly for sawing of 597 foote of boards &c 00 13 11 paid Taylour for sawing of ye roote endes of ye trees 00 01 02 Giuen Iohn Lucas for helping home ye timber 00 01 00 paid for rushes 00 00 06 ffor bringing tarre, pitch, and oyle &c 00 00 04 paid for oyle for my Coache 00 01 04 Giuen Thomas for dressing ye Coach 00 00 08 paid for a summe of priggs 00 11 00 10. this day I beganne a iourney into staffordshire, Darbyshire, Lecestershire &c and returned home on saturday August. 14. 11 Padyd Campian ye Carrier 00 05 00 To a porter 00 00 03 12 4 Combes and Cases 00 03 08 15 - 18 - 0 205[f.38v] 1624. ________Iune ffirst halfe yeare. 12 Dubrauius de Piscinis 00 00 06 3 yds 3 qrters' dim' qrter' of fine scarlett to make Cloake and hose att 3li' per yd 10 02 06 - 1 yd 3 qrter' dim' qrter' of of bastard scarlett att 30s per yd to make a Coate 02 16 02 1 yd dim' ell of fine scarlett to make a Coate att 30?li' per yd 04 17 06 3 yds of seagreene velluett sattene att 13s 4d per yd to make ye doublett 02 00 00 1 ell, qrter' dim' qrter' of taffaty att 13s 4d per ell to line ye doublett 00 18 04 6 yds 3 qrters' of sea=greene velluett att 22s per yd to line ye Cloake 07 08 00 - 3 yds dim' of scarlett bayes att 7s per yd to line a Coate with 01 04 06 206 paid ffor making vp a girdle and per of hangers suitable I finding scarlett, lace and velluett 00 05 00 2 dozen of scarlett and gold pointes 01 10 00 ffor half a qrter' of velluett more for ye Cape 00 02 06 master(?) Draper ye taylour's bill for suite, and Cloake 01 15 04 - master draper ye taylours bill for making my worse coate 00 07 00 ffor drawing ye peeces of itt 00 02 00 5 yds ^dim^ of dim' of greene silke wrought grogarum to line my best Coate att 10s 02 15 00 ffor marking that Coate to be laced 00 02 06 ffor making that Coate laced all ouer in spaces(?) 01 00 00 27 ounces of greene and gold Chaine lace for best Coate 07 16 10 7 doz: of greene and gold Chayne buttons for itt. att 18d per doz: 00 18 03?-66 ffor silke and galloun 00 09 08 31 ounces 1/2 dim' of seagreane and gold lace for Coate suite and Cloake 09 04 00 - 4. doz: 1/2 of buttons for my Coate 00 11 02 207 14 doz: of buttons for my doublett att 18d 01 01 00 5 doz: 1/2 of buttons for my hose att 20d 00 09 02 21 greate buttons for my Clo?oake att 2s 6 00 04 06 silke and gallown &c 00 11 02 Suite and Cloake. 31-16-6 best Coate 18- 0-0 Second Coate 7- 0-0 58-11-6 girdle and hangers 0- 5-0 pointes 1-10-0 14 A booke of ye art of glazing 00 01 04 A greeke testament in quires 00 01 08 Doctor Anthony's booke of Aurum potabile 00 00 10 2 shirts 01 06 00 Handkercheifes, Cuffs and bandstrings 00 12 00 needles 00 00 01 Lining and mending my hatt 00 02 06 15 A new scabbard, new Chape, scowring and new hatching my gilded rapier 00 14 00 penns and inkhorne 00 00 06 3 bookes 00 02 10 mending my watch 00 02 06 208 A suite of Cloathes for G. Elton 00 09 02 paid halfe a yeares schooling past att midsommer 00 06 001-1-8 paid for a qrter' to Come vntill st Michaell, to teach him to write and to find him paper pens, and inkes 00 04 06 paid for boa^a^te=hire, Clapses, and inkhorne &c 00 02 00 18 2 per of bootes and a per of shoes 01 03 00 4 per of gloues 00 13 00 A sett of knotts and a Chaine of Riband for my sister M[argaret] D[ering] 00 03 06 64 - 18 - 3[f.39r] 1624.Iune A hattband 00 13 00 A double seale of silluer 00 12 06 A mapp of England 00 00 06 19 paid my Landresse for washing 00 02 06 ffor dying a per of silke stockins 00 01 06 209 Seagreene riband for hangers 00 01 00 A surcingle 00 00 06 ffor Letters 00 00 06 mending my saddles 00 01 00 Barber 00 02 00 Blacke leades 00 00 01 An almanacke 00 00 02 Riband 00 00 04 to a porter 00 00 02 pinnes 00 00 01 Buckarum 00 01 01 Chamber-rent for a weeke 00 08 00 To a porter 00 00 02 21 Shoing 00 00 06 22 ffidlers 00 02 00 26 Shoing my horse 00 00?2 04?8 Oates 00 00 08 30 Oates 00 05 02Iuly. 2 Giuen Cisley skeffington a Chaine cost 00 15 00 ffor a letter receiued 00 00 06 Shoing 00 00 04 Stirrup leathers 00 00 10 mending my bootes 00 00 02 2 A per of bootes 00 2?10 00 6 ffidlers 00 01 00 210 washing linnen 00 00 08 173 ffor a Chamber att Darby 00 2?10 00 17 ffor a Chamber att Lecester 00 05 00 20 Oates 00 02? 08? mending my saddle 00 00 06 23 12 per of gloues 00 12 06 Shoing 00 00 08August. 4. 14 yd dim' of linnen att 2s per yd being a yard in breadth to make shirtes 01 09 00 6 Oates 00 04 00 A lime and Coller 00 00 06 A halfe Cheeke bitt 00 01 00 9 Sohoing my horses 00 04 06 R[ichard] Skeffington had of mine 00 01 00 12 2 playbookes 00 01 00 mending Cloathes 00 01 00 Going by water thrice 00 01 06 Seeing a play 00 03 00 paid ye Carrier of staffordshire 00 03 08 to a porter 00 00 08 paid Campian ye Carrier in part 00 02 00 letters 00 00 04 bables for little Anthony 00 01 04 Spent in dyett all this iourney my 211 Cosen H. Hawle being with me 06 17 08 Horsemeate all this iourney 04 01 03 Giuen ye poore + 00 09 08 Giuen in all this iourney, (whereof att my Lord Gray's 12s. att skeffington 10s. att sir William Bowyers 10s. att ffisherwicke. 1li'-14-6. att stafford 1li'-0-6d I say giuen in all beside to ye poore 06 00 11 Spent N. L 00 --14 05 26 - 2 - 8[f.39v] 1624. ffirst half yeare. Layd out by my father, my brother and by Harper whilst I was in this iourneyAugust 16 paid for a loade of lyme vsed att willesborough Iune. 25 00 13 00 ffor laying in ye sc? cells of ye 212 barne 00 03 00 ffor vnder pinning about ye barne 00 15 00 ffor another loade of lime 00 15 00 ffor a loade of tyles 00 15 06 ffor ridge tyles and Corner tiles 00 04 00 23 paid my father which he layd out for me viz: ffor one entire subsedy vnto ye treasurours &c 012 00 00 ffor one fifteene for all my Lands belonginge vnto Surrenden lying in Pluckley 00 04 05 ffor one fifteene for all my lands belonging vnto Surrenden lying in little Chart 00 03 02 ffor making of 22 acres of hay att 1s 4d per acre 01 09 08 ffor spreading 300 loade and a qrter' of dunge 00 04 04 ffor making of 1003 rodds of dike about Circens att 2d ob' per ye rodd 01 01 01 ob' ffor 2 per of stockins for my Child 00 02 00 ffor a lok locke 00 01 02 paid Long for mowing 00 01 04 paid Hamms for 12 dayes worke 00 00 0-810 213 paid ye hopman ye remainder 00 00 02 paid Tilghman for mending ye hedge about Circens pasture 00 07 00 paid him for threshing of oates 00 04 00 paid him for day labour 00 04 02 ffor rushes 00 00 06 A per of sto?ockins yfor ye Child 00 031 00 paid for 3 per of shoes for him 00 02 08 ffor shooing of my oxen 00 06 00 ffor drawing of 8 score shocke of hempe 00 01 00 paid Wood for mowing of hay 17 acres dim' att 1s-4d per acre 01 03 04 paid him for Cutting of sedge 00 00 02 paid him for helping to Carry hay 00 00 07 paid him for spreading of 300 loade of gritt in Long dane, att 1s-4d per 100 00 04 00 ffor a whorfe for ye mare to draw by 00 00 11 ffor hookes and rides for ye doore going vp into ye Church leades 00 01 08 paid for Shoing 00 01 06 paid for mending husbandmen's tooles 00 03 10 paid Theophilus Tilghman for 22?7 dayes et dim', att my new ponde att 214 mosewell spring 01 02?07 06 paid Ihon Wood for 19 dayew?s worke there 00 19 00 ffor weeding my parke 00 03 06 ffor pitching of wheate 00 00 07 ffor making of bonds 00 01 00 ffor reaping of all ye wheate in my parke be being 20 acres att 3s 8d per acre, paid 03 0911 0002 paid fo?reinde for mowing of 10 acres of oates in Ceircens att 1s 2d per acre 00 11 08 paid for bindinge ye same oates att ye same rate 00 11 08 paid Longley for knitting of eleauen lambes 00 01 00 19 giuen att Eastwell 00 07 06 giuen att Trappam 00 00 06 27 Stephen layd out for him selfe and his horse 00 01 04 mending a saddle 00 00 04 giuen att Eastwell 00 02 00 mending ye stable siue 00 00 06 g[iu]en att Calehill 00 00 06 28 SOrdinary and my mans and horse att Ashford 00 02 03 215 29 paid Iohn Hunt for his worke and his men att Pluckley Church wheouer ye porch where I Changed ye way going vp into ye Leades 00 13 11 19 - 11 - 11. ob'.[f.40r] 1624.August ffirst half yeare. 29 paid Ihon hHunt for ye Cloath hedge &c 00 01 00 paid him for worke att mill=Croft gate 00 01 04 paid him for mending my waggon 00 001 02 30 Giuen Susan my mother's Cooke when she went away 00 05 00 Giuen att ye taking say of a deere 00 05 00 giuen 00 00 03September 2 Giuen att Boucghton 00 13 06 5 A per of shoes for my self 00 03 00 Soling my bootes 00 01 00 paid Ihon Hunt for more worke about ye Church 00 01 04 216 paid G. Gooden for worke att Surrenden 00 02 06 6 bought a goose(?) for my greyhound 00 02 00 11 Shoing 00 00 06 paid Champian ye Carrier 00 00 06 Stephens Ordinary and my horse att Ashford 00 01 01 2 yds of peniston Cotten to make ye Child a petticoate 00 05 00 1 Ell of bayes Cotten to make another 00 02 00 13 Giuen att Hoathfeild 00 12 00 roome for horses att Kennington 00 00 06 Spent att Ashford on Saterday before 00 03 00 15 Shoing 00 00 05 Giuen Stephen 00 00 06 Giuen my sister Margarett 00 03 00 16 Giuen att Walter Mund's 00 00 06 17 Giuen Iack Dauy 00 00 02 Giuen my Cosen Honywoode, boy 00 00 06 Giuen one that tooke vp my hatt for me 00 00 06 18 Stephen's dyett and my horses att Ashford 00 01 01 Riband for Shoestringes 00 02 00 20 paid Ihon Bocher for his house and Land which I bought of him in part of payment 90 00 00 23 paid Harper for medicining my sheepe 00 02 00 217 26 Giuen one that found my hattband att Boughton 00 02 00 Spent att Ashford 00 04 01 per of shoes for my Child 00 01 00 paid my asses to ye poore 00 13 04 27 Ordinary att Aldington 00 02?1 001(?) my man and horses there 00 01 01 30 Giuen att Maydstone 00 05 00 Giuen ffidlers there 00 02 06 per of stockins for ye Child 00 01 00 Horsemeate there 00 04 06 giuen att Eastwell 00 03 00 giuen Andrew hills 00 00 06 paid Ihon Hunt seuerall worke whereof halfe a day about ye Church leades 00 05 00 paid G. Gadsby for shoing of 6 oxen 00 07 06 --- paid Edw: for hil?s halfe yeares wages 01 00 00 paid Stephen his wager?s for this last halfe yeare 02 10 00 paid Ihon' Barton his halfe yeares wages 02 15 00 paid vnto Tilghman for worke which he did for Ihon Barton when his eye was soare, which Ihon Barton was to pay but yat I forgaue itt him 00 09 00 218 102 - 14 - 10. Summ totall of this half yeare. ________ 245 - 6 - 3 ob'[f.40v] 1624October Second half yeare 4 Giuen att Eastwell 00 14 00 7 paid for black serge which made me a suite for mourning 1622. itt being left vnpaid by ye reason of my Cosen G. Hawle's borrowing of mony of me. 01 10 00 8 Giuen Ihon Lucas for helping att my new pond 00 02 00 10 paid Ihon' Hunt about ye Courtes 00 04 04 paid him and Hamms for hewing and setting vppe postes and rayles in farther Br(?)e?ant's meade 00 04 00 paid him for Cutting ye Cloath hedge 219 and for helping to fish a pond 00 00 08 paid him for 6 Conyes aliue 00 02 06 Giuen Thomas' for drying my hopps 00 01 00 paid Theophilus Tilghman for 5 dayes worke in mosewell pond 00 05 00 ffor drawing of Seede hempe 00 01 00 paid Ihon Hunt for 6 dayes worke for himselfe and 5 dayes for Hamms, about hewing of a logge for a penstocke to mosewell pond, for sawing of ye planke, for sawing and making ye bracers &c, and for laying him into ye dyke there 00 12 02 Ordinary and my man and horses att Ashford 00 02 06 mending a bridle 00 00 04 giuen Stephen 00 00 03 paid vnto Lanes quittrent due to Conningbroke 00 19 09 paid suite groa(?)te 00 00 04 11 Giuen att Eastwell 00 00 01 16 Giuen att Boughton 00 01 00 17 Giuen Harper 00 10 00 paid Harper which he had Layd out, viz: A per of fore=wheeles for a wagon 00 14 00 220 A per of wheeles for a horse=Court 00 11 00 ffor 2 villowes 00 01 08 ffor 2 spoakes 00 00 04 ffor a Cart saddle 00 03 00 paid vnto Long for mowing which was forgotten before 00 05 00 paid Theophilus Tilghman for worke about ye bay and penstocke, and 00 04 00 paid Ihon Hunt and Hamms for worke there 00 10 10 paid Ihon Hunt and Hamms a day about my pound 00 02 02 paid Tilghman for 3 dayes about ye bouling ground 00 03 00 paid Walter Mund for 40 ridge tyles 00 06 08 paid him for 50 Corner tiles 00 02 06 20 Giuen att Eastwell 00 14 00V. + 23 paid Quittrent due vnto Sir Francis Barnham' for Hinxell lands due 1623. 00 07 06V. paid Mathewes rent for Mosewell acre 00 06 08 Spent between October 25. and Ianuary 16?5, whilst I was att London, itt being ye time wherein I was ma^r^ried, and my stay in London being not a fortnight long after 221 marriage 26 A ruffe and 2 per of Cuffes 01 13 00 per of bootehose 00 11 00 mending my hangers 00 00 02 Lipsalue 00 00 02 27 Astrologomania 00 00 08 28. ffidlers 00 02 00 paid ye carrier for bringing my trunke to London 00 05 00 ffor Letters 00 00 04 paper 00 00 02 going by water 29 ffidlers 00 03 00 30 ye discription of Lecestr' by Burton 00 09 00Nouember 2. A looking glasse 00 02 04 ffor Cutting my Cornes 00 01 00 3 A siluer seale for Cisley Skeffington 00 10 00 per of bootes and galoshaes 00 13 00 Sealing per of bootes 00 01 00 5 A saddle Cloath 00 02 00 14 - 7 - 1d[f.41r] 222Nouember 1624 6 4 Combes of tortois shell, whereof one: 6s 8d 00 14 00 3 playbookes 00 03 00 penns 00 00 06 Lamberts perambulation of Kent 00 05 00 9 A beauer hatt 02 02 00 A hatt band 00 12 00 Dressing and Lining --? hatt 00 04 00 A stamp for silluer with [sketch of mark shown] 00 05 00 giuen Doctor Baskeruill ye phisitian a fee 00 10 00 10?9 A silluer seale with [same mark as above] 00 03 00 1?23?0 mending bootehose 00 00 06 2316? Seeing a play 00 02 06 1?274 Vincents Corrections of Errors in York 01 00 00 Theater of Honour and knighthood 00 16 00 A Common prayer booke with ye consecration of bishops &c. in folio 00 11 00 paid for enamelling of a ring for Cisly Skeff[ington] 00 01 00 29 Seeing a play with my sister &c 00 05 00 2 per of buckes leather gloues 00 09 00 paper royl?all 00 11 04 223 A laced ruffe and a per of Cuffes 01 18 00 per of bootehose 00 11 00 A laced Capp 00 02 00 A per of buckes leather gloues fringed with silluer 00 09 00 A per of thinne inner(?) gloues 00 01 00 2930 Binding of Lamberts perambulation of Kent 00 01 02 Binding of 2 paper bookes in folio for heraldry viz. in pastboard without leather 00 03 04December Riband 00 00 06 Candles 00 00 06 263 Stirrup leathers and mending my saddle 00 01 08 A warrant for to search in London 00 02 00 paper 00 00 06 mending bootes 00 00 02 blacke lead pencells 00 00 03 274 A per of etwizes 00 06 00 2?6 Seeing tombes att westmester 00 02 00 Sweete powder 00 02 02 7- Sweete meates viz: dryed sucketts &c for my sisters Frances and Mary Tufton att my chamber 00 08 00 Seeing a play with them and my cosen 224 bess Cecill and for a Light home 00 08 00 Mending and Cleaning my swordes 00 11 00 Candles 00 01 00 Curling irons 00 01 00 9 paid master Taylour for drawing 2 escocheons in colours 2 patternes for prints in brasse, and one sheete of pedegree 00 10 00 Drexelij Horologium 00 01 06 Lysander and calista in french in quires, 4s, and binding vp gilded 6s - 6d for my cosen Luce wentworth ruling with red lines. 2s 00 12 06 10 A Comb brush 00 00 02 paper 00 01 06 13 Going by water 00 01 00 15 Sweet powder 00 01 06 16 paid ye scriuener for engrossing ye ioynture 00 06 00 Candles 00 00 06 mending galoshaes 00 00 02 17 Bootes shoes and galoshaes 01 13 00 A hatt band 00 15 00 Mending watch 00 01 00 binding my greeke testament 00 01 00 20 Softe wax 00 00 02 225 ffor making of two bondes when I borrowed mony 00 02 00 21 Giuen Herbert ffinch for engrossing 2 parts of indentures about ioynture 00 10 00 19 - 1 - 1[f.41v] 162[4]December Second half yeare 22 A hatt for my little boy 00 05 09 mending bootehose 00 02 02 23 A greate leathered Chest 00 18 00 24 mending my pistoll 00 00 04 6 per of sockes 00 03 00 2 printes in brasse to sett armes on bookes 01 15 00 29 A my wedding ring 01 14 00 31 Riband 00 01 06 mending galoshaes 00 00 01 Ianuary 1. A new scabbard and mending siluer swoord 00 05 06 5 A Comb for my wife 00 01 04 226 12 per of gloues for my wife 00 11 00 8 A paper booke and brasse inkhorne 00 02 00 Candles 00 00 06 Sent vnto my little boy in single pence 00 00 06 10 giuen in? gilding armes on my bookes 00 02 00 11 6 silluer spoones att 5s 7d per ounce 02 11 06 1 silluer spoone for a sugar Chest 00 03 06 12 4 dozen of quart bottles att 2s 4d per dozen 00 09 04 6 pint bottles 00 01 00 4 dozen dim' of Corckes 00 01 06 13 gallons 3 pints of Clarett and white wine 01 11 02 7 quartes of Canary 00 07 00 packthread 00 00 03 giuen ye vintners man that drew itt 00 01 00 Carrying vp my basketts by water 00 00 04 porter in London to Carry and remoue them and the wine 00 02 00 paid for Ihon Lucas and ye wine Comming downe by water 00 01 06 horsemeate att grauesend 00 01 08 Ihon's dyett so long: viz. 5 weaks 00 03 04 giuen him for 3 dayes paines 00 02 06 The wine and bottles and Charge of 227 bringing besides ye horse is. [blank] 13. going by water for stephen 00 01 06 A horne and a sving for Anthony 00 01 02 A fanne for my wife 00 05 06 2 per of gloues for my little boy 00 0l 00 A false scabberd 00 00 06 2 bed ropes to Cord by trunke 00 01 04 packthread 00 00 01 ten(?) to-- A girdle and dagger for my little boy 00 03 06 [paper torn and smudged] --- -so(?) for going by water whilst I was att L[ondon]. 00 04 00 ffor torches and linkes 00 05 00 To porters 00 07 03 Barber had of me whilst I was there 00 10 00 paid Laundress for washing 001 05 00 grauing armes vpon ye plate giuen vs att marriage being 8 peeces viz. 16 coates 00 12 00 grauing a [same mark as shown on f.41r] on 7 spoones 00 02 00 grauing of 8 coates vpon a sugar Chest 00 05 06 paid for printing my white satten doublett 00 08 00 A blew silke wast Coate 03 06 00 per of pearle colour silke stockins 001 12 00 228 A gold and siluer embroiderid girdle 00 14 00 A per of silluer embroidered hangers and girdle 01 12 00 A red satten Capp laced ouer with siluer lace 01 02 00 2 white Capps laced 00 09 00 1 yd qrter' dim' of fine scarlett to make per of hose att 3li' per yd 03 18 00 40 yds of gold parchment galoun, weighing 15 ounces 3 qrters' att 5s 8d per ounce, to lay two in(?) a seame for my white satten doublett and scarlett hose. 04 0509 03 6 oun[c]es of gold parchment more for one about ye c[lo]ake(?) 01 14 00 5 doz: of gold paris buttons 00 05 00 6 doz: of gold velom buttons att 3s-4d 01 00 00 A scarlett neck button with a gold head for ye cloake 00 02 00 32 - 18 - 10[42r] 229 Second halfe yeare. 12624 77 ounces qrter' of black and silluer t(?)isshew lace att 4s 8d per ounce (puto) 13 dozen. 18 00 00 for 2 in a seame, pointes on ye hose and 15 on ye cloake. [blank] 5 doz: of bl[ack] and silluer parris buttons 00 05 00 14 dozen and half of bl[ack] and silluer Cheine(?) buttons att 20d per dozen 01 02 00 A bl[ack] and silluer necke button for ye cloake 00 02 00 so ye silkman had of me toward these two suites of Cloathes. 26-19-3. paid master Iackson for one per of scarlett and silluer garters and knotts for my selfe 02 15 00 1. yd of scarlett and silluer riband 00 02 00 2 dozen and two pointes of scarlett and gold att 16s per dozen for my second suite 01 14 08 43?^5^ dozen of scarlett and silluer pointes for my wedding pointes att 16s per dozen 04 00 00 4 dozen more all giuen away att 15s 03 00 00 230 a per of gloues bound about with scarlett and silluer 00 04 04 1 per of pinke Colour and silluer r-garters of ye very best ^for^ my Lady Mary ^Villers^ and my Lady Elisabeth Feilding 02 17 00 3 per of riche white and silluer garters to giue away 05 12 00 6 per of white Cipres garters embroidered with silluer att 10s per 03 00 00 per of bl[ack] and silluer garters of ye very best knotts, 2 yds of riband, and 2 dozen of pointes all alike, for my selfe after my wedding garters and pointes were gone 06 10 00 this ware besides others gloues and girdles and hangers &c, Comes to 29-15-0 whereof giuen away. - 21-4-0 7 diamondes added vnto some of my old ones, att 15s a peece, and 05 05 00 ffor setting of them into a forme of a heart which I gaue vnto my mistress, and for some ouerplus of gold more then he had 01 00 00 ffor a pointed dyamond putt in a ring 01 10 00 231 ffor gold and setting that dyamond betweene? ^and^ 4 other in a ringe 00 18 00 ffor a table dyamonde sett into a ring 01 15 00 The ieweller had 10-10-0. ffor my second suite. 3 yds 1 qrter' of white florence satten att 15s 6d 02 10 06 1. ell qrter' dim' qrter' of white taffaty att 13s 4d 00 18 06 6 yds 3 qrters' of riche Crimson plush att 32s 10 16 00 -- 1 yd qrter' dimq' of fine f- scarlett to make ye hose att 3li' 03 18 00 18 - 3 - 0(?) ffor my best suite ye silke mans bill. 10 yds dim' of rich black florence satten to make a Cloake and hose att 16s per yd 08 08 00 more of ye same to lay vpon ye outside of my cloake, bec as farre as ye vpper most lace because in worke ye other satten was raced 02 00 00 3 yds of qr' half qrter' of white tisshew(?) att 6li' 18 15 00 7 yds qrter' of rich black French 232 plush att 28s per yd to line ye Cloake 10 03 00 1 ell qrter' dim' qrter' of white taffaty att 13s-4d 00 18 04 the mercers bill for this 40-4-4 The taylours bill for making this suite and Cloake and buying other particulars. 01 19 06 ffor making ye Cloake with 15 silluer laces about and lined with plush 01 00 00 ffor silke for to sett on all ye lace, and for stiffning to ye cape &c 00 07 00 paid him for my other suite and Cloake 01 15 06 paid him for other worke 00 12 06 123 - 13 - 10.[f.42v]Ianuary Second half yeare 1624 Chamber rent att seuerall places whilst I was in London 03 08 08 ffiringdon' 00 11 04 Horsemeate 07 12 07 Shoing of horses 00 09 00 233 mending my Coach 01 01 10 Coach=hire and horse=hire 01 03 00 Dyett for my self and my man, and for another man 3 weekes, and for my wife 10 dayes 18 14 03 Giuen ye poore + 00 07 10. Giuen att my Lady Maydstones by me and by my wife 12s 03 03 06 Giuen my sister 10s. ye bellringers 10s, by my 00 10 00 my wife gaue master Temple 00 10 00 Giuen ye bellringers when I came to Pluckley 00 10 00 dd’ to my wife in mony 01 05 00 Giuen seuerally att London 04 17 09 dd’ to my wife in old gold 01 02 00 Giuen att my Lord Dukes att whitehall, and among his seruaunts att Wallingford house 11 05 00 Giuen all manner of wayes in ready mony beside to ye poore. 23-3-3. Spent butt forgotten wherein 05 0311 08 Layd out in all this time of my being att London. 258 - 3 – 0 wherein note(?) 1-18s-0 lost att 234 cardes and 13li'-14s paid Master Draper, not sett downe within this compasse. so ye true expence of this time hath beene. 242 - 11 – 0 Nouember _____________________________ --- 14. paid Hill ye free mason for a tombstone 02 00 00 paid him for in part of payment for [blank] foote of a cesterne, att 8d per foote, and for pauing att [blank] per foote 001 06 00Ianuary 20. dd’ my wife 00 05 00 ye prayers and catechisme made by Edw[ard] Dering giuen to my aunt Hawle 00 01 06 Allmanackes 00 00 06 giuen Andrewes my brother Ashb[urnham]s man 00 05 00 paid master Draper ye taylour, whilst I was now att London for all due vnto him, and for a blacke satten suite all? and all ye particulars belonging (except pointes) and for making vp a mourning Cloake vnto 235 itt, for Sir Iohn Tufton's funerall. circiter Aprill. 21. 07 07 00 paid him for 2 long buttons for Cloakes 00 01 08 Disbursed by my brother Harry for me whilst I was att London. per of shoes for Anthony 00 01 00 6 yds of Lace for a ruffe for him 00 02 00 paid dim', dimqrter' of Cotton for ye Child 00 03 10 1. ell of greene bayes 00 02 02 3 yds of fustian for ye boy 00 03 06 A new hammer for Barton 00 00 06 600 of 2d nayles 00 01 00 paid ye smithes bill 00 10 00 paid Tilghman for 34 rodds of dike about broade reede att 2d per rodd 00 05 08 paid ye mason about Surrenden 00 08 08 Composition for lands in Chart 00 02 10 ob' mending ye leades att Surrenden 00 00 06 To ye poore of little Chart 00 03 06 paid Theophilus Tilghman for spreading of 430 hills in Spring acre, and att 1s-2d per 100 and for 230 hills att 1-4d in Circens 00 08 00 making of a new racke for my cosen 236 in ye cloase 00 17 04 paid Ihon Hunt and Tilghman for all worke 01 00 08 78 - 1 - 2 ob'[f.43r] Seconde half yeare 1624Ianuary paid ye thatcher for 7 dayes worke att I and his boy att Ihon Bucher's house 00 14 00 200 of withes vsed there 00 01 00 5 welsh beastes att 53s ye bullocke 13 05 00 [small gap] __________ 31 paid ye smith for shoing 00 04 10 paid him for worke about ye house 00 04 08 paid for shoing 6 oxen Ianuary 15 00 07 06 paid Hamms for 7 dayes about reparations 00 05 00 paid Hunt for 4 dayes about reparations 01?0 04 08 giuen Ned Dering, Robert D[ering]s 237 sonne 00 01 00 Layd out for me by Stepha?en a London. Imprimis for a peece of mockadoe att 2s 6d per yd 01 15 00 A horsecloath 00 03 00 A sett of girthes 00 01 00 A letter 00 00 02 paid for George Elton 00 06 06 A per of breeches for him 00 09 00 A booke for him 00 03 00 A white bagge 00 01 00 ffor Currance, Sugar, Raysins, prunes, nutt meggs, Cinnamon, mace, Cloues, ginger, loose Sugar, orange confetts, and Carowayes 03 10 01 ffor a box and baggs 00 00 08 ffor a Corde 00 00 06 bought att ffeuersham, by Stephen halfe a bushell of bay salt 00 00 09 A gallon of white salt 00 00 03 A Couple of salt fish 00 01 01 halfe a bushell of onyons 00 00 09 A Cheese att 3d q' 00 04 04 Bought att London 22 of Ianuary of Thomas Smith in new pewter 54 li' 238 1/2 att 12d 1/2 per li'. 02 16 09 Item 6 porrengers 00 04 00 Item 6 sawcers 00 02 00 baskett, and Cordes 00 00 09 A firesheouell and per of tongues 00 03 06 -- 2 steeles and a smoothing iron 00 05 06 2 stuppe netts sh' sk' 2 skelletts 00 06 06 paid for Stephens dyett 13 meales 8s 8d. going by water 1s-6d, horsehire. 9s. bringing thinges by water to ffeuersham. 5s-8d. bringing home 12s. wharfage, towre draught, and porter'(?)s in London &c: 6s 1d: in all. 2-2-11. whereof my fathers part was. 5s 01 17 11 Giuen att London 00 01 00 Giuen Stephen this iourney 00 02 06 paid more for 2 dozen 1/2 of Candles att 5s 2d 00 12 11 A ferkin of Soape 00 07 00 12 li' of starch 00 04 00 porter 00 00 03 ffebruary 1. paid Hamms for 4 dayes about postes 00 02 08 paid George Gooding for 2 dayes and 239 his boy about tyling 00 04 08 5 A bedde matt 00 021 08 2 halters 00 00 04 paid Beeking his bill for ianuar[y]. viz: nayles for ye wheeles of a Court 28 li' 00 07 00 ffor shoing of them 00 01 08 A per of tuggs 00 01 02 1000 of 5 d' nayles 00 04 02 A hay cutter 00 02 00 6 paid my sesse for ye Church 00 13 04 paid for an hatchett 00 01 04 32 - 10 - 0[f.43v]ffebruary Second half yeare 1624 7 paid Iennings ye Cowper for 3 barrells 00 18 00 paid him for 2 Kilderkins 00 08 00 paid him for a brine tubb and couer 00 09 00 Item for 18 hoopes 00 03 00 paid steward ye Glasier for worke att Surrenden: viz: for new glasse att 240 7d per foote, new leading att 3d ob' per foote for Sodering and bonds att 2d per foote and for panes 1d per quarry 00 15 06 paid Ihon Hunt for himself and for Hamms 00 09 08 8 my wife gaue Mary Puttney when she bargained with her 00 01 00 12 paid ye Hopgarden=dresser 00 11 00 paid Ihon Hunt for a weekes worke 00 08 00 paid Theophilus Tilghman 00 03 00 13 dd’ to my wife 00 05 00 paid a fifteenth in Pluckley 00 04 05 paid a fifteenth in Chart 00 03 02 Composition in Pluckley 00 04 05 paid mathewes his rent att ^vntill^ St Michaell last 00 03 04 paid Bayly ye sawyer for all his worke 00 12 00 paid for 3 li Cloath for 3 Lininges 03 12 00 15 3 gallons 3 pints of Crock butter bought of Richard Hall of Hoathfeild 00 12 06 1 gallon dim': more bought of Danyell Hills 00 105 06 1. Cheese att 2d ob' per pound 00 01 04 6 pulletts bought of Thomas Lamben 00 04 00 241 Stephen spent when he went about my busines 00 00 04 Giuen att my fathers when I Came away 01 13 00 16 A Couer of ye meale tubb 00 01 00 A loine of veale 00 01 04 Bought att ffeuersham fayre ffebruary Imprimis 160 Couple of Codd att att 16d 00 13 04 6 Couple more att 20d 00 10 00 200 of redd herring 6 score to ye hundred 00 05 04 half a barrell of white herring 00 15 00 7 score and 13 li' of Suffolk Cheese att 3d ye li' 01 18 03 half a bushell of Carretts 00 00 10 A haire siue 00 00 08 2 pound of rice 00 00 08 half a pound of pepper 00 01 00 A basting ladle of brasse with an iron hande 00 00 06 2 l? pounde of figgs 00 00 06 half a pound of Almonds 00 00 08 paid a porter 00 00 02 his Stephens Charges and his horses 00 03 00 Loss in badd gold 00 01 00 242 giuen Stephen 00 01 01 A Cheshire Cheese weighinge 6, dim' 4d ye pond 00 02 02 21 paid Browne ye smith for all his worke viz. ffor Shoing 00 00 07 for a yexst---ger(?) 00 01 00 ffor a gridiron 00 01 10 ffor hookes and rides, and lockes and keyes &c 00 02 02 22 paid goodman mason for fetchng 16 Couple of fish from ffeuersham 00 01 04 paid for a bushell of bay salt 00 01 06 paid for a gallon of white salt 00 00 03 paid him for bringing other thinges home 00 03 03 23 Brimston 00 00 03 blacke threade 00 00 03 giuen Ihon Hunts girle that brought a Capon 00 00 04 24 paid Stephen Robert Pell for half a weather 00 07 00 paid him for half a barren 00 04 00 18 - 7 - 5. 243[f.44r] Second half yeare. 1624 paid Bayly ye saweyer 01 01 00ffebruary 27 Giuen captaine chalchroft's boy 00 01 00 dd' to my wife 00 05 00March. 1. Giuen ffidlers att home 00 02 06 Layd out for me by Stephen att London. ffebruary 22 et 23. ffor 6 ells of holland for my wife 01 04 00 ffor 3500 of pinns some black 00 05 06 ffor 2 dozen of trenchers 00 03 00 ffor 12 yds of greene linsey wolsey for Curtaynes for ye parlour window. 00 13 06 my wife sent Ioane my Lady Wentworthes ^mayd^ 00 02 06 1 li' of greate yellow nayles 00 02 04 1 li' of small nayles for Chayres 00 02 02 12 yds of girt=webb 00 01 08 A bedd Cord 00 00 07 10 peeces of Course hangings for our owne Chamber att 11s-2d 05 11 08 244 5 yds of blacke buckarum 00 05 00 2 li' of Allmonds 00 02 04 1 li' of pepper 00 02 00 6 li' of rice 00 01 010 100 of small square nayles for Chaires of iron 00 00 03 100 of small tenterhookes 00 00 03 100 of greate tenterhookes 00 00 06 A per of iron snuffers 00 00 10 A per of new Collers, or breast peeces for my Coach=harnes 00 12 00 A per of hand raines 00 04 00 A per of Coupling raines 00 01 08 A per of barring raines 00 01 08 Stephens, Charges my father bearing half: 00 05 05 paid miles ye Carrier in part 5s. Giuen Stephen 00 01 02 4 dd' my wife 00 10 00 5 2 ells of Cambricke to make me Cuffes 00 13 00 7 2 redd and blew Couerletts 01 04 00 A quarter of veale 00 04 00 8 giuen one that brought hither a black gelding vpon liking 00 01 00 12 paid Iennings ye Cowper for a water tubb to empty the buckett into when 245 they brew 01 00 00 _____ paid him for a Cleansing tubb 00 10 00 paid Ihon Sotherden for all ye meate I had of him before Lent 01 07 00 Bought att Wye fayre a stock locke 00 01 06 A little box locke and Charnells 00 01 09 800 of 6d5?d nayles 00 04 00 900 of 5d nayles 00 03 09 2000 of 4d nayles 00 06 08 giuen Ihon Hunt 00 00 04 4 yds and more of sacking att 9d per yd 00 03 00 ffor thread 00 00 11 A per of bellowes 00 00 06 Standing for horse att Ashford 00 00 02 A shoe on ye dun mare 00 00 04 paid Ihon Adman for halfe a weather 00 07 00 paid him for a Calues head and feete 00 00 10 14 paid vnto Ihon Markettman my last fifteenth for 85 acres in little Chart 00 03 02 17 paid Ihon Bayly for sawing of boardes for ye best garden knott 00 12 00 paid him for other sawing 00 01 04 Giuen Arrowes his boy for bringing a dog 00 00 06 246 19 paid Ihonson ye second payment for my hopgarden 00 09 00 per of stockins for ye Child 00 01 01 ffor a legg of poorke 00 01 10 A yd of hairecloath 00 01 00 horsemeate att Ashford 00 00 02 paid Ihon Hunt for a Cocke 00 01 00 6 wodden dishes and a boll 00 00 09 ffor eggs 00 00 06 20 - 5 - 5[f.44v] Second half yeare 1624March. 21 paid Iennings for a hnew hogshead 00 08 00 22 paid Ihon' Elmer ye Taylour for all his work Imprimis for making and mending of houshold stuffe 00 01 00 ffor worke for my little boy 00 05 00 ffor work for my wife viz: for fustiand &(?) Canuas 00 01 04 ffor silke to a goune and doublett 00 00 06 247 ffor making a loose goune and doublett of a straite bodyed one 00 03 00 ffor worke for my selfe 00 00 08 23 paid Browne ye smith for all his worke 00 06 04 paid him for mending and making of houshold stuff 00 03 00 25?4 paid Simon Mathewes for 100 li' weight of beefe 00 016 08 ffor 2 bushells dim' of pease 00 07 06 A touett of tares 00 01 00 12 yds of inckle for my wife 00 00 06 A Comb=brush 00 00 02 horsemeate 00 00 02 2 li' of shott 00 00 04 one paile 00 01 00 Another paile 00 00 09 A little gallon paile to take vp hott water 00 00 03Aprill. 4 paid Stephen Kennard his halfe yeares wages 02 10 00 12 paid Edward Southern for all his wages and discharged him. 01 02 06 6 - 9 - 8. 248 Summ totall of this half yeare. ________________________ 346 - 4 - 6. ob'. Summ totall of this whole yeare 1625?4. __________________________ 591 - 10 - 10. ______________________[f.45r] [whole page deleted; most entries are repeated with some differences on f.51r] ffirst half yeare. 1625.Aprill 2 Giuen Doctor Rowzer for aduice vpon watere showed him 00 05 00 ffor wine 00 01 04 my horese and man att ashford 00 01 04 249 3 paid Thomas Tylghman for 3 dayes worke 00 03 00 paid Myles ye Carrier for all due to him 00 10 06 5 going by water att London 00 01 00 6 poore 00 00 02 7 Barber 00 02 06 paid porter 00 00 06 A false scabberd 00 00 10 paid ye farrier for dressing my gelding 00 04 00 Chamber rent and fagotts att London 00 04 00 Dyett att - d by ye way home 00 07 10 Horsemeate this iourney 00 10 00 Giuen this iourney 00 09 08 Spent this iourney. 2-0-6. 9 Horse att maydstone 00 00 06 wine there 00 02 00 Giuen att Boucghton 00 03 06 12 per of shoes for my boy 00 01 00 paid Arrowes ye shoemaker for all due to him 00 01 04 2 drinking glasses 00 01 00 15 Giuen mihill wood a poore man and his wife, of Lenham' 00 02 00 250 giuen a poore man of Charing 00 00 06 2 bushells of beanes 00 06 08 A qrter' of veale 00 02 06 A quart of hastefers 00 00 03 16 paid Andrew Bentley for brewing for me and 00 02 06 paid him for barme 00 00 06_________________________________________________________________[f.45v] [blank] [For the next year 1625 Dering tries an experiment: he divideshis expenses into Household expenses and Foreign payments, theformer on ff.46r-50v and 62r, the latter on ff.51r-57r, the firstleaves of the inserted gathering. In 1626 he reverts to hisearlier method of combining the two sets of accounts starting onf. 57v.][f.46r] 1625 _______ ffirst half yeare. Houshold expences. ___________________ 251Aprill 3 paid Theophilus Tylghman for 3 dayes --- worke 00 03 00 12 2 drinking glasses 00 01 00 15 2 bushells of beanes to sett and sow 00 06 08 A quarte of hastefers 00 00 03 A quarter of veale 00 02 06 16 paid Andrew Bantley for brewing for vs 00 02 06 paid him for yest 00 00 06 22 18 yds of Course sacking att 8d ob' per yd 00 12 09 - 27 paid Theophilus Tylghman for 9 dayes fagotting &c 00 09 00 29 paid my wiues houshold booke from ye f? our Lady day vnto ye last of aprill 02 07 09May --- 5 A salt stone to stand in my Doue=house 00 04 00 6 paid Payn, for Brimston 00 00 04 Thread bought att Charing fayre 00 00 10 7 paid Browne ye smith for shoing ye plough=mare 00 01 00 ffor forging of plough irons 00 01 07 ffor steeling and setting a pitch=forke 00 010 03 Layd out by William Harper. viz: ffor 4 hogsheades bought att Ashford 01 04 00 252 ffor 4 barrells 01 00 00 ffor fetching them home 00 04 00 ffor one seame of wheate 02 00 00 ffor 2 bb' of pease to sow 00 06 00 ffor a bushell of beanes to sowe 00 03 00 ffor 22 bushells of barly att 20s per seame to sowe in Longdane, which I fetched from Lenham 02 15 00 10 paid master Copley for all small tithes due to him ffrom my self and from my brother Harry viz: due between Michaelmas and our Lady 00 10 00 15 paid Stephen Pell for all: viz: for 2 weathers 01 16 00 6 for 300 li' of beefe att 4s 8d per 20 li' in 5 weekes 03 09 06 69 for a qrter' of mutton 00 03 04 for 2 li' of sewett 00 00 08 5 ____ per stockins for ye kitchen boy 00 01 08 [The numbers above written outside the brackets, presumablysummarizing Pell’s expenses, are written vertically.] ffor mackarell 8 ^8 mackarell^ 00 01 00 20 A new key for my trunke 00 01 06 4 Lobsters 00 05 00 2 Lemmons 00 00 06 253 -- per of kniues for my wife 00 05 00 -- Bables for ye Child 00 01 02 23 paid Ihonson for dressing my -- hopgarden to ye full of 28s viz: 20ds before, and now 00 08 00 26 Bought att w(?)y by Ihon Hunt of 4d and 5d nayles 00 05 03Iune. 5 paid Danyell Smart for a Cowe 05 00 00 7 -- paid ye smith for shoing ye bay mare 00 01 04 for mending ye husbandry irons 00 01 10 ffor bayling of a paile 00 00 06 ffor mending ye grapple hooke 00 00 06 paid ye tinker for mending ye kettles 00 00 06 16 paid Elmer for worke for my wife 00 09 1?0 paid him for worke for ye Child 00 04 00 paid for a sowe and 7 pigges 01 02 00 ffor 2 stone iuggs for beere 00 01 08 -- paid Tilghman for worke 00 05 00 ffor shoing of 6 working beast 00 07 06 for 600 of 4d' nayles 00 02 00 paid Iennings for a new hogshead 00 08 00 Item for a keeler 00 02 06 Item for mending ye ashford barrells 00 01 06 - 18 paid Theophilus Tylghman for 6 dayes worke 00 06 00 paid ye taylour for ye Kitchin boy, 254 viz: for making his Canuas breeches and apron and po(?)cketts 4d 00 01 02 ffor bulling of a Cow att Sherland 00 00 06 ffor mending my wiues petticoate 00 00 06 25 - 16 - 9 28 - 10? - 6 27 - 1 - -[f.46v] 1625. _______ ffirst half yeare Houshold Expences. _________________Iune. paid my wiues houshold booke from ye first of Aprill vnto midsommer day 02 17 00 whereof lost by her att Cardes - 1li'-2s.6d. paid Susan ffowler for half a yeares wages on midsommer day 02 00 00 paid Mary Sharpe for so long as since she Came, vntill midsommer day 00 14 00 paid Mary Rutting in like sort 00 15 00 255 28 paid Arrowes for a per of shoes for ye Child 00 02 00 Item for a per of shoes for ye kitchin boy 00 02 00 paid Browne ye Smith for plates and bradds 00 00 10 A hay forke 00 00 10 ffor mending a staple 00 00 02 ffor shoing 00 03 08 Charges att ye fetching of Priscilla 00 001 04 per of stockins for ye Child 00 00 110? greene stuff for Anthonyes Coate 01 04 00 greene silke and gold lace 4 ounces 01 04 00 ffor 3 bb' of Char=coale 00 01 00Iuly. 1 paid Danyell Fuller for 60 bushells of lime viz. a loade dim': att 12s per loade, and 5s for bringing itt home 01 03 00 2 paid Andrew Bentley for 2 brewings 00 05 00 paid him for sissing twice 00 00 06 paid master Copley for all my tith hay in pluckley 01 08 00 11 A setting stiele 00 00 10 A pipe for ye Child 00 00 02 20 yds of linnen to make sheetes 01 01 00 15 Bought att Maydstone by Stephen 256 Imprimis: 5 gallons of wine att 8 per qrt' 00 13 04 1. loafe of sugar att 16d per pound weighing 12 li' dim. 00 16 04 6 pound of starch 00 01 09 half a ferkyn of soape 00 08 00 6 pound of sugar 00 06 00 20 li' of Candles att 5d per li' 00 08 04 4 ounces of white thread att 4d per ounce 00 01 04 A pottle of Linseed oyle 00 01 04 Browne thread and black 3 qrters' of a pound 00 01 09 4 glasses for preseruing 00 01 02 mending my mans saddle 00 02 00 A sleeke stone 00 00 04 horsemeate and man's dyett for those busines 00 01 00 24 paid Beeching for 4d' 5d' and 6d' nayles 00 13 04 21 paid Priscilla Pinion her wages and discharged her 00 13 04 26 paid Stephen Pell for all due to him, from May. 15. vnto. Iuly. 10th. viz: Imprimis 480 li' of beefe att 14s and att 13s 6d per 20 li' being for 8 257 weekes att 60 li' of beefe per weeke 05 010 06 0 ffor Lamb 00 04 06 |ffor an inward 00 03 06 2 ffor one sheepe and qrter' and a shoulder 00 19 06?8 | ffor 12 li' of sewett 00 04 00 7 [The numbers outside the brackets intended to give the totalamount owed Pell are written at right angles] 28 paid my cosen Ihon Dering for 12 seames of malt att 18s 8d per seame, viz: 2s 4d per bushell; which serued for 6 brewings, beginning att ffebruary ye second and ending ye first of August. 11 04 00 memorandum: there Came in two seames of malt Iuly 19. to begin breade? withall. August 1 and these are vnpaid? for paid him for 250 hoppoales sent in att 8s 6d per 100: May. 20: 01 01 00 37 - 1 - 9 312 - 5 - 6 258[f.47r] 1625 ffirst half yeareIuly. Houshold expences 28 Reckoned with Harper, and paid vt sequitur: ffor tarre, oyle, pitch, and a pott 00 03 07 ffor help to wash my Sheepe 00 01 00 ffor Shearing of 62 Sheepe att 12s per 20 00 03 02 A new payre of wagon ropes 00 02 06 A gallon dim' of ^Crocke^ butter att 3s 4d per gallon 00 05 00 2 Cheeses att 2d per pound 00 06 04 A touett of bay salt 00 01 00 A pecke of white salt 00 00 08 A pottle of vineger 00 01 00 paid Doctor Moseley for tith hay in Daneford 00 08 00 paid for a Cowe bought about ye begining of Iune 04 13 04 paid and discharged Owen Iones for 5 weekes 00 09 00August. 27 paid Ihon Marden for a meale bagg 00 02 00 259 Item for all other &c 00 09 08 paid Danyell Gadsby for a ring and new Casting of a weight of 50 li' 00 02 06 ffor a new weight of 20 li' 00 03 00 ffor mending 2 weights of 30 li' and 10 li' 00 01 00 ffor shoing of beast 00 06 04 ffor 2 pitchforkes 00 101 120 ffor mending a little bill 00 00 03 ffor a flaskett 00 02 06 paid ye Cowper for all worke 00 02 08 paid for bringing of Cheese att 10d per 100 li' from feuersham 00 01 08 ffor 243 li' of Cheese att 2d qr' per li' 02 05 06 paid Browne ye Smith for all his worke 00 05 00September 8 ffor lining my hatt 00 01 08 217 paid Ihon Sotherden for 7 score pound of beefe att 3s 8d paid 20 li' 01 05 06 24 paid Ihon Tyle ye mason for a monthes worke att 12d per diem for himselfe, and 6d per diem for his man(?), beside theire dyett wanting one day 01 10 08 paid Iennings ye Cowper for putting in 3 staues and mending of ye 260 hogwash toubb 00 02 00 ffor lining my tow hatts with russett taffaty 00 03 08 ffor 8 ells of hopse Canuas for 2 hopsackes 00 08 00 ffor pacthreade 00 00 02 25 paid for bringing in of 3 loade of tyles viz: 1500 att a loade, from walter Munds to surrenden 00 09 00 27 paid master Copley ffor all small tithes due between Michaelmas and our Lady day ^our lady --day and michaelmas^ 00 10 00 paid Arroes ye shomaker for shoes for ye Child 00 01 02 ffor mending my bootes 00 03 00 ffor shoes and mending for Bocher 00 03 04 28 paid Sotherden for 70 li' of beefe att 3s 8d 00 12 06 paid Walter Mund for 11500 of tyles att 10s ^8d^ per 1000 06 02 06?0(?) Item for 100 of Corner and Gutter tyles 00 05 00 Itpaid ffrankwell for 2 bedd matts 00 04 06 paid Stephen pell October 2. for 6 weekes v?beefe from Iuly. 29. to 261 September 8. att 4s 4d. att 4s. and att 3s 8d per scoare. being ye last payment due to him. being viz: 388 li' of beefe. 03 17 06 ffor mutton 00 0?12 00 Sewett one pound. dim' 00 00 06October 4 Reckoned with Harper and paid vt seqquitur: Imprimis paid for mowing and making of hay this sommer att seuerall places &c 03 12 01 paid Robert Iourdaine for 6 weeks att 1s 6d per weeke 00 09 09 ffor oyle 00 00 06 ffor salt a bushell 00 02 00 A per of stockins for ye Child 00 00 10 A reast augar. 00 00 06 A bowe wimble 00 00 02 An oxe yoake 00 02 06 ffor broomes 00 00 02?4 25 - 12 - 4 17 - 4 - 10?2 16 - 10 - 2? 10 262[f.47v] 1625 Second half yeareSeptember 30 paid Iohn Sotherden for 80 li' of beefe att 3s 8d per 20 li' score 00 14 06 Item for 3 li' of beefe sewett 00 01 00 paid for 2 Couple of rabetts 00 02 04 1625 ffirst half yeare.October 4 ffor mowing of Barly att 1s 8d per acre 00 04 00 paid Ihon Battherst for 3 weekes viz: for all his worke vntill Bartholmew day 00 12 00 ffor 5 gallons of butter att 3s 4d per gallon 00 16 08 ffor mustardseede 00 00 02 ffor a touett of bay salt 00 01 00 ffor 3 welsh runts and 2 heyfares att 2li'-9s-0d apeece bought August 23. 12 05 00 ffor a blacke mare of 4 yeare old, bought of [blank] Hall of [blank] for ye Coach 05 10 00 263 Giuen vnto Harper 01 00 00 _________ paid vnto Theophilus Tylghman for all worke done by him from ye later end of Iune vnto Michaelmas day att 3s 6d per weeke broake and whole in haying and haruesting. 02 025 06 paid my wiues houshold booke for all this qrter' from midsommer to michaelmas 02 00 02 paid more for mowing 00 05 00Nouember 4 paid Mary Rutting her wages due from midsommer vntill Michaelmas 00 12 00 Item paid Susan ffowler for ye like 01 00 00 15 paid my cosen Ihon Dering for 6 seames of mault att att 2s 4d and 2s 2d per seame which serued for 3 brewings from ye first of August vnto ye Michaelmas day. 05 09 04 25 - 10 - 10 Summ totall of this half yeare for houshold expences 264 98 - 14 - 11[f.48r] 1625 Second halfe yeare.September 30 paid Ihon Sotherden for 80 li' of beefe att 3s 8d per score 00 14 06 Item for 3 li' of beefe sewett 00 01 00October 3 paid for 2 Couple of Rabetts 00 02 04 4 paid for 2 seames dim' of seede wheate att 30s per seame, bought of Robert Vergen att Leneham to be sowen in Chaltagh' 04 10 00 ffor bottoming a seiue 00 00 06 ffor making of a gutt for ye brewhouse 00 02 00 ffor a tonnell 00 02 04 ffor a hoope 00 00 02 ffor a Couer to ye hop=tubb. 00 01 00 Bought att Maydestone fayre: october 6. 8 ffor 3 pottle bottles 00 01 06 ffor 7 quart bottles 00 01 11 ffor 6 gallons and a pottle of Ch?larett wine, filled into [blank] bottles of quart size, and 3 pottle 265 bottles att [blank] per qrt' 00 17 04 ffor 3 pottles ^and a quart^ of white wine in ^.6.^ quart bottles att [blank] per quart 00 04 08 ffor 3 pottles and 3 pints of sacke att [blank] per quart, filled in 6 quart bottles 00 07 06 A sleekestone 00 00 04 63 yds of white ^inkle^ Cotton to make blanketts 00 00 03 6 li' of starch 00 01 09 1 li' of Allmonds 00 01 02 silke riband 00 01 03 12 ells of holland to make my wife smockes and ye Child shirtes att 2s 8d per ell 01 12 00 2000 of pinnes. 00 02 02 horsemeate when I sent for these things 00 02 00 Stephens dyett then paid goodman Tylghman for 3 dayes this week 00 01 06 9 paid vnto Thomas Moater for 2 per of Course sheetes for seruingmen 00 10 00 paid vnto Ihon Woulton for halfe a seame of seede wheate for Chaltagh 01 00 00 paid Ben[iamin] Browne ye smith for 266 pforging of ploughirons &c 00 02 10 ffor nayles for a ^new^ gutt in ye brewhouse 00 00 06 ffor all shoing 00 03 02 11 paid for hastefers long since 00 00 03 12 paid Ihon Sotherden for 80 li' of beefe taken in on ye 7th of October att 3s 8d per 20 li' 00 14 06 15 paid Theophilus Tylghman for a weekes work 00 03 00 16 Shoing of oxen 00 02 06 A piper key for ye parke lodge 00 00 08 paid Richard Bocher for brewing 3 times 00 06 00 18 paid goodman Mason vt sequitur: Imprimis for 2 deale boardes bought att ffeuersham to make a gutt in ye bree?whouse of 00 03 00 ffor bringing them 00 00 06 2 bushells of bay salt, water measure 00 04 00 ffor bringing itt home 00 00 10 paid Ihon Sotherden for 60 li' of beefe 00 11 00 22 paid for vnto [blank] Den for 20 leane weathers of 3 yeare old apeece 11 00 00 25 paid vnto Simon Mathewes for 9 bb' of 267 seede wheate to sowe in Chaltagh att 4s 9d per b' 02 02 09 paid Danyell Smart for 6 gallons, one quart, and a pint of butter, att 3s 4d per gallon 01 01 00 29 1400 of 4d nayles 00 04 08Nouember 4 paid Ihon Sotherden for 80 li' of beefe att taken on ye 29 of october' att 3s 8d per score 00 14 06 Item paid him for ye like qrtit' quantity taken Nouember 4 00 14 06 A qrter' of porke 00 03 00 ffor herrings 00 00 04 12 paid Richard Bocher for brewing 00 02 00 ffor Syssing 00 00 06 A qrter' of veale 00 03 06 3 li' of butter 00 01 01 25 - 13 - 3[f.48v] 1625Nouember Second half yeare paid Iennyngs for a new hogshead 00 08 00 268 4 paid Ben[iamin] Browne for hogg=ringles 00 00 02 Item for mending ye husbandman's irons 00 01 05 15 paid Ihon Sotherden for 100 li' of beefe taken in on ye 11 of Nouember att 3s 8d per score 00 18 00 16 paid my cosen Ihon Dering for 6 seames dim' of mault att 2s-2d and att 2s per seame which serued for 3 brewings beginning from Michaelmas day. 05 10 00 memorandum that 20 bb' of mault Came in Nouember since ye last brewing which was ye last weeke. so itt is ready for ye next time, but paid for now. 18 103 li' of beefe att 3s 8d per score 00 18 08 a qrter' of porke 00 03 04 20 A new iron hoope for ye well buckett weighing 7 li' dim' att 4d per pound 00 02 06 paid Harper for 5 welsh beast bought on tuesday last. viz: 4 steares att 1li'-13s4-4d a peece, and one heyfar att 36s 08 09 00 Item one working branded ^pyed pye-d^ steere of [blank] yeare 269 old bought of Barling of Egerton 06 09 00 14 pulletts and Cockerells 00 04 06 A Cleauer and two axes 00 03 08 A sledge and one ^sockett^ wedge att 4d per pound 00 06 00 ffor 5 Chicken bougt by Stephen 00 01 06 2 Couple of fish att 1d per pound 00 03 00 Herrings 00 00 04 mending of ye Candlesticke 00 00 04 A Couple of rabetts 00 01 02 26 paid Miles ye carrier for bringing downe from London wine, stourgeon &c. att ob' per li' glasses, Lemmons &c att ob' per pound 00 08 00 paid hIohonson in part of payment for dressing my hop=ground, ye first payment 00 12 00 Bought by my cosen bringborn att London for me, Nouember 22. A dozen of pottle bottles and corkes 00 05 00 Nouember 23. A kegg of stourgeon 00 15 00 Nouember 24. 6 lemmons 00 02 00 ffor portage of thinges 00 00 07 27 paid ffrankwell for Carrying a letter into ye mersh to Bateman for fowle 00 00 08 24 bought of master Willnott att ye signe 270 of ye K[ing]s head in Leaden hall streete. 5 gallons. 3 qrtes' of Canary att 4s per gallon 01 03 00 A little rundlett to bring itt downe in 00 01 04 5 gallons, and 5 pintes of Clarett, and and of white in ten bottles att 2s 2d per gallon 00 12 02 one gallon and a pint of Ipocrist?e in two bbottles, att 6s ye gallon 00 06 09 30 80 li' of beefe att 3s 8d per score 00 14 06 6 welsh steeres att 3li' 13s 4d per steere 22 00 00 D?Carre and watching of them 00 00 02 paid Marden for sowing leather for flayles 00 00 06December 2 mending of ye buckett hoope 00 00 03 A Sockett wedge and a ring 00 02 06 A ring for a nother wedge 00 00 03 4 paid Iennyngs for a hoggeshead 00 08 00 6 Giuen William Bateman his boy for bringing wild foule out of ye mersh which his master gaue to me 00 04 00 7 24 Conyes bought of Sir Th[omas] 271 Culpeper his warrener 00 16 00 52 - 13 - 3[f.49r] 1625December Second half yearebetween 8 et Bought by my Cosen ffrancis Bringborne 12. att London december i. and spent att Surrenden december 8. 9 et 10. vt sequitur: 12 duck and Mallard 00 12 00 12 teales 00 06 00 18 Snites 00 09 00 A baskett Cord and portage 00 00 11 paid ye carrier for bringing these downe [blank] halfe a ferking of soape and portage 00 07 07 A box for Candles 00 01 00 5 dozen pound of candles att 5d ye pound 01 05 00 ffor a Cord and portage 00 00 03 A sugar loafe off []8d[]att 16d per 272 li' 00 11 08 12 li' of Currants 00 04 00 2 ounces of mace 00 01 06 12 li' of prunes att 2s 3d 00 02 03 dim' li' of nuttmeggs 00 02 00 4 ounces of Cinnamon 00 01 04 Dim' li' of ginger 00 00 08 2 ounces of best Cloues 00 01 00 6 li' of sugar att 13d per li' 00 06 06 5 li' of sugar att 13d ob' per li' 00 05 07 Annyseedes 00 00 06 12 li' of butter 00 04 06 Onyons 00 00 04 ffish 00 00 04 A per of bellowes for ye kitchin 00 00 06 4 Capons 00 05 10 3 neates tongues att Ashford 00 02 00 5 neates tongues att ye buchers heere 00 05 00 Giuen Sander Hart for helping things bought 00 00 06 A qrter' of porke 00 04 06 A qrter' of veale 00 02 08 A bullockes inward 00 02 06 Giuen G.Pout for help in ye kitchin 00 00 08 8?494 li' in one fortnight att 3s 8d per score whereof 3 Chines 04 10 04 273 Sewett 12 li' 00 02 00 A veale 01 00 00 A piggs harslett 00 00 08 5 yds of Kersey to make ye kitchin byoy a suite. 00 11 00 paid Richard Bocher for ridding of 12 trees 00 08 00 A Couple of rabetts 00 01 04 Stephens iourneyes to inuite guestes 00 01 04 paid Thomas Woodward of maydstone for all ye dry sweete meates att ye banquett 07 14 00 12 mending a stuppenett 00 00 02 paid Danyell gadsby for shoing of 2 ^per of^ beast 00 05 00 paid ye Carrier for bringing downe 110 li' weight of soape and Candles &c 00 04 06 paid ye other Carrier for bringing wild foule 00 02 06 13 paid Deward and Wood for grubbing vp ye part of ye Shaue in hennills without ye pale 02 00 00 Giuen december 10. to Robert Sir Thomas Wotton his cooke for helping allmost a weeke 01 00 00 giuen his man for ye like 00 10 00 274 19 Shoing my 2 steeres 00 052^2^ 010 25 - 1 - 11[f.49v] 1625December Second half yeare. 20 paid Goodwife Hills for helping in ye chamber and kitchin 5 weekes att 2s 6d per weeke 00 13 00 23 paid and discharged Mary Sharpe 01 00 00 paid for 80 li' of beife taken in on ye 16. december. 00 14 06 24 paid Iennings ye cowper 00 01 06 paid Oldfathers for helpe in ye Kitchin att Ned's Christning 00 01 00 paid Richard Bocher for help in ye buttery 00 00 06 paid him for brewing december 12 00 02 00 4 beere glasses 00 02 00 4 wine glasses 00 01 06 A per of shoes for ye kitchin boy 00 02 02 mending shoes for him 00 00 10 26 2 dozen dim' of candles at? 275 1-26-6d bought att Ashford, whereof abated for 30 li' of tallow 10s att 4d per li'. 00 12 06 half a ferkin of best soape december 3 00 08 06 paid more for help att ye Christning of Ned 00 01 00 27 paid [blank] of Smarden, for 4 dozen pound dim' of Candles att 4s 6d per dozen, all spent before december 01 04 06 30 paid Ihon Sotherden for 50 li' of beefe 00 10 00 paid him for 2 sides of small nutton 00 08 00Ianuary 13 paid Nicholas Pemble for 60 bushellsvid Ianuary of oates att 16d ob' per bushell 24. viz. 11s per seame, 7 seames dimd': brought home 04 02 06 paid Browne ye Smith for a new Coulter and a sheare 00 07 08 Irons to a yoake 00 01 00 mending a forke 00 00 02 mending of a mattocke 00 00 04 paid Elmer for making a suite, for Canuas, lininges, buttons, pocketts, and stiffning for a suite for Bocher 00 07 06 276 14 paid for 6 bpottle bottles of Clarett wine bought December 12. 00 09 04 Charges of bringing itt 00 00 06 ffor yest 00 00 02 paid Ihon Lucas for help aboutt ye Christning time 00 03 06 paid December 26 for 3 ells of canuas to make ba?ocher two shirtes 00 04 00 16 Giuen att my fathers when we came thence 00 04 00 19 ffor 3 gallons dimd' of Butter from mistress Spice att 3s 4d per gallon 00 11 08 ffor a Crocke 00 00 04 paid Richard Bocher and George ffreind for fagotting of 470 of fagotts att 5 groates per li' l00 In Henfellds shaue 00 07 10 paid them for Cutting of ye topps and rootes of ye same wood att ye same price 00 07 010 paid them for ridding a part of ye same shaue 00 15 00 paid Richard Bocher for Brewing this day 00 02 00 21 paid Ihonson his second payment ye full of 20s for dressing my 277 hopgarden 00 08 00 23 paid ye Bucher Ihon Sotherden for 3 weekes beefe viz. l080 li' att 4ds per score 01 16 00 Item a qrter' of mutton 00 02 06 24 paid Sir Thomas Culpeper's warrener for 2 dozen and 6 conyes aliue to store my groune with att 10s per dozen 01 05 00 18 - 0 - 4[f.50r] l[625]Ianuary Second half yeare 24 paid my wiues houshold booke for all houshold expences from Michaelmas to Christmas 01 15 11 28 Giuen a boy that brought word about my haysta^c^ke that itt was falling downe 00 00 02 ffor red herringes 00 00 04 paid Ben[iamin] Browne ye smith for forgeing ploughirons 00 01 10 278 ffor plates and bradds 00 01 00 ffor a bayle and iron hoope to ye bottome of ye stable paile payle 00 01 00 ffor hobnayles for ye kitchin boyes shoes 00 00 02 31 paid Frankwell for going to maydestone to fetch conyes 00 01 00February 20 paid Sotherden for 142 li' of beefe att 4s 6d per score 01 11 10 Sewitt 9 li' 00 03 00 A bullockes inward 00 04 00 24 ffor forgeing of ploughirons 00 04 00?44 mending a stuppenett. 00 00 04 A haps and 2 staples 00 00 02 28 6 wodden dishes, one boll, one drinking Cupp, and 12 Spoones 00 01 06March 7 paid for carrying of hopps to feu^r^esham 00 07 00 A grindstone for husbandmen's tooles 00 05 00 paid Deward and Wood for making of 46 rodds of hedge and dike between ye two Pickenwells and grubbing ye trees that grew out along there, att 16d per rodd 03 01 00 10 paid Harper vt seqquitur 279 Imprimis for a touett of bay salt 00 01 00 Att Ned's ffor 6 whinder's att Ned's christning 00 03 00 christning ffor 3 eeles 00 01 02 ffor egges 00 00 06 8 geese att 17d per goose 00 11 04 3 Ladles 00 00 04 A gallon 00 00 05 2 fothering lines 00 00 07 2A sowes one att 16s another att 11 01 07 00 5 gallons 3 pints of butter bougy?ht of goodwife Pell att 3s 4d per gallon 00 17 10 1?0 118 li' of Cheese att 2d per li' 00 19 08 A branded steere bought of Potkins 06 00 00 6 gallons of butter att 3s 4d bought of Knocke. 01 00 00 100 li' of Cheese att 2d per li' 00 016 08 ffor catch of [blank] moules 00 02 00 ffor pitch 00 00 08 ffor a dayes worke about ye haystacke 00 01 00 ffor a spade 00 01 06 300 of quicksett for my east feild 00 01 06 ffor ridding ye hedge along ye walnutt trees 00 05 00 paid to Richard Bocher and George Frend for ridding of Henfeildes 280 shaue 02 02 00 paid them for ridding a little peece of a shaue within ye parke 00 15 00 paid them for fagotting vp that peece of shaue, and for cutting itt out being but 200 and odd fagotts 00 09 00 greene cotton to make Anthony a petticoate 00 04 08 paid Edw[ard?] Nower for 2 steeres a pyed one and a branded 12 10 00 paid Gadsby for shoing of beast 00 05 00 36 - 11 - 5[f.50v] 1625March Second half yeare ______________ A pound of hayle shott 00 00 02 A touett of Oatemeale 00 01 00 2 gallons of oatemeale 00 00 10 paid for making 4 bushells of oates into a bushell and a halfe of Oatemeale, and a peck of itt into 281 gratts 00 01 00 A Seame of wheate bought of Lawty 02 00 00 half a seame of wheate of ffowler 01 00 00 paid Iames Henman for 2 seames of wheate 03 18 00 paid Him more for 15 bb' of wheate 03 13 02 giuen Harper in this reckoning 00 00 04 13 12 li' of starch and a box 00 04 08 half a ferkin of Soape 00 07 06 6 gallons and 3 pints of vineger 00 06 04 A vessell for ye vineger 00 01 00 A baskett, Cord, and hay kto pack vp in 00 00 08 14 paid the? Harper, for 2 seames of wheate bought of [blank] ffox 04 00 00 A touett andof pease bought of master Bettenham 00 01 08 paid Deward and wood for 2 dayes worke in felling of Pickenwell shaue 00 05 00 12 bb' of oates bought of [blank] King 00 15 00 paid my father which he had disbursed for me. Imprimis to Sotherden for 180 li' of beefe for 3 weekes whilest I was 282 att London 01 17 10 ffor suett 00 00 08 ffor Mutton 00 04 04 fforItem paid to Sir Thomas Culpeper's warrenner for 24 conyes att 10s per dozen to store my parke 02 00 00 paid for 7 qrts' of sacke bought att London 00 08 09 20 the Charge of Carrying of my old broken pewter vp to London by water from ffeuersham, 00 01 06 paid ye Charges of sending fower sackes of Hopps to London. Imprimis to ye Hoyman for ye fraight 6s. Item towards his a(?)ckett 8d. for wharfage waterbale and howsing 2 nights --- 1s-8d to porters for loading them 8d. for Cartage to haue them wayed. 8d. to ye weighers for weighing them ls-6d. giuen theire men. 2d. for groundage of them att Summers key. 4d. spent in ye sale of them. 3d. Summ of all Charge 00 11 11 paid to master sSmith for ye Exchange of old pewter (^he^ allowing but 6d per li' for ye 283 mettall of chamberpotts.) for new pewter att 2d ob' per li' for ye exchange of 71 li' 3/4 00 10 10 paid ye Carrier for bringing downe sugar [blank] Item for bringing of picture frames [blank] 212 ffor sweeping 4 Chimnyes 00 01 08 paid Richard Bocher for brewing 00 02 04 paid Gadsby for shoing of beastes 00 03 00 paid Elnor for making ye kitchin boy a doublett and for mending his breeches and for buttones 00 2?02 111 paid Theophilus Tylghman for 30 dayes ending March. 20 00 15 00 paid Ihon Lucas for 10 dayes 00 05 00 24 Candles 7 li' 00 02 06 Currantes 2 li' 00 00 09 Brimston 2 li' 00 00 10 garden seedes 00 01 02 100 li' of 3d' nayles to matt a Chamber 00 00 03 A quart of pease 00 00 06 23 - 7 - 7 [At this point the gathering of 12 smaller leaves, now 284consisting of 11 leaves (numbered ff. 51r - 61v) and a stubconjugate with f. 56, was inserted into the volume. The aboveHousehold expenses for 1625 continue on f. 62r where they end.Dering then starts entering his Foreign payments for 1625 on thefirst page of the new gathering, f. 51r.][f.62r][March] 1625 Second half yeare _____________________ 24 ffor forgeing of plough irons 00 02 06 ffor 2 keyes and mending of a locke 00 01 02 ffor bringing downe of wine 00 01 06 paid and discharged Susan Fowler for one half yeares wages when she went from my wife to serue ye Duchess of Buckingham 02 00 00 giuen her ouer aboue her wages 00 05 00 hemp 12 li' 00 06 02 Moules 2 dozen and 48 caught by taylour 00 02 08 Stephen's dyett and horsemeat att ffeuersham 00 03 00 paid my wiues houshold booke for this last qrter' 00 16 010May 3 paid Harper for la-yd out by him, 285 viz: In March and february vt sequitur: paid Fox for 3 Crockes of butter att 3s 4d per gallon 01 08 07 Item for fothering 6 beastes in Daneford per 15 weekes 00 07 06 paid master Bettenham for 1 bush' dim' of pease 00 05 00 paid Richard Bocher and George Freinde for fencing and fagotting 01 00 00 paid [blank] for 17 rodds of fence in broade ford mill feild 00 05 08 paid goodwife Codwell for 24 bb' of tares att 2s 4d per bush' 02 12 00 paid Harper for 16 bushells vt supra 0?01 14 08 paid Harper for 12 bb' of -pease att 3s 4d per bb' 02 00 00Feuersham - 15 Cowple of fish att 15d 01 02 06bill. 315 li' of Cheise att 2d qr'. 02 19 05february 2. halfe a Cade of redd herring 00 05 00 2 bb' of salt 00 06 00 13 - 12 - 5 ffor bringing these 00 04 10 giuen Sander Hart 00 02 0018-12-2 286 Sum of this halfe yeare ____________May 204?200 10 60 18?95 - 0 - 02 6 paid Simon Matheuewes for 11. Seames of Oates att 10s per Seame 05 10 00 Item for ploughing of 6 acres wanting 27 pererches 01 09 00 Item for a gallon of pease 00 00 056 _____________25-11-8 this half 206 - 19 - 6 yeare ____________ Summ totall of this yeares Expences in houshold Charge _________________________ 298305 - 143 -16 ______________________ [The Household expenses for 1625 that started on f. 46r endhere. The Foreign payments for this year start on f. 51r and endon f. 57r. See note at beginning of f. 46r.][f.51r] 1625. 287 ________ ffirst halfe yeare.Aprill'. fforreigne payments 2 Giuen Doctor Rowzer for aduice vpon water 00 05 00 Horsemeate and man's meate att Ashford 00 01 04 Wine there 00 01 04 3 paid Myles ye Carrier for all due to him 00 10 06 Att London. 5 Going by water there 00 01 00 6 Giuen ye poore + 00 00 02 7 Barber 00 02 06 paid vnto porters 00 00 06 A false scabberd 00 00 10 ye ffarrier had for dressing my gelding 00 04 00 Chamber=rent and fagotts there 00 04 00 Dyett by ye way home 00 07 10 Horsemeate this iourney 00 10 00 Giuen this iourney 00 09 00 Spent this iourney 2li' 6d. 9 Horsemeat att Maydstone 00 00 06 Wine there 00 02 00 10 Giuen att Boucghton 00 03 06 12 per of shoes for Anthony 00 01 00 288 paid Arrowes ye shoemaker for all 00 01 04 15 Giuen Mihill Wood a poore man of Lenham 00 02 00 Giuen a poore man of Charing + 00 00 06 20 Giuen att Boucghton when ^I and^ my wife lay there 001 00 06 21 Giuen att Sir Norton Knatchbulls 00 06 00 Giuen master Lamb ye towne=clarke of Hethe, when I was made free there 01 02 00 White wine and Sugar bestowed vpon ye Mayour and Iurates and freemen of Hethe, vpon ye same occasion, I then being Chosen Burgess of that port 03 06 00 Giuen att Oestenhanger 00 00 06 my ordinary att Cock's hoath vpon ye 19 of April 00 02 06 my man's meate and horse roome there 00 02 00 Sir Thomas Wotton had of me 00 00 06 22 paid Barrett for mending of my Clocke 00 04 06 paid and discharged Henry Norrington att his parting all that was due and more being lesse then a quarter's wages for less then a quarters seruice 001 00 00 23 Giuen a poore man of Herriottsham + 00 00 06 289 24 paid for 6 yds of gold and silluer lace for my wiues best gowne 00 17 06 29 ffor Riband for knotts for my wife 00 04 08May 6 paid for my horses att Hethe Aprill 21 00 01 04 paid for Shoing there, ^&c^ att Boucghton May 3 00 01 -10 Horses att Maydston. 00 01 06 Stephens dyett att Maydston. 00 01 06 Wine att Maydston and Berghsted 00 04 00 Giuen att Sir Thomas Wottons May. 34 00 14 00 Giuen att my Cosen Hawles May. 2 00 05 00 3 ells of holland att 2s 4d per ell: bought att Ashford 00 07 00 500 of 4d nayle bought att Ashford fayre 00 01 04 200 of 6d nayle 00 01 00 Stephens dyett and horsemeate there 00 00 10 7 paid Browne ye smith, for shoing and remouing 00 04 02 paid Harpers charges att Maydston when he went with me, att Choice of ye knights for this shire 00 03 04 15 mending my saddle 00 010 08 horse and man att Ashford 00 00 04 horse att way may. 11. 00 00 0-6 290 14 - 4 - 4[f.51v] 1625. fforraigne paymentsMay. ffirst half yeare. ____________________ 16 poore + 00 00 03 Remouing my trunke + 00 01 04 Thread + 00 00 01 20 Chamber rent att London 00 02 06 Laundresse 00 00 06 A knife for my selfe 00 03 06 Going by water about London 00 02 00 Horesemeate 00 15 02 Dyett for my self and men att London &c 01 13 01 Dyett att Dartford when my Lady Ashbornham and my Lady Dixy Came downe &c 01 00 00 Giuen this iourney 00 09 04 N L. 00 10 00 Stephen had of me in reckonings 00 00 05 26 Giuen att Boucghton 00 01 00 28 Bought a lattine booke, de Iesuitismo 00 01 00 291 Dyett and wine this iourney between 27 of may and 2 of Iune when I went to Bulloine in ffrance and returned home yett I dyetted most meales with ye countesses of Buckingham and Denbigh' &c - viz. for me and 2 men 02 18 06 Horsemeate 01 07 08 Giuen 00 14 09 poore Irish man att Bulloine + 00 00 06 A bridle per of stirrups and leathers 00 03 00 ffor shoing this iourney 00 01 00 Thread and pins 00 00 02 paid for my passage by shipp from Bulloine to Douer 00 15 00 giuen the boatesman brought me on shore 00 00 06 N L. his iourney 00 068 08 ffor my Chamber rent att bulloine 2 nights 00 08 00Iune. 56 paid for shoing my gelding 00 01 08 7 paid Leonard ffoster for his dyett and for horsemeat when I sent him from London 00 02 10 15 between ye 9th and ye 15th of Iune 292 when I and my wife, Sir Peter and my sister &c were att Douer and Canterbury attending vpon my promise to wayte on ye Duke and Countess of Buckingham &c. viz: spent in all - 8 6-17-0 whereof Sir Peter paid 2li'. 04 17 00 20 Giuen Richard Spice for making of a bond 00 01 00 paid Ihon Barton for 3 qrters' of a yeares wages, and so Discharged of him 004 02 06 paid and discharged Robert King for all his time and 2s giuen him 00 12 00 22 paid master Gibbert Kinder for one halfe yeares vsance of 100li' 05 00 00 7 yds of dymety and ye drawing of itt and blacke worstead to worke itt to make my wh wife a petticoate 01 08 0023.et 26. ye Sergeants fee to ye parlyament house 00 02 00 ye Chlearkes fee 00 02 06 giuen ye vnder Clarkes 00 01 00 A Catalogue of ye Knights burgesses and barons 00 05 00 293 Chamber rent att London 00 07 00 Going by water to and from London, and there 00 16 00 Hackneyes and posthorse fromm Grauesend home 00 16 00 Chamber rent att London 00 skere(?) 00 03 00 30 - 15 - 55[f.52r] 1625 fforraigne Payments.Iune. ffirst halfe yeare Dyett for me and my man 00 12 08 Horsemeate 00 03 06 Giuen 00 06 10 N L. this iourney 00 03 00 28 A new spring for my watch 00 10 00 giuen Andrew Hills 00 00 06Iune 4 Giuen for 2 mastiffes a?bt?ought att feuersham, to be giuen to my Lord Duke of Buckingham his grace 01 01 00 giuen Ihon Hunt for fetching them 00 01 06 dd' of a letter about them 00 00 06 294 11 A booke of ye orders appointed in time of pestilence 00 00 06 Dyett, and going by water and other Charges for stephen to London and backe 00 13 00 Giuen him 00 01 04 paid for Charges for schooling &c of George Elton vntill michaelmas 00 13 06 dd' master Royden before hand 00 05 00 An assesse for ye poore of Ashford when ye infection of ye plague was there 00 00 06 An assesse for ye poore of Pluckley 00 13 04 20 Giuen ye poore of Ashford ! att a generall fast 00 01 00 25 Giuen Ihon Lu^c^us Luccas att his marriage 00 11 00 26 The booke of ye forme of prayer, and orders for fasting this time of visitation &c 00 01 00 28 paid for making a bond: to Richard Spice 00 01 00 Giuen att Eastwell parke gate 00 01 00 Dd' to my wife to pay master Iacques vpon a bargaine made before ^we^ were marryed: viz: for a little 295 Clocke giuen her 10?8 00 00Iuly: 29 Spent whent I went to ye parliamentAugust 15. att Oxford between Iuly 29. and August 15. viz: In Dyett 02 015 00 Horsemeate and shoing 01 06 10 Lodging in Oxford for one night 00 10 00 Giuen in this iourney att Peckham, att Brasen nose College, att Merton College, to ye library keepers, and by ye way 02 06 08 poore by ye way + 00 01 08 poore of London + 00 05 00 The Catalogue of ye bookes in Oxford Library 00 02 04 Syngenia Caroli Butler 00 00 06 N L. 01 09 06 Sum: totall of this iourney. 8li'.-17s-6d.August 10 paid master William Bradshaw vpon his returne from fflorence 5 for one viz: rec[eiue]d of him in may 20s 1623. 20s. and paid now vnto him 5li'. so in all 04 00 00 17 Giuen att Eastwell when my wife lay there 00 18 00 18 Giuen Thomas wild 00 01 00 296 22 wine att Wye etc 00 02 00 Giuen Sir Timothy Thornhill his boy 00 01 00 25 Spent and giuen att Eastwell when my doggs killed a bucke and I tooke ye say 00 05 06 paid for 5 per of gloues for Nicholas Aspall 12620 00 03 00 paid Ihon Marden for all Chlarkes wages due till midsommer Last 00 03 02September 2 Giuen att Eastwell 00 01 00 8 Strapps to my saddle 00 00 10 3 gyrthes for my saddle 00 001 00 Giuen on munday last att my Lord Tenhams' 00 01 00 ffor shoing of my oxen 00 04 010 poore + 00 01 00 10 Giuen att Eastwell to ye Keeper when I tooke say and my doggs killed a brace of buckes 00 05 00 29 - 7 - 6[f.52v] 1625 297September ffirst half yeare 18 paid master moter for dim' seame of oates taken of him in Iune 1622. which he neuer asked for vntill now att 15d per bushell 00 05 00 paid him for a looking glasse 00 07 00 24 paid for 6 yds of Cobweblane att 2s 6d for my wife 00 15 00 Giuen ffrancis Ianyuer(?) for veiwing of ffishpoole wood 00 01 00 Giuen att eastwell 00 01 00 25 paid for liuery Cloath bought long since 001 10 00 26 Halfe a bushell of Tarras 00 01 06 paid for bringing of itt to Surree?nden 00 00 06October 6 paid and discharged Leonard ffoster from the time of his Comming march [blank] vnto this day being halfe a yeare and 3 weekes 02 05 00September 24 paid Ihon Tyle ye mason for a months worke att 10d per diem for himselfe, and 6d per diem for his man beside theire dyett, wanting one day 01 10 08 25 paid for bringing of 3 loade of tyles viz: 1500 att a loade, from walter 298 mund his ke?oll to my house 00 09 00 28 paid Walter Mund for 11500 of tyles att 10s 8d per 1000 06 02 00 Item for 100 of Corner tyles and gutter tyles 00 05 00October 4 per of stockins for ye Child bought by Harper 00 00 10 paid for a blacke mare for ye Coache bought of Thomas Hall of Hoathfeild then 4 yeare old and ye vayle 05 10 00 paid this half yeare but vncertaine when. viz.may. 20 A per of kniues for my wife 00 05 00 Bables for Anthony. 00 01 04Iune. 28 greene stuffe for a Coate for him 01 04 00 greene silke and gold lace for itt 4 ounces 01 04 00Iuly. 1. paid Danyell ffuller for 60 bushells of lime viz: a loade dim': att 12s per loade, and 5s bringing 01 03 00 11 A setting steele 00 00 10 22 yds of linnen to make [blank] per of course sheetes 001 01 00 28 paid and discharged Owen Iones for 5 weekes 00 09 00September 28 ffor 2 beddmatts 00 04 06 299 _____________ paid for 3 per of shoes for Anthony 00 03 02 A per of stockins for him 00 00 11 paid Theophilus Tylghman for all his worke beside hay making and haruesting 01 03 00Nouember 4 paid Harry ffisher all wages due vntill michaelmas 02 00 00 paid Stephen Kennard half a yeares wages due att Michaelmas 02 10 00 paid Ihon Hunt for all his worke, due to him att our Lady day 01 05 00 Giuen william Harper october 4 01 00 00 Item paid him for one full halfe yeare 05 10 00 giuen William Harper october 4 01 00 00May. 20 A new key to my trunke 00 01 06N L Iune paid ye taylour for worke for my wife 00 09 06 Iuly. Item for worke for Anthony 00 04 00 August Charges when we sent for priscilla 00 01 04 September mending my mans saddle 00 02 00 ffor lining one hatt 00 01 08 ffor lining 2 hatts with russett 00 03 08 ffor mending bootes 00 03 00 paid ye smith for shoing 00 06 00 4d. 5d. and 6d nayles this half yeare 01 00 07 300 41 - 1 - 6. ___________________ Summ totall of forraigne expences this half yeare. 115 - 8 - 9[f.53r] 1625October Second half yeare. 8 3 yds of white Cotton att 1s-8d per yd to make Childrens blanketts 00 05 00 6 yds of Dimittee att 2s 4d per yd to make 2 wastcoates for my wife 00 14 00 A psalter for Anthony. 00 01 00 13 paid goodman Hills for 3 dayes worke for himself and his boy in setting of ye Cesterne att Mosewell Spring 00 04 00 15 paid Ihon Tyle for 12 dayes worke in mending and repayring ye house vt supra September 24 00 16 00 16 A per of stockins for my wife 00 05 06 A per of stockins for my boy 00 01 04 8 12 ells of holland to make smockes 301 for my wife and shirts for Antho[n]y. att 2s 8d per ell 01 12 00 paid Theophilus Tylghman for 3 dayes worke 00 01 06 15 paid Theophilus Tylghman for a weekes worke 00 06 00 17 Giuen Leonard ffoster for his Cloake when he went away 00 14 00 paid Ihon Tyle and his man for one dayes worke 00 01 04 18 Giuen mistress Hayman ye midwife for being heere 3 whole dayes 00 10 00 21 Giuen att Eastwell 00 02 00 22 paid Theophilus Tylghman for 5 dayes 00 02 06 paid Richard Bocher for 5 dayes work 00 02 06 paid for my first subsedy due to K[ing] Charles 01 00 00 29 paid Theophilus Tylghman for 5 dayes work 00 02 06 paid Richard Bocher for 5 dayes work 00 02 06 paid for my first fifteene to K[ing] Charles 00 04 00 30 paid ye charges when I sent to] Chelsy for my Lady Ashbornham 00 10 00 Giuen to George Elton's vse ! att Battersey + 00 05 06 302 ffor wallnutts att 4d per 100 to sett in ye best garden 00 02 02Nouember 4 A knife for ye Kitchin boy 00 00 04 giuen Whitelockes boy for going of an errand 00 00 02 7 giuen att my Cosen Hawles 00 03 10 giuen att Berghsted 00 00 08 Spent in wine there 00 04 00 paid vnto Bess ffisher for vse of mony due vnto her Nouember 29 04 00 00 memorandum: paid vnto her likewise by my Cosen H. Hawle, about ye middo?le of may for halfe a yeares vse of 100li' dperue May. 29 04 10 00 12 paid Theophilus Tylghman for 11 dayes worke 00 05 06 paid Richard Bocher for 8 dayes worke 00 04 00 Item for brewing 00 02 00 13 paid Ben[iamin] Browne for all shoing 00 04 03 1000 of 4d nayles 00 03 04October 8 6 yds of white inkle 00 00 03 silke riband 00 001 03 9 ffor shoing 00 03 02 A pipe key for ye parke lodge 00 00 08 29 1400 of 4d nayles 00 04 08Nouember 303 16 paid for 550 of quicksett att 8d per 100 taken vp about Charing hill, for my east feild 00 03 08 20 2000 of 4d nayles 00 06 08 Shoing my roane gelding 00 01 08 A round nett for ye warrenner 00 01 06 yearne to mend ye Cony=hay 00 00 02 19 - 5 - 1[f.53v] 1625Nouember Second half yeare 22 4 gilt knobbs for ye bedd in ye parlour chamber 00 10 00 -- 6 Venice beere glasses and ye box 00 11 00 A Case of kniues 00 10 00 Giuen att Knoll att ye E[arl] of Dorsetts 00 04 00 23 -- Giuen att Peckam att Sir William Twisdens 00 05 06 Spent att Maydstone 00 00 06 Barber th?here 00 01 00 27 paid Ionas Parker for 3 dayes vse of 304 his mare 00 02 00 -- Giuen a messenger that brought a letter from Sir Roger Twisden 00 02 00 30 paid ye glasyer for 58 quarryes of glasse 00 04 06 ffor Sodering of 37?1 foote of att 2d ob' per foote 00 05 002 New leading two casements 00 01 00 paid goodman Simonson for 25 yds ^dim':^ of linnen to make sheetes att 1s per yd 00?1 05 00 A hatt for Anthony 00 05 00 Letters 00 00 03 2 padlockes with 3 keyes apeece 00 04 06 paid Ihon Marden for 6 skinnes 3 tand 3 white 00 04 06December 1 Giuen att Mersham. 00 00 06 poore + 00 00 06 2 3000 of 4d nayles 00 10 00 paid ye smith for other worke 00 00 092 paid stephen vt sequitur. Imprimis gloues for my wife 00 02 00 Horsemeate 00 02 08 ffor nayling 00 00 04 ffor 1?-0?^5^ meales 00 1403 004 ffire 00 00 04 305 giuen 00 01 04 5 Giuen att Mersham 00 05 06 giuen att Eastwell 00 00 06 giuen the midwife mistress Ely, and ye nurse att Eastwell when Sir Wiilliam Twisden, my mother and I did Christen George ffinch this day to each of them 22s 02 04 00 5 Giuen att Kennington Church 00 00 06 8 Giuen mistress Ely ye midwife for bringing my wife to bedd of there? a sonne 03 00 00 giuen master Ashborne that brought a gilt Cupp from my Lord Gray to ye Christining of ned 01 02 00 giuen William Esday who brought a gilt pott from my Lady Wentworth then 00 10 00 M.B.NL: 00 05 06 10 Giuen goodwife Rutting for keeping in my wife 5 weekes 01 05 00 13 100 of nayles 00 00 04 2 yds dim' of shagg bayes to make my wife a petticoate 00 10 00 4 yds of Cobbwebb lane for my wife when she lay in 00 08 00 306 Oyle for ye Coache 00 01 00 Blanketts for ye Child 00 06 00 3 yds ^more^ of white Cotton att 20d per yd 00 05 00 A paid ofTheophilus Tilghman for all worke ended december 4 00 02 06 A per of shoes for my wife 00 02 00 15 Giuen att Eastwell 00 00 06 8 - 13 - 3[f.54r]December 1625 16 2 Course tykes for seruingmen's bedds 00 16 00 Tyke for 2 bolsters 6 yds att 16d per yd 00 08 00 17 paid Browne ye Smith for shoing 00 02 05 ffor iron pinnes for a bedd 00 00 03 3000 of 4d nayles 00 10 00 18 paid to ye watching att shorne Cliffe 00 01 06 bringing a letter from London 00 00 04 20 paid Richard Spice for halfe yeares vse of 100li' 04 00 00 21 Giuen ye poore prisoners of Maydstone 307 goale + 00 02 00 paid Ihon woulton for 14 yds of white stuffe to make my wife a gowne att 2s 2d 01 10 00 24 3 yds of yeallow cotton att 19d per yd to make Ned his first coate 00 04 09 2 yds of fine peneston att 2s 4d to make him petticoates 00 04 08 paid Theophilus Tylghman for all his work 00 08 03 24 Almanackes 00 00 04 Inkle for stooles 00 00 06 4 dozen beere glasses 00 02 00 4 wine glasses 00 01 06 paid Arroes for 2 per of shoes for Anthony 00 02 04 ffor thread 00 00 02 A per of giuen to ye shoemakers box 00 00 06 26 14 ells 3 qrters' of Canuas att 15d per ell to make 2 bedds and 2 bolsters 00 18 06 3 ells of Canuas att 16d per ell to 00 04 00 2930 Giuen att Eastwell 00 01 00 giuen helpers when ye coach was ouerthrowne 00 001 00 31 Giuen to make vp ye fee of a Doe sent me from Eastwell vnto my fathers 308 house, he paying 11s 00 04 00Ianuary 3 Giuen Sir Norton Knatchbull'svid. Ianuary 24. messenger 00 02 06 4 paid for Composition in Pluckley 00 05 06 Composition in little Chart 00 02 10 5 Assesse to ye poore of Pluckley 00 06 08 9 Supper att maydestone 00 05 00 Giuen att moate 00 02 00 11 per of Course stockins 00 04 06 12 giuen in Canterbury Church 00 00 06 giuen att Chillham Church 00 00 06 giuen att master Deane Bargraues 00 04 00 Horsemeate att Canterbury 00 05 00 13 paid Browne ye smith for 1000 4d nayles 00 03 04 ffor shoing 00 03 02 paid Ihon Ellmer ye tayler vt sequitur: Imprimis for making 2 dimittee wastcoates for my wife 00 01 04 ffor making her white gowne and wastcoate 00 03 00 ffustian for ye stayes and to bordure yat gowne 00 00 08 ffor making Anthonys greene coate 2s 6d silk 7d canuas 4d 00 03 04 ffor making my wife a shagg 309 p-eticoate 00 00 08 for making little Ned a coate 3 wastcoates and for fustian &c 00 04 08 N L ye Last iourney 00 03 02 14 A yd of w[hi?]t[e?] Cotton for Ned 00 01 04 A band pott 00 00 10 A per of hose for ned 00 00 06 pinnes 2000 00 01 06 13 - 3 - 0[f.54v] 1625Ianuary Second half yeare 15 A per of gloues for Anthony 00 01 00 paid Ihon Lucas for a iourney to Douer 00 03 00 Giuen Robert Pell when He brought me my mastiff dogg whickh his father had kept 00 01 00 19 paid ffrankwell for leading a mastiffe to Douer 00 02 06 20 Giuen att Eastwell 00 02 00 dd' to my Lady Ashbornham, to pay for a gowne for my wife bought a greate 310 while since viz. 10 00 00 24 paid Thomas Tilghman for 1100 of quicksett att 6d per 100 00 05 06 paid Theophilus Tylghman for 19 dayes ending vpon January 21 00 09 06 _______ paid these things layde out by my wife but not belonging to ye houshold booke, last qrter' Imprimis Giuen to Goodwife Rutting october 7. 00 02 00 Needles and laces October 31 00 00 04 Item yd dim' of bone lace 00 00 06 giuen my fathers Coachman 00 00 06 giuen Meg Codwell for working a breadth of my wiues petticoate. Nouember 16 00 02 00 powder blew Nouember 22 00 00 01 A maske for my wife 00 01 08 Blew thread 29 00 00 02 ffor Rushes december 3 00 00 04 Giuen Stephen Pennard by my wife december 12 00 02 00 dd' to nurse Simonson ^markettman^ for soape and candles 00 05 00 giuen nurses mayd then. december 17 00 01 00 311 pder of hose and per of sleueues for Ned 00 00 08 per of shoes for him 00 00 06 3 qrters' of lace for him 00 00 09 3 qrters' of tufted Canuas for him 00 01 04 25 paid [blank] Long for 300 of quicksett 00 01 06 paid him for 400 more 00 02 00 paid [blank] Price for 250 of quicksett 00 00?1 093 Giuen goodman Sutton's man for comming from douer to me about ye doggs 00 02 00 26 paid [blank] Long for 300 of quicksett 00 01 06 Giuen Stephen 00 01 00 27 paid Thomas Tylghman for 200 of quicksett 00 01 00 28 paid ye widow champneys for half a yeares vse of 1?100li', and ye principall paid in 04 00 00 paid Stephen vt sequitur: Imprimis for shoing 00 01 06 Giuen in my iourney about ye knights of ye shire by him 00 00 08 ffor a linke 00 00 04 ffor horsemeate 00 01 02 ffor going by water 00 00 02 312 paid for dying of an old damaske petticoate of my wiues 00 04 06 paid B. Browne for 1000 of 4d nayles 00 03 04 Item for shoing 00 01 05 paid [blank] Deward and [blank] Wood for making 45 roddes of double dike att 8d one and 1d ye other as they reckoned itt, but rather 7d one and 2d ye other and for laying 3 rowes of quicksett and setting one other vpright: att on ye south and East side of my east feild there being 19 roddes on ye south, and 15 rodds on ye east from ye middle gate to ye corner, and 11 rodds from that corner to ye hedge and stile by greate pickenwell hedge. which eleuen rodds they made in 2 dayes dim' 01 13 06 18 - 19 - 2[f.55r] 1625 313Ianuary Second half yeare 29 Giuen Thomas and Andrew Hills 00 00 09February poore 00 00 07?9between 1. A fiddle for little Anthony 00 01 00and ye 20. Roome to see ye K[ing]s going toatt London. parliament 00 13 04 A beauer hatt 02 02 00 paid for my white satten doublett Cutt in panes razed, without any lace, and for all ye stuffe satten, taffaty, bla? buttons &c, and making. whereof ye satten and taffaty 3-14-0 05 04 00 A booke of ye monuments in Paules 00 00 06 Barber 00 03 06 A per of riding bootes 00 12 00 Soaling a per of bootes 00 01 00 paid for new hatching of my guilt rapier, for a new veluett scabberd, a Cappcase and false scab[er]d 01 16 00 5 bookes att ye second hand 00 16 00 paid Laundress 00 05 00 A linke 00 00 04 Cloake bagg stringes 2 per 00 01 06 A booke for mustering 00 00 06 A Coppy of ye names of ye parliament 314 men 00 05 00 6 per of gloues for my wife 00 06 06 A purse for her 00 02 06 A little silluer locke and key to hang in her hair 00 05 00 other toyes for her 00 00 06 pens 00 01 00 blacke leades 00 00 03 A generall bill of ye plague 1603. et 1625 00 00 03 Another booke of mustering 00 00 08 4 large new pewter Candlestickes 00 09 00 A bandpott, 2 Chamberpotts, and 2 flagons for beere 01 04 00 A Close stoole without a pan 00 06 06 A fiddle for Anthony 00 01 00 bought of master Crofton att ye signe of ye bl[ack] Eagle - -nerere popes head ally, february l7. Imprimis 6 high table Chaires att 16s 04 16 00 [the cost of each chair was added in pencil] one greate Chaire with wodden armes 01 10 00 6 high stooles att 10s 03 00 00 one Cupboard Cloath 03 05 00 A side board Carpett 03 05 00 All these of turky worke with white 315 ground. Buckarum Couers to all ye Chaires and stooles 01 10 00 Matts to packe these in. 00 04 02 4 peeces of matt to matt a Chamber being 30 yds a peece att 4s 6d per peece 00 18 00 2 pound of packthread 00 01 04 2 needles 00 00 06 Mending my white doublett 00 04 00 A white fustian wastcoate buttoned 00 14 00 A knife 00 01 02 Chamber rent att master Hydes for 17 nights 01 00 00 ffire there 00 05 00 A booke of ye postures of souldiers 00 02 06 4 ounces dim' of ashcolour lace att 2s 4d per ounce to lay vpon my wiues petticoate 3 doz. 8 00 10 06 1 ounce dim' of coloured silkes for my wife 00 03 00 Toyes for Anthony 00 00 06 A booke of armes of ye baronetts painted 00?2 10 00 39 - 1 - 0 316[f.55v] 1625 Second half yeare Charge of portage. 6d. Candles 00 00 10 Going by water 00 04 00 Giuen att this time being in London 00 16 00 Dyett for me and my man 18 dayes 04 06 05 Horsemeate there 01 11 06 porter 00 01 00 per of stirrup leathers 00 01 00 mending my saddle 00 00 08 Shoing 00 00 04 Giuen att Sir Peter wrothes 00 05 00 20 Giuen Thomas 00 01 00 24 Shoing 00 03 04 2000 of 4d nayles 00 06 08 25 paid for Carrying of my trunke to London 00 05 00 bringing downe a vessell of vineger 00 02 06 28 Giuen poore + 00 00 09 6 dishes, one boll, 12 spoones, and a cupp Cupp all of wood 0 01 06 317 Giuen Thomas and Andrew 00 00 08march: 4 paid ye Carrier for bringing a box of 44 li' weight 00 02 06 Giuen Sir Nicholas Tufton's man that brought A Coate for Anthony 00 01 00 5 Giuen to a messenger with a letter 00 00 06 7 paid for bringing houshold stuffe from London to ffeuersham by Water 00 10 00 bringing ye same from thence home 00 12 00 Giuen nurse Simonson for tending Anthony 00 02 06 11 Giuen Marden ye glouer for keeping a dogg for me 00 02 00 paid for bringing downe from London 2 bands and Letters for my wife 00 01 00 13 paid my Cosen Bringborn vt sequitur: Imprimis for one peece of matt for a Chamber being 30 yds 00 04 06 2 per of bellowes 00 03 00 A Close stoole pan of pewter weighing 6 li' att 1s. ob' 00 06 06 ffor portage of these and other things 00 00 11 A?ffor wharfage and water bale 00 01 00 --14 paid and made euen with my father vt seqquitur. 318 for ye Conducting of Souldiers doune into sussex 00 05 00 paid for making vp of tw tiffany ruffes for my wife, and starching them 00 08 00 paid for a box to bring them downe in 00 00 06 20 paid for generall bills of ye plague for haldf a yeare 00 02 00 ffor sending a letter to Sir Thomas Wotton 00 00 02 ffor bringing a trunke from ye water side to my cosen Bringborne 00 00 02 21 paid ye Carrier for bringing downe a muskett 00 00 08 giuen ye Carriers boy 00 00 03 22 paid my brother Henry for all by him L[ai]d out viz: Imprimis for his charges and Ihon Wotton's when they went to Canterbury and Sandwiche on my busines 01 04 00 per of stockins for Anthony 00 01 03 paid Ihon Lucas for going to London 00 05 00 ffor fustian to make ye Child a wastcoate and for making itt 00 01 00 ffor making Anthony a petticoate 00 00 03 319 ffor making my wife a petticoate 00 05 00 for altering a gowne for my wife 00 01 00 13 - 18 - 4[f.56r] [The first two letters of “Iuly” are written at the top of the verso of the stub conjugate with f.56, the last two at the top of the left-hand column of f.56r] 1625Iuly paid vnto Ihon Bocher of Maundfeldes ye last payment due vnto him, being the remainder of 190Li', for his house and land in Pluckley called maundfelds alias Maundeuiles. 100 00 00 paid my part of ye Charges of the fine he paying for ye dedimus potestatem, and for once renewing 20s. as by agreement he was to do, so I payd 001 02 06 Giuen vnto Mary Bocher wife of Ihon, for her Consent in leuying ye fine 01 00 00 pdGiuen Richard Spice for making ^drawing^ and engrossing ye 320 writings belonging to this sale and purchase 00 11 00 paid [blank] Bridge for thatching there he and his seruaunt att 2s per4d per daie?iem 01 10 00 paid him for wiftes 00 02 00 Sent thither 5 loade of strawe worth 00 16 06 105 - 2 - 0. ------- Houshold booke this yeare. 305 13 06 fforraigne payments 378 12 05 Totall of all this yeare 1625 684 - 5 - 11[f.56v] [blank] 321[stub][stub verso]Iu [see note at beginning of f.56r][f.57r] 1625March Second half yeare. paid [blank] Long for 400 of quicksett 00 02 00 paid Theophilus Tylghman for 12 dayes 00 06 00 paid Ihon Lucas for 4 dayes 00 02 00 _______ paid goodwife Pollard for worke for my wife 00 03 00 giuen a messenger from Eastwell 00 00 06 34 yds of riband for shoestringes of watchett and of Crimson 00 08 09 3(?) yds of he?aire colour for my wife 00 02 00 blacke string for my wife 00 00 02 23 giuen att Eastwell 00 02 00 24 per of gloues for Anthony 00 00 04 paid Bayly ye Sawyer in part of 322 payment 00 12 00 paid Richard Rickard his half yeares wages 01 10 00 paid Ihon Batherst from Bartholmew tyde to michaelmas 00 10 06 paid him his half yeares wages, att 5li' 10s per annum 02 15 00 paid ye Smith for shoing 00 03 00 1000 of 4d nayles 00 03 04 paid Stephen what he layd out viz: for dyett and horsemeate when he went to find a blacke gelding but Could not with Norman in his Company 00 09 10 25 paid master Rowley for a part of ye visitation of Kent tricked in colours 01 00 00 paid him for drawing two draughtes of all my Armes vncoloured with Creastes 00 08 00 _____ 2 per of sleeues for Ned 00 01 02 Tape, laces &c 00 00 04 giuen Thomas wild 00 00 06 gpaid master Cuddington for worke done att Surrenden this lent, viz: ffor my first wiues picture att length 11 00 00 323 ffor my owne picture 06 00 00 ffor my wiues picture 06 00 00 ffor my brother H[enry] D[ering] picture and frame 02 00 00 ffor frames for ye other pictures 01 15 00 giuen to his man 00 05 00 beside my father paid for Anthonys picture and ye frame 5? 5-10-0 and for my grandfathers - 1-15-0 _____ paid Ihon Hunt ye remainder of his wages 04 05 00 April 22 paid H.Fisher his half yeares wages 02 00 00 24 paid Stehen Kennard his wages 02 10 00 May 3 paid Harper vt sequitur: for oyle for ye coach 00 01 10 paid Admund for 2 per of shoes for my Lady 00 04 00 Item for a per for ye Child Ned. 00 00 06 ------------------------ -457? - 0?1?1 - 8?9. ____________________________ Sum of this half yeare. 157 - 11 - 8 324 _____________________ Summ totall of this halfe ^whole^ yeare for in forraigne payments. 273 - 10 - 5[f.57v] 1626. ffirst half yeareMarch 22?8 paid for new hwhiting ye seeling in ye wainscott Chamber, and of ye stayre Case there, and for new Colouring ye window there in oyle 00 09 06 paid Bayly ye sawyer for 950 01 02 06April 1 paid Isaack Lariman for 4 dayes dim' att 17d 00 06 06 ffor bringing downe frames for pictures from London 00 03 00 ffor bringing downe a vessell of oyle 00 00 06 4 Giuen ffrankwell for going to Canterbury 00 01 00 6 4 yds of Cobbwebb lane for my wife 00 10 00 325 4 tinne pannes, a dredger, an apple roaster and &c 00 06 00 A brasse Candlesticke 00 02 06 paid Ihon Hunt for 6 dayes worke 00 08 06 paid him more for 9 dayes dim' 00 121(?) 08 Item for a stone pott 00 01 00 Item for quicksett 00 00 03 8. 9. 10. A ruffe and 2 per of Cuffes 01 09 00 A dozen of handkercheifes 00 13 00 12 quire of Venice demy paper 01 00 00 A feather black and yellow giuen to H. 00 05 06 Dyett and horsemeat this iourney 00 14 00 Giuen this iourney 5s. [blank] [cost added in pencil] going by water 00 00 06 13 paid Frankwell for going to Canterbury 00 01 00 14 paid [blank] for Cutting out an old tree 00 02 00 paid him for making of 1600 of shingles att 12d per 100 00 16 00 16 paid Theophilus Tilghman for 20 dayes 00 10 00 paid my assesse to ye poore of little Chart for last yeare viz: 1625 00 03 06 Item paid Nicholas Mason for bringing downe 80 li' of pewter ^a^ 00 00 10 Item for bringing itt by water to 326 feuersham 00 00 08 paid Thomas Norman for a black Mare aet. 9. for ye Coache 10 00 00 17 paid stephen Newenden his - wages for being Sexton 8d and giuen him 4d 00 01 00 Giuen Ihon Hunts wife for attending little Ned Ned before she was married 00 05 00 19 Lace and Ffustian to my wyues petticoate 00 02 06 Iohn Hunt for 4 dayes att 17d per diem 00 04 03 20 paid my second Subsedy granted vnto K[ing] Charles. A[nno] 1mo. 01 00 00 21 paid ffrankwell for going to Canterbury 00 01 00 22 paid Tyle ye mason for making ye arch att ye penstocke of Mosewell pond 00 10 00 paid him for a weekes wo^r^ke att 18d per diem and for his boy 12d per diem 00 15 00 paid Bayly ye Sawyer for Sawing 700 C foote att 2s 4d per C 00 16 04 paid Ihon Hunt for 5 dayes att 17d 00 07 01 23 paid for shoing 00 00 06 24 paid stehen his bill for Carryng 327 Susan vp to London 00 13 02 24 - 16 - 9[f.58r]Aprill 1626 ffirst half yeare 24 4 gallons of trayn oyle for ye Coachad att qrt' 00 06 04 A vessell for itt 00 01 04 ffor new lines for my Clocke 00 01 06 horse hire 00 01 00 25 Giuen away by my selfe att Goddenten and att Charing 00 01 06 paid ye Carrier for bringing bookes 00 02 06 26 Giuen ffrankwell for going to Canterbury 00 01 00 27 Giuen att Boucghton 00 00 06 29 paid Bayly ye Sawyer for 643 foot att 2s 4d per C 00 15 00 paid Ihon Lucus for 29 dayes att 00 18 04 paid Ihon Hunt for 5 dayes 00 07 01 30 500 0f 3d nayles 00 01 03 per of stockins for Anthony 00 01 04 328 paid Theophilus Ti?ylghman for all worke 00 05 06May 1 paid [blank] Cadman for a blacke Mare 07 07 00 Giuen Stephen when he bought her 00 01 00 Giuen att Eastwell 00 02 00 6 paid Gardener ye sadler for 2 new liuery sadd[l]es furnished, for 2 bridles, and 3 setts g of girthes, stirrupps and leathers for ye saddles 01 10 00 paid Bayly ye sawyer for 761 foote att 2s 4d per 100 foote 00 17 08 paid Tully ye shingler in part of payment viz: for ^making^ 1000 li'(?) of shingles att 00 10 00 paid Barrett for ye iron topp of a leading staffe made [mark?]in forme of [smudged mark?] 00 03 00 8 paid Tully for making 2000 of shingles 1?01 00 00 Charges between ye 8th and ye 24 of May when I and my wife went to London. Lace, linn? Tiffany, and cyprus for my wife and Cobbwebb lane 329 french wyers and french ^04 02 03^ band. 0-4 070 02 200 white Cornelians for a Chaine &c 01 06 00 6 per of gloues for my wife 00 07 00 per of bodyes for her 00 11 06 paid for setting new 3 diamonds and for an enamelled heart to sett a Locke of my Lady Mary w(?)illers haire in for my wife 00 12 00 Knotts and riband 00 10 04 5 yds of pearle colour damaske att 13s 6d 03 07 00 5 yds of Incarnadine Satten att 124s 56d 03 12 06 15 ounces dim' of silluer lace for ye satten Kirtle and bodyes att 5s 4d per ounce 04 02 04 2 yds dim' of bl[ack] satten att 14s 01 015 00 7 doz: 3 yds of bl[ack] Lace 01 09 09 5 doz: 3 yds of ashcolour edging att 1s 10d 00 09 07 ffor 5 ells' dim' of Taffata for ye gowne and 2 foreparts 03 02 00 A french roll 00 10 00 ffor sowing silke 00 14 00 330 ffor printing black satten 00 05 00 ffor printing ye Incardine?nadine satten 00 07 00 ffor dying a flame Colour gounee into black 00 10 00 42 - 8 - 1[f.58v] 1626 ffirst half yeare ffor making ye french gowne, kirtle and ye stomacher and sleeues 03 00 00 ffor making ye Incarnadine sleeues stomacher and kirtle 00 16 00 ffor making a loose gowne and wastcoate 00 16 00 paid Ed[ward] Muddiman for all other particulars belonging to these gownes and foreparts according to his bill viz: for Canuas, whalebones, ribband. &c 00 12 08 Memorandum he had in all. 13-17-0. ___________________________ 331 Memorandum: my wife hath this iourney Layd out for her self. 32-7-11 A per of forewheeles for my Coach 01 16 00 A new yeax tree 00 05 00 5 new boltes 00 05 00 paid ye Coachmakesrs bill more 00 14 00 paid for breade, and beere and meate this time 7-14-11. whereof [^] my father paid 2-9-10[^] and for horse meate 52s whereof my father payd 30s so I discharge 056 1?07 01 2 Ruffe bands for Anthony 00 11 00 per of bodyes for him 00 02 06 7 yds 3 qrters' of greene damaske att 12s 6d to make Anthony a Coate and a yd spare 04 16 00 ffor buttons and making and taffaty lining for skirtes &c 00 14 00 5 gallons 5 pintes, of wine white and Clarett, sent vnto Surrenden 00 11 00 soape and starch 00 00 09 A Coach whipp 00 00 06 per of shoes for Anthony 00 01 03 paid for 3 ordinareies for Stephen 00 02 00 paid for roome for horses 00 01 04 shoing 00 00 06 332 white boxes 00 04 06 barber 00 02 00 per of gloues for my selfe 00 01 06 A shirt 00 13 00 -An halfe shirt 00 11 00 A reame of paper 00 06 08 Another reame 00 03 04 6 qurire of royall paper in a booke 00 09 00 6 mappes of Kent 00 03 00 per of wollen stockins 00 04 00 2 per of knitt threed stockins 00 09 00 per of stockins for Ned 00 02 00 per of Spurr=rowells 00 00 06 2 q[ui]r[e] of paper att 20d per quire binding two far?ire paper bookes, with my armes on them &?in Turky leather 00 16 00 A plume of feathers yellow and black 01 09 00 poore + 00 01 06 going by water 00 04 10 porter paid +(?) 00 00 05 Giuen this iourney 6s 01?0 0?18 06 paid for a fortnights vse of 2 Chambers [blank] Giuen my aunt ffisher for rabetts 00 10 00 333 26 - 6 - 2[f.59r] 1626 ffirst half yeareMay 26 paid Tully for making 2000 of shingles 01 00 00 Expended for me by my brother. H[enry] whilst I was att London. paid Tyle ye mason for 8 dayes. 12s and his man for 7 about ye South side of ye stable. 00 19 00 paid Tyle ye mason for 3 dayes worke and a halfe on ye north side of ye middle barne 00 05 08 paid Ihon Hunt for 10 dayes 00 14 02 paid Th[omas] Tylghman for 11 dayes 00 05 06 paid Richard Bocher for a day dim' 00 01 09 paid Ihon Lucas for 4 dayes 00 02 08 Giuen a boy for going to Lenham 00 00 04 paid Browne ye Smith for all Shoing 00 03 04 worke and iron about ye coach 00 01 08 ffor a spudd to barke oakes with 00 00 10 ffor 2 hookes and 2 thimbles weighing 334 15 li' dim' 00 13 10 ffor a staple, linke and hapse for ye east feild gate next ye parke 00 00 10 paid Ihon Battherst his bill when he went with panniards and brought wine from London 00 05 08 27 paid ye Carrier for Carrying between Lond[on] and home. 00 12 10 Item dying of stuff for the child Ned 00 05 00 Item ofor scouring greene and silluer and ye white and silluer stuffes, for houshold stuff 00 17 00 It'A Curling bodkine 00 00 08 Giuen ye nurses mayd 00 01 00 paid Bayly ye Sawyer for sawying of 490 foote att 2s 4d per foote 00 11 06 paid Ihont Hunt for 3 dayes dim' 00 04 11 paid Theophilus Tylghman for 11 dayes 00 05 06 28 An old brasse Candlesticke 00 05 00 29 An ell of Cambricke for ye nurse 00 06 00 A bridle 00 01 04 A trenche 00 01 06 going by water 00 00 04 ffor a Coach whip 00 01 00 per of stockins for Andrew 00 01 08 Iune 3 paid Browne ye smith for shoing 00 03 03 335 500 of priggs 00 00 09 4 per of hookes and thimbles for ye two gates vnder ye Lodge wh?eighing 22 li' 00 05 03 poore + 00 00 06 6 Giuen [blank] who brought a Couey of eleuen little partridges 00 01 00 Giuen another who brought my wife a Lapwing 00 00 06 -8 - 15 - 5[f.59v] 1626. ffirst half yeareIune 6 paid Elnor ye taylour his bill for my wife 00 01 00 Item for little Ned 00 01 04 9 paid master Hannington for Anthonys scohooling 00 00 02 Item for Andrew for each a weeke 00 00 04 paid christopher ^Bocher^ for 5 dayes washing shepe standing? 00 05 10 336 paid Iohn Hunt for 9 dayes dim' 00 13 05 9 paid William Hodge quittrent to Wye court viz for one whole yeare ended att [blank] 00 02?1 00 ob' -- Item due att out?r Lady day of old for halfe a yeare 00 00 06 qr' Item for suite of Court 00 01 00 Item giuen ye gatherer 00 00 01 qr' 15 paid and discharged Richard Rickard 00 07 06 Giuen him ouer his wages 00 02 06 24 yds of fine Cloath bought of goodman Simonson to make one per of sheetes att 16 18d per yd 01 16 00 16 Shoing dunn mare 00 00 04 A barrell of beere giuen to my souldiers att Challocke Leas 00 13 00 giuen Ruff ye drummer there 00 02 00 paid for horses ther 00 01 02 17 paid for ye boyes schooling 00 00 06 paid for ye 5 dayes workes a peece of Ihon Hunt, and of Isaack Loryman att 18d and as much of Sampson Loryman att 16d per diem, about my greate pound 01 01 08 paid Iohn Hunt beside 00 01 06 22 horses att Ashford 00 00 06 337 mending my hatt lining 00 00 06 Stephen's ordinary att Ashford 00 00 08 24 paid ye shingler for making 3000 of shingles 001 10 00 paid Arrowes his bill for my selfe 00 00 05 ffor Bocher 00 06 00?10 ffor Anthony 00 02 05 paid Iohn Hunt for 4 dayes 00 06 00 Giuen one for Carrying ye doggs from Farthingloe to ye seaside which I sent for my Lord Duke to send into France 00 02 00 25 paid William Quersted and so euen till midsommer 00 05 00 Charges in sending a? ^a^ seare to London 00 00 08 paid Arrowes for a per of shoes for And[rew?] Hills 00 01 06 Mending ye h?Coach harnesse 01 01 02 28 paid b? a fortnight since for shearing of 30 sheepe ^Giuen att Boughton^ 00 01?0 00?6Iuly ----- paid for two weekes schooling 00 01 00 1 paid Ihon Hunt for 5 dayes 00 07 06 2 Cloath to make Andrew shirtes 00 04 01 horses att ashford 00 00 06 338 paid my Assesse to ye poore of ye parish 00 013 04 6 Giuen M B N L 00 05 00 disbursed by my wife between our Lady day and midsommer day. vt sequitur. Imprimis She Lost att Cardes. 00 187 00 She gaue Frank Bettenham' her sea Valentine 00 02 00 paid Franklwell for going to Bexley 00 04 00 mending a broken Corrall 00 00 06 2 per of gloues for Ned 00 01 00 11 - 5 - 00[f.60r] 1626Iuly ffirst half yeare 8 Giuen 00 00 06 paid ye Shingler 00 16 00 Irons about ye Coache 00 00 08 Shoing 00 01 10 paid Tilghman for 22 dayes 00 11 00 10 paid for beere att Challocke Lees when I mustered there, viz: a 339 barrell 00 11 00 Item more Cakes and beere for ourselues 00 01 06 Item giuen ye drommer Ioyne 00 02 06 Item giuen Payne ye fife 00 01 06 11 giuen att ye taking say of a deere att Boughton 00 05 00 Giuen?Ordinary att Maydestone 00 02 06 Giuen att Peckham 00 06 00 Giuen att Boucghton 00 15 00 Giuen att Eastwell 00 01 00 20 Giuen M.B. NL 00 02 06 22 Spent att Ashford 00 06 00 Barber there 00 01 00 24 paid Browne ye Smith for all 00 05 00 paid master Taylour vt sequitur: Imprimis for taffaty sarcenett to make my ensigne of, for silke, sockett, Cutting and sowing 06 00 00 ffor ye wood for a leading staffe of Snake wood ffor stringes att tassells to ye colours 00 05 00 -- ffor a staffe to ye Colours 00 05 00 pffor a staffe of Snake wood to make a leading staffe off. 00 10 00 340 ffor an iron topp made like [mark resembling the crown with three feathers] vnto itt 00 02 06 ffor ye gilding of that head and for a foote to itt, and for freinge and trimming ye Leading staffe vp 01 04 00 price of the leading staff. 1-16-6. A Leiuetenants partizan 01 08 00 2 halberdes 00 13 04 A gorgett of black and gold without lining or trimming but onely leather 00 14 00 [small gap] --- ffor Armes coloured in glasse viz 5 escochons 00 04 03 ffor a box to putt them in 00 00 06 ffor blacke Leades 00 01 00 ffor pinns 00 02 00 my cosen Bringborne goin by water for me 00 00 06 paid two weekes schooling for ye boyes 00 01 00 A maske for my wife 00 01 06 Horses when I was abroade 00 02 08 Stephen's dyett 00 01 08 341 25 256 Giuen ye Drummer att Kennington Lees 00 02 06 paid for a barrell of beere then 00 10 00 giuen ye sergeant there 00 02 06 Horses standing then and beeste(?) standing 00 02?3 06 26 Giuen att Eastwell 00 08 00 27 Giuen M B N L 00 02 06 29 paid Bess Fisher for vse of mony 04 00 00 Giuen M - N L 00 02 06 30 paid to Iohn Woulton for watch att Shorne cliffe 00 03 00August 1 Giuen Sir Edward Bishop's footeman 00 01 00 3 Spent att Ashford 00 01 00 5 paid Iohn Hunt all his worke 00 14 00 paid for ye boyes schooling 00 00 06 22 - 16 - 5[f.60v] 1626August ffirst half yeare 7 Lost att booredes End 00 01 00 8 paid steward ye glasier 00 07 06 Giuen M N L 00 01 00 342 giuen Ioyne ye drummer 00 02 06 9 horses att Challocke 00 00 08 12 paid Stephens Charges when ye went to Court about my busines 00 131 094 3 per of sockes for my wife 00 01 03 giuen Stephen 00 00 09 13 paid Thomas his Charges going to London 00 02 09 14 Charges of my men when they were abroad about my busines 00 02 02 Giuen Stephen toward ye making of his Liuery 00 06 00 paid for ye trimming of two liueryes attnd for ye making att 14s 03d per Liuery 01 08 06 21 paid ye Elmer ye taylour for buckarum' and silke 6d. and for lining of my Gorgett 2s 00 02 06 paid him for all other worke 00 042 059 6 yds of white worsted(?) Canuuas to make a Coate for Ned, att 1s 10d per yd 00 11 00 ffor fustian and making 00 02 02 A per of stockins for my wife 00 06 06 -Segagreene silke and mending ye Coache 00 01 01 343 A new key to a locke 00 00 06 A blacke and white picture of my Lord D. and A draught of posture 00 01 04 Giuen M N L 00 02 00 28 paid for a whole new suite beside making and silke for Andrew Hilles 00 12 09 per of stockins for him 00 01 10 Lodging, horsemeate, giuen and spent, when I went to dimchurch Lacy 00 07 02September 3 paid Iohn Batherst ye remainder of his whole yeares wages, due att Bartholmew tide, 01 04 06 memorandum that from Bartholmew day his new yeare now goes on att 5li' 5s per annum paid Iohn Hunt for setting out ye partition in my little parlour 00 02 06 5 paid Goodwife Pollard for worke done for my Lady Wentworth 00 05 00 ffor shoing horses 00 02 04 giuen poore + 00 01 00 12 Shoing 00 03 00 ffor 4 window barres weighin 15 li' 00 03 08I recd' 13 paid ye beneuolence granted to ye ________this againe King by way of free guift 01 02 00october 5. 16 Giuen [^]att[^] my Lady maydston 344 Mersham 00 04 06 // Charges when I sent Stephen to London 00 04?5 04 paid for a Casting nett 00 08 00 paid for yearne for my greate pond nett 00 02 00 18 paid goodman mason for bringing a loade of Firre(?) from Eastbridge wodeeare(?) 00 10 00 20 horsemeat att w(?)y 00 01 02 Giuen att Eastwell 00 00 06 21 ffor bringing master Taylours trunk to to grauesend 00 01 00 horsemeate then and dyett att fetching itt 00 02 02 22 mending strappes for saddle 00 00 02 Charges when I and my brother Henry alone went to London and came backe ye next day, viz: in dyett and horse meate and giuen att my Lodging 2s 01 03 03 11 - 2 - 1[f.61r] 345 1626September ffirst half yeare. L[ay]d out att London for a bed tyke for doume 03 00 00 A per of very fine blanketts of ye best 01 10 00 A per of ordinary good blanketts 00 12 00 paid for Crewell att [blank] per ounce 00 15 00 paid for Canuas to worke in att 16d per yd 00 06 06 per of stirrup leathers 00 01 06 Going by water 00 00 06 Lockes and staple etc' 00 12 06 N L 00 01 02 paid for Heraldry bookes part of ye library of master Brooke yorke herald which were not worth aboue 20 mark 18 00 00 ffor Canuas and cord to packe them vp and to ye porter for packing etc 00 04 06 24 paid an assesse for ye poore 00 10 00 26 Giuen when I went to Wye 00 01 06 28 paid ye Ioyner for 6 dayes att 12d diem and his dyett 00 06 00 29 Giuen M. NL 00 02 00 346 30 paid my dutyes to qrter' to ye Clerke 00 00 08 paid for schooling Anthony and Andrew 00 00 10October 2 Horsemeate, diett, Curbe for bridle etc 00 02 03 Charges when I sent stephen to London about taking a house for me 00 03 00 Giuen stephen 00 00 05 paid ye Carrier for 117 li' weight 00 05 00 ffor 2 Catechismes 00 00 03 6 // paid Nurse Markettman, for nursing of Ned, so she hath before hand 00s. 03 00 00 7 paid for Anthonyes and Andrewes schooling 00 00 06 paid Bayly ye sawyer for 5 dayes dim' sawing of firre att 3s per dimem 00 16 06 9 Shoing of horses 00 02 04 mending a key and keeper 00 00 04 A deuice for a doore 00 00 04 100 of 2d nayles 00 00 02 10 Giuen Harper 001 02 00 11 // paid william Lane rent due to Conningbrooke for lands in Willisborough 00 19 09 // ffor Dunmarsh to westwell court 00 01 10 Suite of both courts 00 00 08 347 13 A windowe casement bought att maydstone 00 02 06 14 poore + 00 00 06 2 cordes 00 01 08 -- 17 A male pillian 00 00 08 per of male girtes 00 00 10 horsemeate att Canterbury 00 03 06 dyett there 00 02 08 giuen in ye Inne ^and^ att maaster DEaues(?) 00 002 06 12 giuen for searche in ye offices of wills 00 04 06 paid for writing out a weill att 6d per sheete 00 03 06 Lost att cardes 00 056 00 21 Giuen M N N L 00 02 00 22 paid Iohn Hunt 00 15 09 Cordes, to packe vp stuffe with 00 01 09 paid for Composition in little Chart 00 02 10 23 giuen att Boucghton 00 01 00 35 - 11 - 8 348[f.61v] 1626October ffirst half yeare 23 paid for Colouring ye new parlour and ye window 00 10 00 Item for colouring ye dyall post 00 00 04 24 2 per of shoes for my wife 00 05 00 paid an assesse for ye poore of little Chart att 1d per acre for 74 acres 00 06 02 paid Nicholas Mason for carrin?ying a loade of stuffe to ffeuersham 25 paid and discharged H. Fisher 02 00 00 giuen him 00 10 00 paid my Tutor for 2 collers for ye doggs that my Lord Duke sent ouer 00 03 00 ffor 2 chaines for them 00 04 00 giuen my boy Anthony 00 00 04 3 - 18 - 10 The totall of these leaues of this first half yeare 1626 186 10 05 349[N.B. The inserted gathering of smaller leaves, ff.51r - 61v,ends here. The above expenses continue on f.62v. The Householdexpenses on f.62r follow immediately on those of f.50v and aretranscribed after that page. See note before f.46r.][f.62v] 1626 ffirst halfe yeare.Aprill ffor sweeping 3 Chimneys 00 01 00 1 ffor bringing thinges from London 00 00 06 18 paid Sotherden for 144 li' of beefe 01 12 04 Item for 2 per of sewett 00 00 08 paid master Copley for small tithes for one whole yeare from Michaelmas to Michaelmas next 01 00 00 19 6 li' of Candles 00 02 03 23 paid Browne ye Smith for forging of Irons 00 03 00 Item for new tyning of a harrow 00 07 10 ffor a hammer 00 01 00 ffor a per of pincers 00 01 06 ffor 100 of hobnayles for ye Kitchin 350 boy 00 00 03 ffor shoing a beefe=forke 00 01 00 24 ffor qrter' of veale and ye feete 00 03 06 70 li' of beefe att 4s 6d per 20 li' 00 15 08 29 Affor a rippe axe for ye husbandman 00 01 06 ffor a peece to make a yoake of 00 00 02 ffor a shouell 00 01 06 ffor a Chissell and a gooche 00 00 10 30 paid Sotherden for 70 li' of beefe att 4s 6d per 20 li' 00 15 09May 2 4 li' of bacon 00 01 04 paid Mary Rutting her wages att her -going away but not sett downe yett february 3 01 00 00 5 paid ye bo?utcher for 50 li' of beefe att 4s 6d per 20 li' 00 11 03 Item for 2 li' of Suett 00 00 04 6 paid Erasmus Gyles for -killing 7 sheepe 00 00 06 paid Ihonson for dressing my hop?p ground So he hath 26s 00 06 00 7 3 horne Cupps for ye husbandmen 00 01 00May. 26 paid Ihonson ye totall of this yeare for dressing my hop-ground. viz. 30s 00 04 00 351 paid and expended by my brother Henry whilst I and my wife were att London, between May ye -8. and May. 202 paid Sarah . . . . her wages and so she was discharged May: 8. 00 10 00 giuen her 00 01 00 paid Richard Bocher for 2 brewings 00 04 00 Item for grinding mault 00 00 04 A qrter' of Lamb 00 01 03 2 li' of sewett 00 00 08 paid for 89 li' of beefe att 4s 6d and 4d?s 4d per 20 li' 00 19 00 A side of mutton 00 06 00 paid ye Smith for ye husbandman's tooles 00 00 08 27 paid goodman ffennour for Cleft wood ye remainder of ye greate Oake 02 10 00 ffor a breast of veale 00 01 03 paid Thomas Tylghman for making of 1800 of fagotts att l8d per C 01 07 00 paid for shearing of 7 sheepe 00 00 06 28 paid Richard Bocher for 4 dayes work about husbandry 00 04 08 60 li' of beefe att 4s 4d per 20 li' 00 13 00 29 per of stockins for Bocher 00 02 04 352Iune. 3 ffor mending and grinding ye Larder axe 00 00 03 9 paid for 4 gree(?)ne geese 00 02 08 Item for earthen panns 00 02 06 15 - 2 - 7[f.63r] 1626 ffirst half yeareIune. 6 paid Elnor for worke for ye kitchin boy 00 00 11 7 A touett of greene pease in ye podds 00 03 00 6 li' of Candles 00 02 03 9 paid Theophilus Tylghman for 7 dayes weeding ye wheate etce? 00 03 06 11 paid Thomas Posse for 5 seames dim' of oates att 18d per bushell 02 13 00 16 ffor ^gadsby^ shoing 6 beastes paid Gadsby. 00 07 06 ffor Clypses 00 01 06 22 paid Gadsby for shoing of 4 beastes 00 05 00 353 25 paid for a sith 00 03 06 Charges when I sold my blacke little mare 00 00 07 1 li' dim' of Cherryes 00 00 06 paid Richard Bocher for brewing 00 02 06 # paid about a fortnight since for shearing of 30 sheepe 00 01 08 Item paid Thomas Tilghman for making of fagotts att l8d per C. and for Cutting out of risor(?)s viz: 600 of fagotts 00 11 00Iuly 1 paid for Cherryes 00 00 06 paid Iohn Hunt for 5 dayes 00 07 06 2 paid for 8 Crabbs 00 01 00 paid my wiues houshold booke from our Lady day to Midsommer whoreof for butter 9s 9d 01 14 02 8 plates and bradds for ye wayne 00 04 00 ffor 2 new forkes 00 01 08 mending 4 forkes 00 00 06 10 paid ye bocher for a fortnights beefe viz: 113 li' att 4s per score 01 02 06 qrter' of Lambe 00 01 00 20 A per of bellowes for ye kitchen 00 01 00 6 wodden dishes 00 00 06 354 A wodden boll for a strayner 00 00 06paid Harper Soales damsells and Crabbs bought att feuersham 00 01 04 Oysters then 00 00 03 A blobster 00 01 06 100 of pranes 00 00 06 24 ffor husbandry irons 00 01 00August 1 paid And discharged Margar[et] Coddwell 00 12 00 ffor 12 milkbolles 00 15 02 paid ye t?Theophilus Tilghman for 16 dayes 00 08 00 paid Thomas Tilghman for 5 dayes dim' both for haying 00 02 09 3 bringing salt from ffeuersham 00 00 10 5 paid Iohn Hunt about haying and husbandry 01 02 00 paid and discharged Mary Rutting 00 16 00 paid Sotherden for 200 C 220 li' of beefe att 4s per 20 li' Score and a shoulder of mutton 1s 6d paid him 4s siluer remaines 7s 02 07 00 Bought of my brother Henry Dering 11 weathers att 12s apeece. 12 barrens att 8s. and 6 taggs att 5s 4d 13 00 00 355 paid Tilghman for 5 dayes 00 02 06 paid ye Cowper 00 02 00 10 2 drinking glasses 00 01 06 14 Sugar 4 li' 00 04 08 Salt 2 bb' 00 03 08 pepper a pound 00 01 10 A stockelocke 00 01 04 A Create 00 01 04 An axe 00 01 06 2 rubbers for a sithe 00 00 03 per of stockins for bocher 00 02 04 Charges in fetching Peere?ce Taylour 00 00 06 28 - 14 - 6[f.63v] 1626. ffirst half yeare 19 paid Sotherden for 105 li' of beefe att 4s per score 01 01 00 22 paid Bocher for brewing twise 00 05 00 Item for yest thrice 00 01 00 paid Theophilus Tilghman for a fortnight haying 00 06 00 356 paid Thomas Tilghman for a day dim' 00 00 10 6 -li' of Candles 00 02 03 26 paid Iohn Hunt for 3 weekes haying and haruest att 18d per diem 01 07 00 paid for a fortnights schooling for Anthony 00 00 04 28 paid Goodman Simonson for 24 yds of new linnen att [blank] per yd to make one per of fine sheetes 01 16 00 29 paid a tinker for worke 00 02 06September 1 paid Sotherden for 6 score pound of be^e^fe att 4s per scoare 01 04 00 giuen my owne men for working vpon a holiday 00 01 00 paid Iohn Hunt for Haruesting 00 07 06 5 11 li' of sugar att 16d 00 14 08 Smithes bill for ye husbandry and Kitchin 00 04 02 butter bought of Goodwife Pell 00 05 00 12 ffor a new plough share weighin 18 li' att 3d per pound 00 04 06 ffor husbandry iron 00 01 08 paid Iohn Hunt for Haruesting 00 09 00 paid Theophilus Tilghman for a fortnight 00 10 00 357 Giuen my Lady Maydstons keeper for bringing venison 00 10 00 16 paid Iohn Lucas for 7 dayes dim' haruesting att 12d per diem and board in ye howse(?) 00 07 06 4 li' of sugar att 13d 00 04 04 20 per of rabetts 00 01 02 24 2 lobsters 00 01 00 25 paid Robert Rutting for mowing of Plumptons att 1s 6d per acre 05?0 075^5^ 070 Item for 2 dayes ^dim'^ mowing att 18d per diem 00 03 03 paid Th: Tilghman for 11 dayes 00 07 04October 1 paid Sotherden for 60 240 li' of beefe att 4s per score for a month 02 08 00 paid him for an Inward 00 03 00 paid Theophilus Tilghman for 5 days 00 02 06 paid Ihon Hunt for 16 dayes 01 04 00 2 ffor killing of sheepe 00 00 06 Rootes 00 00 07 Changing of Candles 00 00 07 paid Idle Iohn 00 00 06 4 paid William Quersted a quarter wages 00 15 00 6 ffor forgeing of 2 coulters and a 358 sheare 00 01 00 ffor a new spindle 00 00 10 A Slop linke 00 00 03 A nebb linke 00 00 08 100 of hobnailes 00 00 03 9 paid Harper vtt sequitur: paid Tilghman for making of fagotts 00 03 00 ffor haruesting 04 15?4 05 ffor haying 00 04 00 ffor letting beastes bloud 00 01 00 ffor 4 podder hookes 00 03 00 ffor a s?Packsaddle 00 09 02 A bushell of salt 00 00?1 10 4 bb' of beanes 00 18 08 ffor bringing tares from Lenham 00 00?2 00 A temys siue 00 01 02 22 - 4 - 6[f.64r] 1626October 5 seames of oates all bought of Pell att 1s 2d 02 06 08 359 8 bb' of tares att 2s 62d per bb' 00 17 04 Tarre 00 00 10 ffor a boare 00 10 00 paid master Copley for tith Hay 01 02 00 ffor Cheese 03 01 05 20 Lambes att 6s 06 00 00 helpe to bring them 00 00 04 2 Crocks of butter 00 14 04 14 paid Theophilus Tilghman for a dayes worke 00 00 06 20 paid ye trugger for 6 dishes 00 00 06 paid goodman ffidge for 15 Lambes att 5s ye Lambe 03 15 00 232 for pitche 00 00 08 paid Mus. Giles 00 00 06 A pecke of oatemeale 00 00 10 - Bought att Charing fayre -6 welsh steeres 15 00 00 To a boy that kept them and for tarr 00 00 04 Pruning of my ^fruite^ trees 00 09 00 Traces and ropes 00 01 03 23 paid for 6 score and ten pound of beefe att 3[s] 28d per score 01 03 08 A qrter' of mutton 00 02 06 paid my wiues booke from Iune hither 0?11 14 00 360 357 - 701 - 8. ___________ Summ of this part of viz: of our ^of a halfe yeare^ 103 - 3 - 3. Summ of this halfe yeare and a month vt su supra - 103 - 3 - 3 Summ of the same time in Certeine Leaues before - 186 - 10 - 5 Totall of these 7 Monthes before I went to London. 289 - 13 - 8[f.64v] [blank][f.65r] 1626. 361 Second half yeare __________October Since I came to London __________________ 24 paid Nicholas Mason for carrying a Loade of stuff to London ffeuersham from Surrenden 00 12 00 Wharfage and towne draught 00 01 00 Horsemeate and man's meate then 00 00 08 26 Dyett att Rochester 00 19 10 Horsemeate there 00 08 09 giuen there 00 01 09 Aquauitae for Thom' there 00 00 04 27 Nayles 00 01 00 ffagotts 00 00 06 A water tubbe 00 03 00 2 dozen of trenchers 00 01 00 2 per of bellowes, 2 candlestickes, a paile and a little boll 00 04 02 A stocke Locke 00 02 00 2 stocke Lockes 00 01 08 2 li' of Candles 00 00 09 2 deale boardes planed on each side for shelues in my study 00 04 00 A deale board for my beddsteds 00 01 08 A porter had for bringing them 00 00 03 362 paid ye Carpenter for a dayes worke 00 02 00 28 A table with drawing leaues 00 15 06 A Cupboard 00 05 06 paid a porter for bringing them 00 00 04 paid for all dyett from fryday and Saterday 00 12 02 30 paid for Cutting a seale for Robert 00 05 00 A quart of wine 00 00 06 Horsemeate att ye crosse keyes 00 14 06 31 A Cheese weighing 10 li' att 3d qr' 00 02 07 A linke 00 00 04 Horsehire to London 00 02 06 Shoing and remouing 00 01 04 ffire pan, tonges, potthookes, potthangers, gridiron, fire forke 00 07 00 drawe irons for a Co^a^le fire in ye kitchin 00 04 11 A Curling bodkin for my wife 00 00 00?6 Barber 00 02 00 A toy for Anthony 00 00 08 Beefe and mutton 00 03 04 Oatemeale 00 00 01 mending a Curtaine rodd 00 00 04 A per of Creepers weighing 14 li' att 3d per li' 00 03 06 A new spring locke and 3 keyes to ye 363 hall doore 00 04 00Nouember 1. paid att ye bell for for 2 horses 5 nights and for one 2 nights 00 06 00 Oates for ye same horses 00 04 04 giuen ye ostler 00 00 06 Lost att gleeke with my Lady Gray and Lady Wentworth 00 17 06 giuen ye porter of ye Charc?terhouse 00 00 04 2 giuen my Lord Dukes porter att Wallingford house 00 01 00 A new french band 00 04 06 -- Giuen my Lady Wentworths man when she sent my wife a band 00 01 00 To a porter that brought Chaires and stooles 00 00 06 more for ye same 00 00 04 Candles 00 0-44 004 ob' pipkins 00 00 02 paid ye Cooke for meate before Nouember 00 2?10 06 3 A grate for ye dining roome Chimny waeighing 51(?) li' att 3d per li' and a shilling ouer 00 2313^13^ 04 p[aid] ye smith for other work 00 00 06 4 paid ye Carpenter for worke heere 00 00 074 364 10 - 18 - 1 - ob'[f.65v] [16]26Nouember Second half yeare 4 A muffe for my wife 00 09 00 Knotts for her 00 02 06 A draught of ^my^ armes for Sir Iohn Skeffington 00 10 00 A draught of 12 coates for Robert 00 05 00 Riband for my wife 00 02 00 5 poore + 00 00 04 Giuen att Whitehall 00 01 00 ^Cutting of^ Another seale for Robert 00 05 00 6 A seale bought for Charles 00 05 00 boxes 00 00 10 ye Coach=maker's bill paid 00 011 06 A skillett 00 02 02 A basting ladle 00 00 08 A frying pan 00 02 04 Rosemary setts sent into ye Country 00 01 00 A torche 00 00 09 Giuen when my wife was att my Lord 365 Dukes masque 00 00 06 Soape 00 00 03 Bedstaues 00 00 06 7 per of bootes 00 11 06 blacke inke half a pinte 00 00 04 A glasse 00 00 01 A glasse bottles couered with leather 00 00 06 halfe a pint of redd inke 00 00 08 qrter' of a pound of redd soft wax 00 00 03 pens and quills 00 01 06 8 An old table with draw=leaues 00 16 00 A Court Cupboard for ye dining ro^o^me 00 06 00 to a porter for bringing them 00 00 03 6 leather Chaires 4 high and 2 lowe att 5s 6d per chaire 01 13 00 one greate chaire with armes 00 09 00 9 Giuen my Lord Dukes porter att White=hall 00 01 00 10 A heraldry booke of ye Dukes of Brabant with purtraicts and armes 00 04 00 Another of ye EE of Holland and Zeland etc 00 02 00 11 wax blacke leade in a brass quill etc 00 01 00 12 giuen att ye halfe moone 00 00 06 14 ffor starche 00 00 04 366 Brimstone 00 00 02 powder blew 00 00 02 A drumme for Anthony 00 04 00 A rattle for Ned 00 00 01 Shoing ye coach=horses 00 04 00 A band pott, beere pott and a glasse 00 01 08 other small earthen vessells 00 00 10 + giuen att my Lord Dukes Chambers 00 01 00 16 paid for 15 nights for two horses 00 15 00 Item for oates 2 bb' dim'. att 2s per b' 00 09 00 A baskett for ye house 00 00 10 paid master Taylour about armes 00 02 00 17 It Ouid's metamorph' in English 00 05 06 ye life of Almansor 00 00 06 giuen att my Lady Grayes 00 00 06 18 pder of spurres inlayd 00 04 00 2 yds qrter' of scarlett for a suite 03 00 00 Satten for sleeues and edging 00?1 138 100 mills' his catalogue of honour 01 15 00 giuen my Lord Dukes porter att Whitehall 00 01 00 A Close stoole and a pan 00 09 00 to a porter for bringing itt 00 00 02 20 A quire of paper 00 00 04 367 Giuen my sister E. Ashburnhams man for bringing of sweetemeates 00 01 00 Iuniper 00 00 02 17 - 3 - 0[f.66r] 1626 Second half yeare A mappe 00 00 06 21 A fee giuen to Doctor Haruy 01 00 00 22 A seale Cutt in brasse by Cockson 00 05 00 23 A silluer selale of 6 coates for my father cutt by wodenett 00 07 00 24 wax an ounce 00 00 06 4 dozen of scarlett and silluer pointes att 12s 6d 02 0810 00 2 per of gloues 00 02 00 25 A wax Candle 00 00 06 giuen Sir Iohn Hobarts Coachman when I went to meete my Lady Maydstone 00 05 00 26 poore + 00 01 00 Giuen Sir Iohn Hobart's porter 00 01 00 Horsemeate in London 00 01 00 368 horsemeate when Stephen went into Kent 00 02 02 meate and drinke for him and a boy then 00 04 02 his Comming vp per water 00 00 06 27 A warming pan 00 06 00 An vrinall 00 00 03 wine 00 00 03 28 paper 8 quire to be ruled with redd Inke for an Alphabett of Armes att 2s per quire 00 16 00 ffor ruling itt with redd ink 00 04 00 other paper 00 03 00 my wife gaue to my cosen Ashbornhamms Coachman 00 01 00 Candles 3 li' 00 01 081 ob' giuen poore + 00 00 06 ob' starch 00 00 03 29 giuen master Peerd part of an old debt which he did owe vnto me, and which I will take out in counsell 05 00 00 paid Henley my taylour for making my suite 012 04 00 ffor silke buttons linings etc 01 03 00 silke and lacing ye cloake 00 04 00 A per of fustian drawers 00 04 00 Letting downe my black satten 369 breeches deeper in ye wast band 00 05 00 30 giuen my Lord Dukes footeman 00 02?1 00December giuen att whitehall 00 00 06 1 Seing a play 00 01 00 my wife gaue att whitehall 00 00 06 per of hind wheeles for ye coache 02 04 00 other worke about ye coackhe 00 06 00 2 paid ye dyer for that that was not vnto me worth 10s 01 04 06 giuen att white hall 00 00 06 giuen Richard Lanes 00 00 06 3 giuen att ye half moone 00 00 06 giuen my Lady Finch's man 00 00 06 paid my cosen Bringborne vt sequitur 2 dust basketts and 5 broomes 00 00 11 ffor bringing vp my houshold stuffe by water and to ye hoyman's boy 00 08 08 Wharfage and waterbale 00 01 06 Cranage and Loading ye Cartes 00 00 05 Cartage to my house 00 02 06 5 dozen of Candles and for portage of them and ye soape 01 03 00 half a firkin of soape 00 07 06 Dyett that night I came to towne 00 05 07 216 - 2 - 4 370[f.66v] 1626[December] Second half yeare I--h 100 of fagotts and half a thousand of billetts 00 18 00 half a Chaldron of seacoale and Carriage of them 00 11 04 3 Chaldron of seacoale att 19s 6d 02 18 06 ffor Cartage of them at 16d per Loade Nouember 29 00 08 00 The historians of Normandy etc 01 00 00 giuen att my cosen Bringborn's when we lay there 00 03 00 4 for making a bill from my Lord Cheife Iustice to me of 1000li' to be paid 1628. 00 01 00 5 ffor making another 00 01 00 poore + 00 00 04 paid my apothecaryes bills 00 05 00 giuen att my Lady Maydstone 00 00 06 --ing of 76 wax 00 00 01 371 7 wine etc N L 00 01 00 paid Landress for washing last time I was in London 00 04 00 8 Spent N. L. 00 02 00 A greate pewter bason 00 04 06 6 sawcers 00 01 10 10 Spent N. L 001 02 00 11 Nayles 00 00 04 ob' Carpenters work 00 01 08 giuen 00 00 02 A loade of billetts and fagotts 00 010 00 13 Curtaine rods for a new bedstedd att 3d per foote. 00 04 06 paid master Taylour for worke heere one day 00 06 00 giuen ye vpholsterers man for hanging^imself^ []ye[] stuffe vp 00 01 00 paid a porter for bringing stuff hither 00 00 04 14 6 turky worke stooles att ye second hand att 5s 6d per stoole 01 13 00 // A faire turky Carpett at ye second hand being [blank] long and [blank] [] broade 06 10 00 15 yellow, blew, and russett silke att 2s 372 per ounce to worke armes 00 02 06 paid master Noakes his apothecary bill for my selfe 00 03 10 ffor 2 halters 00 00 08 A washing boule 00 05 00 paid Giuen a Coachman for breaking a new Coach gelding 00 02 00 pottengers and Candlestickes 00 00 03 A torche 00 00 09 A kettle 00 11 06 A spitt 00 02 00 A nhorse to saw wood on 00 01 06 Setting ye sawe 00 00 10 ffor a lanthorne 00 01 06 A dripping pan 00 01 08 A grater 00 00 10 A locke for my study doore 00 01 00 Bayes to make Ned a Coate 00 08 00 ffor a Iacke and lines and weight 00 15 00 Nayles and tenter=hookes 00 00 07 16 per of brasse Cobb irons 01 0?19 00 per of little andirons with brasse heades 00 05 00 per of tonges and a firepan with brasse heades and one brasse apeece more 00 04?5 00 373 22 - 9 - 6 ob'.[f.67r] 1626 Second half yeare 3 yds of tiffany for my wife 00 04 06 Gloues for her 00 09 00 A muff for my cosen Mary, giuen her by my wife 00 04 00 A Chaine giuen by her to my sister Fr[ances] Dering 00 05 00 Two Chinne bands for my wife 00 02 06 Shoing Coach=horse 00 05 06 Spice for a drenche for them 00 01 08 A letter 00 00 02 halfe a hundred of nayles 00 00 03 A torche 00 00 09 per of shoes for my wife 00 03 00 per of bootes and mending bootes for me 00 18 00 17 giuen and my Lord Dukes lodgings 00 01 00 giuen att my Lady Maydston's 00 01 00 18 to a porter for bringeing Chaires 00 00 06 374 giuen att Sir Iohn Hobarts 00 01 00 porter for bringing stooles 00 00 06 giuen ye shomakers box 00 00 06 mending lockes etc 00 00 04 paid Landresse 00 01 00 19 Giuen master Taylour for half a dayes worke 00 04 00 21 paid a fee for a doe to ye keeper of paules perry parke, giuen me by ye Lady Throckmorton 00 10 00 paid ye carrier for bringing itt vp 00 06 00 22 Venice glasses 6. 8s. square trenchers some att 18d others att 8d , round trenchers att 18? 16d per dozen, and a voyden knife 16d all together Cost 00 16 00 giuen little George Finch his nurse 00 05 00 giuen my Lord Tufton's man that brought me his patent of ye baronettship 00 01 00 25 paid? ^paid^ poore + 00 01 02 26 hay for my horse 00 00 04 to a porter 00 00 06 my wife and I lost att cardes 00 08 06 28 I lost att Cardes 01 08 06 giuen att my Lady Maydstones to ye 375 cooke 00 02 00 29 giuen att whitehall 00 00 06 paid for ye taffaty yat lined ye skirtes of my doublett and faced ye h?ends viz dim' yd dim' qrter' 00 08 00 Item 4 yds dim' of silluerd gragarum to make my wife a kertle and sleeues and stomacher att 19s 6d per yd 04 08 00 14 ounces 3 qrters' of silluer Cloud lace being 8 dozend dim' yardes to lay her gowne about att 5s per ounce 03 12 00 15 ounces dim' of silluer spangled lace edging, att 5s 4d per ounce being 6 dozen dim' to lay her bodyes and 8 couples downe ye kirtle 4004 05 00 30 paid for ye borrowing of 2 bookes of heraldry of master Kimby 00 05 00 giuen master Taylour for a dayes worke in heraldry 00 05 00 31 ffor Carrying of letters 00 01 00Ianuary 1. paid Stephen his bill. viz giuen ye bakers box 00 00 04 giuen my Lord Grayes foote man 00 00 06 376 giuen ye Coachmakers box 00 01 00 giuen ye Smithes men 00 00 06 gilding of mony for Antho[n]y 00 04 00 washing ye mens shirtes 00 01 06 bringing a Letter 00 00 04 to a porter for bringing things 00 00 03 20 - 15 - 1.[f.67v] 1626Ianuary Second half yeare 1 paid all due for hay 01 14 00 Item all for 9 bb' and a pecke of oates since ye 28 of Nouember 00 18 06 for coach=roome one weeke 00 01 00 giuen ye Ostler 00 00 06 my wife Lost att cardes 00 14 00 I lost att cardes 00 01 00 3 A Spanish ruff for my wife 01 04 00 2 se^ui^tts of suites of knotts 00 06 06 Riband 00 03 06 A blacke french Quoife 00 06 06 ffor pinnes 00 04 04 377 2 pendent pearles Counterfeited 00 05 00 knotts for shoes 00 01 02 4 giuen master Taylour for half a day's worke 00 04 00 5 Walsingham and Gemiticensis 00 09 00 Chronicle of Wales 00 01 00 Ayscue his history of England 00 01 06 Lambert's perambulation which I gaue to master Taylour 00 03 04 Suruey of Cornwall 00 00 06 A Saxon teareatise 00 01 00 Peacham of Limning 00 00 06 Heraldlry Triall of bastardy 00 01 00 Description of midd[lesex] 00 00 06 Newbergensis his history 00 01 00 pampheletts 6 and 2 MS 00 02 00 patterns of Coates and Supporters 00 02 00 giuen my Lady Wentworths foote-man that brought good newes 00 01 00 6 my wife gaue ye her taylours men 00 01 00 Lost att Cardes 01 06 00 8 giuen porter att my Lord Dukes 00 01 00 Changing a per of ^silke^ stockins for my wife 00 03 06 bobbin lace for her 00 00 06 A torch 00 00 09 378 A key for my pew in ye Church 00 01 00 giuen ye Clarke 00 00 06 A paper booke of 4 quire for Noble= mens pedegrees 00 10 06 6 quire of paper 00 02 00 A reame of paper to print with escocheons and mantles 00 11 00 A paper booke for ye Orders and degrees of ye nobility from a Duke etc 00 01 00 blacke leade in a sweete sticke 00 00 06 paid Richardson for Cutting a seale in brasse of my Creast 00 05 00 paid him for Caruing armes vpon plate 00 05 00 9 giuen att ye half moone 00 00 06 10 A paper book of 4 quire ^bought of master Kimby^ with mantle and escocheon's printed 4 on a side att 2s 6d per quire 00 10 00 giuen ye boy yat brought itt home 00 00 03 half a reame of royall paper 00 14 00 half a reame of troys demy 00 05 06 A quire of ye best royall paper 00 02 06 11 An ounce of silke for armes 00 02 00 A qrter' of a pound for ye same vse of bl[ack] 00 15 00 379 A qrter' of a pound of Crewell Crimson in graine att 10d per ounce 00 03 04 -A pound of white threed for ye same vse 00 08 00 An ^ounce(?)^ qrter' of an dim’ ounce of threed 00 023 00 ob' 12 Lost att Cardes 00 06 00 14 - 5 - 8[f.68r] 1626 Second half yeareIanuary 13 giuen 00 01 06 Lining of my hatt 00 02 00 Spent 00 00 06 14 giuen att White hall priuy garde 00 01 00 giuen Lady Richardson's coachman 00 02 00 15 paid master Cockson for a print in brasse to sett my armes vpon my bookes, being ye Wyuerne holding my single coate, he sayd that ye brasse stood him in 4s 01 00 00 16 A loade of billetts 00 11 00 380 paid master Taylour for halfe a dayes worke 00 04 00 17 my wife gaue my Lady ffinches coachman 00 02 00 18 paid for ye silluer of a double Seale 00 12 00 paid f?master Woodenett for Cutting of 8 coates and a creast att one end and my single coate att ye other 00 18 00 starche 00 00 04 to a porter 00 00 03 spiggetts 00 00 01 A leaden standish 00 00 04 Cotton for my inke horne 00 00 02 19 Charges when stephen went downe with horses and brought other vp 00 07 09 dim' pound of yellow silke for armes 00 16 00 A redd box for my wife 00 04 00 A brass seale circumscribed 00 06 00 my wife gaue ye porter att my Lord Dukes 00 01 00 20 Giuen Dicke att my Lord Dukes 00 02 00 223 22 Giuen master Tauerner Secretary to my Lord Montgomery when he drew a warrantt for me to be sworne of ye priuy Chamber to the K[ing] 01 00 00 381 Giuen his man that writt ye warrant 00 02 00 Giuen Sir William Heydon's man that when his master tooke my oath 00 02 00 25 Gilt paper 00 04 00 A per of sky Colour silke stockins 01 16 00 A per of black silk stockins 01 10 00 A per of knitt thread stockins 00 04 06 A per of p?buckes leather gloues with topps of black plush 00 08 00 A per of plaine buckes leather gloues 00 05 00 A per 2 per of thinne inner gloues 00 02 00 A little Tiffany ruff for my wife 00 07 06 paid my Laundresse 00 03 00 giuen a porter for bringing stooles 00 00 06 giuen ye pages of ye backe stayres att White hall 00 02 00 giuen a boy that did light me home 00 00 06 A loade of wood 00 10 00 to ye smith for setting on a locke 00 00 04 A pott for ye folkes to drinke in 00 00 02 28 giuen a boy for lighting my Coach home 00 00 06 29 Lost in light peeces borrowed 00 05 00 paid Stephens for 6 baytes for Coach horse 00 03 00 Giuen Stephen 00 00 04 mending my watch 00 11 00 382 30 Barber 00 02 00 giuen my Lady Maydston's man 00 01 00 31 A light from Whitehall home 00 01 00february 2 I? giuen att Whitehall 00 02 00 A light home 00 00 06 paid my Lady Richardson for vse 01 00 00 14 - 15 - 9[f.68v] 1626February Second half yeare 7 Giuen nurse Markettman 00 02 00 Giuen N. L. 00 02 06 8 Giuen att my fathers 00 01 06 Giuen att Bexley 00 03 00 Giuen Thomas Wyld when I and my boy came vp from Bexley to London in ye coach 00 02 06 10 Giuen N L 00 05 00 A new half shirt 00 08 00 paid And discharged Thomas Russell all his wages 01 00 00 Giuen him ouer 00 05 00 383 A torche 00 00 09 Sending Thomas to Grauesend 00 00 06 Washing Thomas his shirts 00 00 06 A halter 00 00 03 horsemeate and ostler 00 01 01 11 Giuen my taylours boy 00 00 06 Giuen my Lord Dukes porter att Wallingford house 00 02 00 132 Tooth pickes and case 00 00 08 N L 00 02 00 143 ffor making a bond 00 01 00 paid master Taylour for binding 2 paper bookes for alphabetts of Heraldry 00 08 00 ffor stocking a print of armes 00 02 00 14 paid master Taylour for allmost a dayes worke in heraldry 00 04 00 15 2 grammers for Anthony 00 01 03 10 quire of paper for heraldry 00 05 06 16 paid a porter that brought things from Belinsgate 00 00 04 Barber 00 02 06 // A silluer rapier cutt in diamonds 02 10 00 17 Aesops fables in English for Anthony 00 00 06 paid my Taylour for all worke and lining about my plush suite and 384 Cloake 03 14 00 ffor a Cordeuant wastcoate and making 01 00 00 paid him for all other worke 00 154 00 paid Muddiman for all his worke for my wife vt patet per bill 06 16 00 A drumm for my boy 00 05 00 18 A new beauer hatt 02 05 00 paid a scriuener for making a bond 00 01 00 O? Item for helping me to ye mony viz: O. 100li' 00 05 00 14 yds of blacke vnshorne vellett att 24s per yd to make a suite and ye outside of a Cloake 16 156 00 9 yds 3 qrters' of black plush att 28s per yd to line ye Cloake 13 12 00 3 yds dim' of white satten to lyne ye doublett and skirtes and pocketts att 15s 02 12 06 1 yd dim’quter' of black sattin for edging ye suite att 16s per yd 01 00 00 Item ye mercers bill for this suite 3 - 19 - 6 ye Taylours bill for ye same vt supra 3 - 14 - 0 Totall of all this suite and Cloake 385 37 - 13 - 6 ____________ 55 - 12 - 2[f.69r] 1626 Second half yeareFebruary Sattin and taffety for a new per of sleeues 01 06 06 17 Supper in Apollo with Sir George Dawson Sir Thomas Walsingham, Sir Iohn Skeffington, and my brother Ashbernham 00 07 06 21 per of gloues for Anthony. 00 00 06 paid for all horsemeate 00 19 00?4(?) Item for a halter 00 00 04 Item more for horsemeat 00 02 02 per of stockins for Antho[n]y 00 01 02 Kersy to make Anthony a suite 00 10 00 Cloath to make him a cloake 00 16 08 dying my yellow silk stockins 00 01 06 giuen my Lord Dukes porter 00 00 06 giuen Stephen 00 00 02 386 paid Alice Browne a whole yeares Wages due vpon ye 26. of Ianuary last past 02 10 00 22 ffor a new print in wood Carued to print Escocheons with mantells of 9 in a side 00 14 06 ffor printing of 38 q[ui]r[e] of paper with that and other prints att 8d per quire 01 05 06 27 Dinner with Sir Thomas Shirley att a tauerne 00 07 06 :Charges when stephen went into Kent 00 04 08 100 li' of fagotts 00 10 06 giuen Stephen 00 00 02 28 A greate print of armes viz. 16 // coates with ye baronette hand, and a wiuerne holding ye esco sheild. Carued by master Cockson, to sett vpon my bookes 04 15 00March 2 heraldry 00 01 00 paid my Landress 00 02 06 3 Giuen a fee for looking in ye office of Wills 00 05 00 5 riband 00 00 09 6 giuen att my Lady Maydstones 00 00 06 387 8 paid Miles ye Carrier for all 00 04 00 9 poore + 00 01 00 paper and Inke 00 00 06 10 paid ye taylour for all worke about a Cloake and suite for hAnthony 00 18 00 A reame of Italian royall paper for escocheons 02 08 00 A quire of ye best royall imperiall paper 00 04 00 A paper for booke for places in Kent 00 01 00?4(?) Hard wax 00 01 00 112 A button to Anthony's Cloake 00 00 06 13 giuen att denmark house 00 01 00 14 giuen Henr' Fisher 00 10 00 binding heraldry bookes 00 15 00 Typotius his worke of Hieroglyphickes 00 18 00 Giuen N L 00 010 00 15 Giuen by my wife to Doctor Foxs as a fee 00 10 00 paid for binding 2 bookes vp for heraldry 00 07 00 16 6 paper bookes of 5 q[ui]r[e] in a booke bound in parchment for history and Heraldry of Kent viz 4d per q[ui]r[e] et 4d per binding 00 12 00 388 giuen ffranklyn in part of payment for his iourney with ye horses 00 01 00 23 - 6 - 1.[f.69v] 1626March Second halfe yeare 17 paid these bills vt sequitur viz: Imprimis for shoing oates and hay for Coach=horse 02 07 04 ffor mending my saddle 00 02 04 A torch 00 00 10 paid ye Scauenger of London 00 01 08 more for shoing ye coach Coach horse 00 04 02 A ffanne for my wife 00 05 00 Riband for my wife 00 03 00 giuen by her to my cosen Ashbornham's Coahchman 00 01 00 A skreene for her 00 00 04 giuen to other Coachmen 00 024 00 A Carded band for my wife 00 05 00 mending and starcheing her ruffe 00 03 00 giuen by her 00 00 06 389 per of shoes(?) for Anthony 00 01 06 A drumme for Anthony 00 05 00 ffor tape 00 01 05 poore + 00 03 00 ob' Candles 8 li' 00 00?3(?) 030 ob' paid ye Vpholster master Grafton [blank] A french bedsted with pillers of wallnutt tree 01 15 00 1 peece of greene and yellow Velure 01 18 00 23 yds of fr? striped hangings linsey wolsey att 6s per yd 06 18 00 ringes hooke nayles et hanging vp 00 02 06?0 ffor a low stoole and two low halfe back't Chaire wee finding ye black Couering 01 07 00 ye stoole frame 1s 2d ye Chaires 4s-8d:ye bl[ack] A greate Chaire frame ^of beech^ 4s.wrought 2 low stoole frames of walnutt treevelluett 3s 8d. buckarom to lyne ye insidechaire and of ye stuffe 2s-3d. 4s ounces 3stooles qrters' bate one dram of black and orenge freinge turky top freinge att 3s per ounce for ye Chaire and 2 stooles. 14s. ye stuffe was our owne So these 2 stooles and Chaire Cost beside ye stuffe sackcloath, 390 girtwebb, nayles, towe, C(?)urled haire, redd leather, nayles etc 10s 6d. making them vp 6s 01 19 03?42 ffor making vp ye greene vellett 3 stooles and 2 C?low halfe backe Chaires. for ye frames and all butt ye Couering stuffe 02 00 10 19 A loade of wood 00 09 06 mending my silluer Can 00 03 04 20 2 li' of Candles 00 00 10d my wife paid for starching her band 00 01 06 ffor mending Andrewes shoes 00 00 05 paid ye Scauengers for all due att our Lady 00 01 08 paid master Kymbe in part for tricking ye armes of Kent 00 10 00 paid for 5 paper a brasse print of my single Coate and Creast for bookes 01 10 00 17 - 9 - 8[f.70r] 1626 391 Second half yeare 56 paper bookes of 5 q[ui]r[e] in a booke for notes of Kent by ye Lath bound in parchment 00 12 0[-] paid for binding vp 2 greate bookes and one in 4to marked on ye backe KENT 00 12 06 ffor binding other heraldry paper bookes 00 02 00 Item for binding 3 greate bookes with scocheon paper for Ordinaryes 00 15 00 Item for paper putt in them 00 00 06 paid ye Chirurgeon for letting me bloud 00 05 00 Giuen master Doctor Foxe 7 fees 03 10 00 paid All manner of Charges in passing my patent of Baronettship as // appeareth by ye particulars in a paper with in ye box where ye patent Lyes 84 16 00 30 paid Stephen a whole yeares wages due att our Lady day 05 00 00 paid ye Coachmakers bill 00?1 04 00 31 paid master Noakes ye Apothecary for all that I had of him in my last sicknes 00 17 08 392 Item for my wife 00 04 00 Item for Anthony 00 12 10 paid my half yeares assesse to ye poore 00 10 00April 10 paid for making vp a damaske suite for Anthony. 00 15 06 Horses in London 01 16 00 giuen there 00 01 06 Disbursed by my brother H[enry]Nouember D[ering] whilst I liued in London. 3 Charges in my seruaunts returne from London, themselues, and ye horses 00 07 05 paid Bayly ye sawyer 00 16 01 paid [blank] Kember of Harriettsham for a blacke gelding for ye Coach 08 00 00 9 dyett for 2 men att board wages for each a fortnight 00 16 00 13 paid and discharged Iohn Batherst 01 10 00 Giuen a drummer att a muster 00 02 00 Item a barrell of beere then spent 00 101 00 21 paid Alexander Hart for Loane of mony 131 13 0423 ffetching of horses too and f[]ro[] 2s 2s 6d 2s 1li(?) 6d 9d 4s-3s 19d. 00 16 05 26 paid Iohn Dering for mault 12 05 00 393December 17 p[aid] my cosen Elis: Fisher for loane of mony 04 00 00 An old Cloake bought of Thomas to make Andrew a per of Hills a 01 02 09 suite whilst he was att my fathers 00 15 00 more to make itt vp 00 03 09Ianuary 16 paid for a yeares loane of 100li' to my father due december 20 08 00 00 paid my father which he L[ai]d out for Composition 00 05 00February 4 A new plough bought 00 09 00 11 Giuen to Anthony 00 01 06 giuen nurse 00 02 00 14 paid goodman Carter for 28 qrters' of flockes att 16d per qrter' 01 17 04 ffor 4 traces 00 01 04 paid nurse Markettman in part 01 00 00 155 - 10 - 8[f.70v] 1626.February Second half yeare 14 A per of sockes for Antho[n]y. 00 00 06 394 dressing my bay mares foote 00 01 00 3 halters 00 01 01 A fothering line 00 00 04 18 ffor a messenger to douer viz: I.Lucas 00 02 00 A new plough 00 09 00 24 paid Elnor ye taylours bills 18s 6 pints of Hastifers 00 01 00March 18 3 ells of Holland 00 09 00 A new gett 00 00 10 24 paid Nurse Markettman ye remainder for all ye nursing for Ned: being 67 weekes att 2s 6d per week 01 09 00 paid Bayly ye sawyer for worke 00 16 01 paid in Smithes bills. for shoing and for husbandry irons 02 04 08 Candles 00 02 03 paid William Quersted and discharged 00 05 00 paid ye shoomakers bill for Anthony and Andrew Hill 00 16 00 december 26 paid William Sare in part of wages 02 00 00 paid Iohn Hunt for Carpentry 00 16 02 Item for worke in remoouing of trees 01 12 00 paid Him and others for worke att ye bouling 00 1211 09 o?b' ground 00 131 1010 10 395 paid ye two Tilghmans for all worke in my absence, Item, to [blank] Roberts and Richard Butcher for husbandry worke etc 02 01 05 Item more to ye 2 tilhgh Tilghmans for ploughing - 02 16 02 Item to them for Courting 01 07 01 Item to them for Threshing and Cleaning 04 00 1. ob' paid for ye remoouing of trees to others beside I. Hunt 00 11 5. ob' paid for 9 barrells of beere spent att London before our Comming downe 02 14 00March. paid att London for teaching Anthony to play on a drumm 00 05 00 memorandum paid my wiues houshold booke for dyett att London vst sequitur: Imprimis for all Nouember 03 15 00.ob' 25 - 12 - 2 Item for all december where of spent att one dinner - 3li'-10s-2?3d 08 06 06.ob'dyett Item for all Ianuary 07 19 10.qr’30li' Item for all February 04 18 1010s Item for all March 05 10 003d. other Charges beside dyett 00 05 01. 396 paid Doctor Fox. in 7 fees for aduise in phisicke 03 10 00 Chirurgeon 00 08 00 Brass prints for ^my^ armes on bookes 01 10 00 56 - 7?2 - 56 Booke binder for binding bookes for heraldry 01 10 00 Scauenger 00 01 08 __________ 63 - 7 - 2 __________ Summe of this halfe yeare whilst I lay att London which was but 5 monthes. 425?4 - 15 - 7. _____________ 431 - 15 - 3 _____________ Summe totall of this whole yeare. 721 - 8 - 11 ____________ 7145? - 9 - 3 397[f.71r] 1627 ffirst half yeareMarch 27 A handle to my silluer Chaffingdish 00 01 00 Washing a per of Sheetes 00 01 00 A loade of wood 00 09 10 31 paid ye smith's bill 00 09 00 paid for marking onf my new plate 00 05 06 A greate leather standard Chest 01 00 00 porter for bringing itt home 00 00 06 per of sthoes for Andrew 00 02 00 Giuen Iames Dering when he went ouer 00 05 00April 2 A booke print of my Creast viz alone 00 08 00 3 Letters 00 00 04 A skinne of Velom 00 01 02 5?3 bookes of Computation of yeares 00 02 04 writing of a warrant to search all offices without fee, to be signed by ye priuy counsell 00 02 00 supper 00 02 09 4 paid ye shomaker for all due vnto him for my selfe 01 09 00 Item for my wife 00 03 00 398 Mathaeus Parisiensis, et Florent' Wigorn' etc 00 10 00 Goodwin's suc^c^ession of BB, latin 00 04 00 Edmeri Historia 00 04 00 5 giuen att my Lady Maydston's 00 00 06 paid a Carrman for bringing Chaires and stoole 00 00 10 6 giuen att my Lord Priuy Seale's 00 01 00 giuen att my Lord Dukes to ye Porter' 00 01 00 to a boy that lighted me home 00 00 09 X my dinner 00 01 064 7 Giuen att my Lord of Canterburyes 00 01 00 going by water 00 01 00 Candles 00 00 05 Apples and a lemman x 00 00 05 8 giuen 00 00 06 A Chaine bought by my wife and giuen Nan my cosen Anne Cutts 01 05 00 Gloues for my wife 00 06 00 A ruffe for my wife 00 07 00 Riband 00 06 00 A per of garters for her 00 02 00 Knotts for her 00 03 00 9 giuen for Carrying a letter 00 01 00 giuen att Sir Iohn Hoberts 00 01 06 going by water 00 00 06 399 mending my hangers 00 00 04 10 going by water 00 00 06 giuen att ye Master of ye rolles 00 02 00 ffor writing a postscript in my warrant for search in offices 00 02 00 paid master Beale for dressing and lining my hatt 00 04 00 A hatt for Anthony 00 05 06 11 A scriuener for writing more in my warrant of search for Antiquityes 00 00 06 17 X paid ye Cooke his bill for all due vnto this morning 00 11 00 letters 00 00 04 X stephens Charges when he Came vp 00 01 06?4 to a porter 00 00 04 9 - 15 - 2[f.71v] 1627Aprill. ffirst halfe yeare. X ffor dyett 00 01 06 An vrinall 00 00 03 paid ye Smith for mending ye winedow 00 00 06 400 paid ye watchman that of ye Citty 00 02 00 giuen ye Coachmakers man when they brought a Coache home for Anthony 00 01 00 paid a voluntary assesse to ye minister for afternoone Lectures 00 10 00 paid Cockson for Cutting a seale of my single coate and Creast 10s circumscribed Sig: Edvardi Dering milit' et Baronetti 00 18?7 06 Item ye silluer of itt 00 04 06 paid Wodenett for taking of my greate seale with 8 Coates and Creast, and for making a thimble to itt and s an Iuory handle 00 02 06 going by water 00 00 06 12 to a porter 00 00 06 Comming to grauesend by water 00 04 00 giuen 00 01 00 horsemeate and dyett 00 032 06 A hackney hired home 00 05 00 13 giuen att my fathers 00 09 06 14 Ordinary att Ashford for me and my X brother Henr[y] 00 03 00 giuen a poore man + 00 03 00 19 2 doz b' of Candles 00 09 00 giuen att Boughton 00 02 06 401 Corde 00 00 01 girthes 00 00 08 paid Sergeant Snowden for trayning my souldiers by Command from my Lord Leiuetenant 3 dayes 00 06 00 giuen him for his dyett 00 06 00 giuen a drummer for attending 00 05 00 paid by my brother H[enry] D[ering] whilst I was att London since our Lady day Last past.April 8 paid for more worke about ye bowling gro[un]d 00 12 00 day worke in husbandry by ye 2 Tilghmans and Roberts 02 10 00 paid Iohn Hunt for carpentry and making of pales 00 13 06 10 paid Thomas Wiles for horsemeat att Grauesend 00 14 04 Shouing 00 00 02 horsemeate when my wife Cam ^went^ home from London 00 10 08 my seruaunts 2 of them by water 00 01 00 mending a saddle 00 00 06 Giuen Thomas Wiles by my wife 00 05 00 paid Iennings ye cowper for worke 00 02?3 00 402 Layd out by my selfe att London. 23 per of bootehose 00 10 00 going by water whilst I was there [blank] giuen att ye exchequer 00 03 06 10 - 17 - 0[stub][f.72r] 1627Aprill ffirst half yeare 25 The Acts of Scotland printed 00 04 00 Candles 00 00 05 27 Satten for a doublett 002 12 00 Taffaty for lining 001 01 00 A ruffe and 2 per of Cuffes 01 04 00 2 dozen of silluer and Watchett pointes 01 04 00 bowles for ye Children 00 00 06 28 per of gloues 00 01 02 403 new hatching my gilt rapier 01 12 00 30 2 paper bookes 00 01 08 A reame of paper ffor Antiquityes 02 08 00 Item 4 quire more of ye same for ye same vse 00 10 00 A reame of paper 00 05 00 other paper 00 0-01 0610 pennes 00 01 00 Inkhornes and penknife 00 02 04 A pen knife 00 00 06 giuen master Deuicke's man that brought me a booke of ye mapps of ffrance 00 02 00May. 1. Iuniper 00 01 00 2 giuen att ye Rolles 00 01 00 paid master Cockson for an Iuory top to my seale 00 02 06 paid for glasse Armes viz. 2 coates in single quarryes with creastes. each att 1s-6d. 2 without creasts att 1s. and for peeces of glasse to mend broken armes withall each be??ing att coate att 6d per Coate 00 10 00 3 p[aid] master Woodnett for Cutting my single Coate and for ye silluer added to another seale 00 03 06 404 giuen master Lilly for ye vse of his booke of visitation f? of Kent 00 10 00 paid master Taylour for a peece of Velom and for drawing some circles thereon 00 02 06 4 Inke of ye exchequer 00 00 06 5 paid H. Hutton a qrters' wages 01 00 00 // Giuen Sir William Segar 02 04 00 6 Landresse 00 02 06 7 Barber 00 02 06 ffagotts 00 01 09 An vrinall 00 00 03 An inke glasse 00 00 05 Chamberent for a fortnight in Kings streete 00 16 00 8 paid Cockson for Cutting my Creast att one end of my double seale 00 06 00 9 2 per of socks 00 01 00 giuen master Hill for dressing my deafe eare 00 10 00 paid master Kimby for all worke in armory viz. for tricking coates and creast att 5s six score 00 14 00 Phisicke 00 07 04 An iuory boxe for an inkhorne 00 01 06 10 fTo a porter 00 00 06 405 19 - 0 - 2[f.72v] 1627May ffirst half yeare 10 going by water from London to Erill 00 05 00 giuen att my cosen Bringbornes 00 03 00 11 horsemeate att Grauesend 00 002 09 going by water whilst I was att London 00 04 00 poore + 00 00 06 Disbursed for me by my brother H[enry] D[ering] whilst I was att London In April and May. and att London whilst I was in KentApril 28. paid Hunt for 12 dayes worke about paling in ye Hopgarden and ye crosse pale that ioynes itt to ye east feild 00 18 00 paid Taylour ye moalecatcher for 4 doz and 8 moales att 1d ob' ye moale he findinge himeself 00 07 00 29 ffor a hamperre 00 02 00 406 giuen ye vpholsterers man 00 01 00 A looking glasse 00 05 00 ffor Cords 00 03 08 ffor packthread 00 00 04 bottles 00 02 00 wharfage and waterbaile for my goods 00 02 08 paid a porter for heelping to packe vp my think?ges houshold stuff att London 00 04 00 paid ye Carman 00 05 00 paid my apothecary 00 02 00 ffor pinnes 00 04 11 A silluer fan handle 00 02 06 A bone knife for Ned 00 00 02 ffor for schooling of Anthony att Charter house 00 05 00 horsemeate in ye iourneying and staying about sending my stuffe home 00 14 02May 2 paid Iames Bunce for halfe an assesse to ye poore due in his times 00 06 04 4 Shoing att home 00 05 00 plough irons 00 06 00 6 paid for bringing downe my houshold stuff by water to ffeuersham 01 03 00 h----- se horsemeate att ffeuersham 00 00 08 407 stuffing my saddle 00 00 06 paid Nicholas Mason for bringing 2 loade of stuffe from ffeuersham home to my house 01 04 00 ffor water bale 00 00 08 8 paid steward ye glasier for work 00 03 00 paid ye mason for worke 00 00 08 A Canne for beere 00 00 08 paid for a matt att London 00 00 08 20 li' of white starch att 4d per li' 00 06 08 A boxe 00 00 10 8 - 13 - 4[f.73r] 1627May ffirst half yeare paid ye vpholsterers bill vt sequitur ffor a shagg matt for a bedd 00 02 00 ffor 60 yds of bullrush matt att 2d per yd 00 10 00 ffor 3 playne mattes 00 02 00 ffor two dayes worke 00 05 00 ffor Cordes 00 02 06 408 A french greate Chaire frame 00 03 06 3 french backe stoole frames att 2s 6d 01 00 00 2 low stoole frames 00 02 00 girtwebb' and sacke cloath to all these 00 06 00 14 yds of tike to make baggs for all these att 20d per yd 01 03 04 34 li' of ye best feathers to fill attll these att 12d per li' 01 14 00 Leather and lining to ye backes of all these 00 05 00 Drawing ye peeces of 9 yeards of old scarlett to Couer all these 00 07 06 1200 of bright boate nayles for them all 01 00 10 ffor blacke tackes for them all 00 03 06 15 oz 1/4 of willow colour turky topp freinge of silke att 2s 7d per ounce 02 00 05 14 yds 3/4 of yellow buckarum to make Couers for all these att 13d 00 16 01 ffor making ye greate Chaire and couer 00 02?4 00 ffor making ye 8 backe stoole att 2s each 00 16?2 00 ffor making ye 2 low stooles 00 02 08?0 10 - 60 - 210 409 ye o(?)dd 6s 8d was abated. 18 giuen Iohn Wolton his boy that brought me letters 00 00 02 23 paid Richard Kersby for threshing 00 05 04 giuen att Boughton 00 01 00 horseroome during a showrer 00 00 06 24 Andrewes Charges when I sent him to London beside dyett 00 021 06 giuen him 00 00 04 Charges att London about getting remouing my ^two^ trunkes from Westminster 00 02 02 Keeters? Paid Campion ye Carrier for all due may. 10?9. 00 09 10 Item a saddle downe 00 00 06 wine and oyle and spices for a medicine for my gelding 00 05 07 An ell of Cloath. for a Cheese Cloath 00 01 00 half a yard of Cloath for an ash Cloath 00 00 04 28 paid ye mason for worke att Surrenden 00 02 04 A wanty hooke 00 00 03 paid Iohn Hunt ye Carpenter for 4 dayes worke about my hops 00 06 00 4 dayes worke in ye east parlour 00 06 00 410 ffelling of timber and making of pales and rayles of itt 00 12 09 2 dayes worke att harrowe 00 01 06 paid Browne ye smith for shoing 00 04 00 fforgeing of plough irons 00 03 04 14 - 6 - 1[f.73v] 1627May ffirst half yeare mending a Cobbiron 00 00 03 nayles 00 00 01 Charnells hookes and rides for the East parlour 00 03 04 64 nayles for ye greate doore in ye East parlour 00 02 00 A per of sizers for ye stable 00 00 05 A Crocke broken and paid for vnto daniell Smart due 1621 but not askt for vntill now. 00 01 00 30 paid for Cloath to make Bocher a suite 00 15 00 29 paid vnto my Cosen Elisabeth ffisher for ye Loane of mony 04 00 00 411Iune 1 paid ye ioyner for worke in ye East parlour 00 02 00 paid stephen for washing his shirtes att London 00 01 00 Mending Andrewes shoes att London 00 00 05 Starching a band for my wife 00 01 06 2 paid William Sare for half a yeares wages ending att ye [blank] of May 02 00 00 Item for his paines whilst I kept no house 00 05 00 horsemeate 00 00 08 3 A new saddle bought for me by Sir Iohn Skeffington, with a bitt, bridle, stirrup, and girthes 02 10 00 paid an assesse for ye poore of little Chart made ye 4th of Iune // last past 1626. att ye rate of 1d per acre 6s 2d. where of half of itt repaid vnto me ^this day^ by ye ouerseer yat receiued. - viz: Richard Feild. because that many denyed payment to so greate an assesse being forreigners whereby the parish contented themselues with half ye proportion. memorandum itt was paid long since but not 412 sett downe 00 03 01 6 6 ells of Lockarum att 2s 8d per ell to make Anthony shirtes 00 16 00 1 ell of fine holland for my wife 00 06 00 paid Theophilus Tilghman for 13 dayes husbandry 00 13 00 paid Thomas Roberts for 9 dayes husbandry 00 09 00 paid Iohn Hunt for one 5 dayes Carpenter 00 07 06 3 iron Casements for ye East parlour 00 09 00 paid ye Carryer 00 01 00 4 paid vnto Alexander Hart for halfe a yeares loane of 125li', due on ye first of May last past 05 00 00 paid and discharged Thomasin Maplesden for all her time being halfe a yeare 02 00 00 giuen her 00 02 00 ffor bring 2 young Cignetts from Conyers mill 00 00 02 6 paid goodman steward ye glasier for 41 foote dim' of new glasse for my East parlour att 7d per foote 01 04 02 Item for mending a Casement 00 00 04 Item for Coulouring Casements redd 00 01 00 413 9 paid. . . . Kingley for 4 yeares // quittrent due vnto my Lady Kemp, for her Manner of Bocton Aluph, out of 5 acres of land in Broadmead att 12d ob' per annum 00 04 02 Item for ye stewards fee vpon ye Exchange of my name for my fathers which my father sayth was not due 00 01 00 21 - 12 - 1.[f.74r]Iune 1627. 9 horses att Ashford seuerall times 00 01 06 14 paid for a per of stockins for Anthony 00 00 09 paid for a per for Andrew 00 01 06 15 paid master Copley for all his small tithe due from St Michael last, vntill next St Michael 01 00 00 16 paid for 100 li' of boate nayles for Chaires 00 01 00 packthread 00 01 00 mending watch 00 04 00 for a paile 00 01 024 414 per of Hose for Ned 00 00 09 giuen 00 01 04 worke in ye garden 00 00 06 Sand 00 00 06 broomes 00 00 04 needles 00 00 06 Barber for Anthony 00 00 03 per of garters for Anthony 00 03 00 2 beere glasses 00 01 04 tape 00 00 08 Riband 00 01 04 horsemeate and giuen att Ashford 00 00 10 3 ells 3 qrters' of Stuffe bought att Ashford to make a suite for Anthony, a coate for Ned, and a suite for Andrew and for ye Kitchin boy 02 08 11 Inkle bought there 00 02 00 paid Champian ye Carrier 00 02 04 paid Theophilus Tilghman for 11 dayes 00 11 00 paid Thomas Robertes for 12 dayes 00 12 00 paid Richard Bocher for 3 dayes 00 03 06 paid G. Gooding for 3 dayes dim' and 2 boyes for 3 dayes he att. 18d his boyes each att 14d per diem about mye walles of my inner study 415 for drawers 00 12 03 paid for 6 for bands for Antho[n]y one for Andrew, and another for ye Kitching boy 00 06 02 ffor a: steele 00 00 05 17 paid my assesse for beacon watch att Shorne Cliffe, and Westwell Downe 00 01 00 2018 A barrell of beere bestowed on my souldiers 00 11 00 20 paid steward ye glazier for glazing and setting vp my armes in ye east parlour 00 04 08 Item for glasse in my inner study 00 01 06 Item for Soader for ye leades 00 04 08 Item for otes worke 00 01 00 22 paid Bayly ye sawyer for 700 of board Cutt att 2s 4d per C 00 16 00 paid [blank] for 22 bushells' of oates att 15d per bush' measured per heape 01 07 06 Memorandum layd out between ye 23 of Iune and ye 2 of Iuly whilst I liued att Willisborough with my wife and family my father and mother etc. Imprimis ffor Letting my horse bloud 00 00 04 416 Shoestrings for Anthony 00 00 06 3 bands for Andrew 00 01 00 paid to a Labourer for a dayes worke in Casting of^att^ ye pond 00 01 00 10 - 11 - 0[f.74v] 1627[Iune] ffirst halfe yeare paid ye Carrier 00 00 06 paid ye two Lankfords for 7 dayes worke between them about ye two of dothe Dormant windowes in ye Granary 00 10 06 paid Iohn Hunt for 17 dayes 01 07 00 Giuen my cosen Pickering 00 02 00 fforgeing of plough irons 00 05 06 ffor a new plough sheare 00 04 08 ffor nayles 00 04 00?4 ffor mending ye coach 00 02 06 3 per of rides etc 00 03 06 Shoing 00 03 06 giuen Anthony 00 00 04 417 Lost att bowles 00 01 06 paid ye Glazier for worke att willisborough 00 0244 00 Item for setting vp giuen ye Sexton there 00 00 06 giuen ye Sexton att Ashford 00 01 00 giuen master Th:' Godfrey's man 00 01 00 poore 00 00 06 Linnen bought for my self and my wife 03 00 00 binding 2 paper bookes one in bl[ack] leather ye other in white Vellom marked KENT 00 11 00 Item for blacke leades etc 00 00 06 Item for letters 00 00 02 Item 4 quire of paper bound in Vellom with blew silke stringes 00 04 04 [Gap] Charges beside dyett att ye Assises.Iuly 8 poore + 00 00 06 giuen ye Cryers gloue 00 01 00 giuen ye fidlers 00 001 00 giuen att my Aunt Fisher's 00 01 00 Horsemeate there 00 05 00 418 paid ye sadlers bill 00 07 08 A hatt for Ned 00 02 06 Horsemeate att Ashford 00 00 08 paid Arrowes ffor ^per^ shoes for Bocher [^]2. Ianuary[^] 00 02 08 Item another per May. 20 00 02 08 Item for mending shoes for him 00 02 08 mending shoes for Andrew 00 01 00 per of shoes for Anthony 00 01 06 per of shoes for Ned 00 00 10 mending ye Coach=harnesse 00 01 04 ffor soaling my bootes 00 01 00 9 - 1 - 10[f.75r] 1627 ffirst halfe yeare.Iuly 9 per of stockis for Anthony 00 01 04 paid Iohn Hunt for 6 dayes 00 09 00 paid Richard Fowler for Cleaning out of rootes 00 10 00 paid Hopper for shoing of -8 per of beastes 01 00 00 419 paid Thomas Roberts for 6 dayes 00 06 00 Item more when he dyetted in ye house 00 06 00 paid Theophilus Tilghman for 17 dayes 00 17 00 paid for ye Clarkes wages 00 00 06 A per of traces 00 00 07 paid ye Ioyner for 6 dayes dim' about ye doore and drawers in my Vtopia 00 606 00 10 paid Elner ye Taylour for all worke 00 12 00 [small gap] paid Mistress Awsiter for halfe a yeares rent of her house ended att our Lady day past. I say paid by ye hands of my cosen Bringborne Iune 6th 11 00 00 Item paid and so discharged of ye house and all further rent. Iune. 25 07 00 00 paid ye Glasier for ye Armes in ye East parlour of my two wiues etc 02 12 00 4 latches for doores 00 05 08 halfe a summe of reparation nayles 00 05 10 6 dozen of corkes for my bottles 00 02 06 A key for my trunke att London 00 00 10 Portage there 00 03 00 paid [blank] 420 A ruler 00 022 06 Canuas to packe vp my suite and saddles 00 01 01 dd' Oliuer Marshall 00 05 00 Item to buy pencells 00 01 00 paid on ye 19th of May for ye vse of 100li' one quarter of a yeare vnto master Christopher Bowyer of Grayes Inne 02 00 00 11 mending a brass candlesticke 00 00 02 - 3 bands for Antho[n]y Andrew 00 01 00 12 giuen M.N.N.L. 00 02 06 14 paid Bayly for sawing of 300 foote att 2s 4d per foote 00 07 00 paid Iohn Hunt for worke about planking ye stable 00 06 00 Item for other worke 00 03 00 paid Theophilus Tilghman 6 dayes 00 06 00 paid Thomas Roberts for 6 dayes 00 06 00 paid Richard Michiner ye Ioyner for 5 dayes worke 00 05 00 paid for sheepe shearing 00 03 01 Item for tarre 00 00 10 paid Nicholas Mason for fetching of 30500 of shingles from beyond Tenterden 00 10 00 421 2 lockes 00 02 00 31 - 0 - 11[f.75v] 1627Iuly ffirst half yeare 24 100 of nayles for ye Iowyner 00 00 03 paid ye Carrier for all due 00 00 07 paid Richard Catesby for 5 dayes threshing 00 05 010 15 paid my Assess for ye church 1626 00 06 08 Item paid my Assesse for ye poore of Pluckley made ye 11th of May last 00 13 04 paid G: Gooding for all worke 00 06 00 paid Anthony Barnard for Fetching a load of fagotts out of Fagothurst 00 01 09 17 paid Bayly ye Sawyer for 2 dayes worke 00 07 00 18 paid dd' to [blank] Tully to be paid vnto his brother Michael Tully for 3500 of shingles att 20s per 1000 03 10 00 19 A stone bottle 00 00 06 Redd Oaker 2 li' 00 00 04 422 horsemeate att Maydstone 00 00 04 Bone lace for my wife 01 03 00 Mending a siue 00 01 00 A preseruing glasse 00 00 03 giuen Thomas Wilds 00 00 06 20 11 yd dim' of damaske att 10s per yd of ye History of Holofernes to make a table Cloath, a Cupboarde Cloath, and a Side board Cloath 04 16 00 43 yds of damaske suitable att 2s 11d per yd to make napkins 3 dozen of napkins 06 04 00 6 yd of fine damaske of ye history of ye prodigall Child att 10s per yard to make one and one table Cloath 03 00 00 6 yds of diaper att 5s per yd to make one table Cloath 01 10 00 18 yds of diaper att 2s 2d to make [blank] napkins 01 19 00 22 yds of diaper att 20d per yd to make [blank] napkins 01 16 00 21 paid ye two Langfords for 5 dayes worke apeece att 18d per diem about making of a dormant windowe in ye groomes Chamber, taking downe ye ledge and making of an playne 423 doore 00 15 00 22 27 li' of leade et dim' att 1d ob' per li' bought att Ashford for ye last of my dormant windowes ouer ye stable 00 03 04 3 li' of redd' oaker for my study wall 00 00 06 horse att Ashford 00 00 02 31 Giuen ye Keeper att Eastwell wehen my dogg rann att a deere 00 02 06 27 - 3 - 10[f.76r] 1627.August ffirst half yeare 3 paid Bayly ye sawyer 00 05 00 paid [blank] Catesby for Cutting of grasse and haying 00 0?15 02 ffor a speciall(?) --lin(?)es 00 00 10 bottles and barrells 7.3. [blank] gunpowder 00 05 06 2000 4 li' nayles 00 06 08 4 shoes for ye roane gelding 00 01 08 424 hookes and hinges 00 06 04 plough irons 00 00 09 100 of hobnayles 00 00 03 Shoing 00 05 01 paid steward ye Glazier 00 16 00 paid for a per of bootes 00 12 00 2 stocklockes 00 03 02 100 of quills 00 01 00 A Iackline 00 03 00 2 buttery basketts 00 05 06 10 dozen of trenchers 00 05 10 4 dozen of wodden spoones 00 02 00 per of gloues 00 05 00 1?4 yds of striped stuffe for Curtaynes in ye East parlour 01 04 00 9 yds of linsey wolsey for a Carpett on my study table 00 10 00 9 yds of 4d riband for my wife 00 02 08 A key to my wiues watch 00 02 00 A baskett 00 00 04 horsemeate att Canterbury 00 00 03 200 of nayles for ye ioyner 00 00 06 A surcingle 00 00 06 horsemeatt att Ashford 00 03 04 giuen ye ostlers 00 00 05 giuen ye Chamberlaines 00 00 06 425 paid for letter to and fro 00 00 09 paid Samuell ye Cooke for 2 dayes help heere 00 10 00 - paid my taylours bill for making vp my white satten doublett and black plush hose 02 06 00 paid Robert Dering for halfe yeares vse of 50li' due 02 00 00 12 - 2 - 0[f.76v] 1627August ffirst half yeare. 5(?) - paid Mason for bringing of fish etc from ffeuersham 00 06 08 - Item for towne draught 00 00 02 paid ye Mason for all worke by himself and his boyes 00 08 09 - ffor helpe when a greate dinner was made heere 00 05 02 paid Iohn Lucas for helpe in ye garden 00 08?1 04 paid Iohn Hunt for 12 dayes work 00 18 00 426 paid Tullye's boyes 00 00 04 paid Iohn Hunt for more worke 00 02 03 paid Thomas Roberts for 18 dayes worke 00 12 00 paid Theophilus Tilghman for 17 dayes etc 00 11 04 7 paid for 54 li' wt brought downe from London 00 02 022 - A barell for Capers 00 00 02 - bringing downe 2 Cheeses 00 01 00 bringing other things 00 01 08 - bringing Artichockes 00 02 00 8 giuen 00 00 06 Giuen M. N. N L 00 05 00 11 Giuen N. M. N L 00 02 06 bringing a letter from greenway court(?) 00 00 06 giuen Thomas 00 00 06 13 horsemeate att Wy 00 00 04 A buckle 00 00 02 Shoing 00 00 02 A round hoope nett 00 01 06 18 li' of Candles 00 06 09 Nayles 00 00 03 14 paid vnto mistress Astell that which her brother had disbursed for me about a Coppy of an act of 427 parlyament Concerning ye hospitall of Sherborne in Durhan' 00 15 06 15 - paid Richard Bocher for 3 brewings 00 07 06 Item for one dayes worke 00 00 08 16 paid Henry Tully ye Shingler for making 1000 of shingles 00 10 00 Item paid him for laying of 15500 of Shingles vpon ye north side of my stable, att 10s per 1000 07 15 00 18 paid Richard Michiner for ye ioyner for 28 dayes worke beside dyett 01 08 00 So ye whole Charge of that sett of drawers next ye Chimny beside timber and Sawing was 1li'-16s-0 20 - paid for bringing two swannes 00 02 00 horses att Ashfor 00 01 00 stuffing saddles 00 00 08 21 paid my Assesse to ye reparation of Tunbridge bridges 00 00 08 15 - 12 - 2[f.77r] 1627 428August ffirst half yeare 26 paid ye Smith for rides and ioynts [00] 02(?) 00 ffor shoing 00 01 00 ffor plough irons 00 00 04 mending a per of pincers 00 01 00 A round iron hoope for fishing 00 02 06 ffor 4d and 6d nayles 00 05 00 ffor making Cloathes for Bocher 00 03 00 28 paid Marden for 3 per of gloues for Ned 00 00 06 6 per of gloues for Anthony 00 02 00 Sowing leather 00 00 06 5 bushells' of hayre 00 01 10 paid [blank] Milsted for 100 of Lathes 00 01 02 paid Iohn Hunt for 16 dayes August 26: 01 04 00 paid Theophilus Tilghman for 17 dayes 00 11 04 paid Thomas Roberts for 17 dayes 00 11 04 giuen N. M. N. L. 00 02 00 paid Hutton his wages for ye second qter' 01 00 00 29 3 doz' of Candles 00 13 04 1 ell of holland 00 04 00 A stone pott 00 00 04 30 giuen N. M. N L 00 02 00 429 31 paid to a woman for helpe in ye Kitchin 00 04 04 A pole for my round nett 00 00 06 Bringing things from feuersham 00 01 00 Nayles 00 00 06 A glasse to drinke in 00 00 06 Shoing ye oxen 00 04 00September 1 giuen to N.M.M.N.L 00 02 00 5 Charges of sending to sterborough and London in horsemeate etc 00 03 06 2 per of bootehose 00 10 06 4 yd of Cobbwebb lane 00 08 08 A blacke iacke 00 01 06 A little spring locke 00 01 02 8 paid Iohn Hunt for 9 dayes 00 13 06 Giuen for bringing home my greuhound 00 01 00 A halter 00 00 01 paid Thomas Roberts for 7 dayes 00 04 08 paid Theophilus Tilghman for 11. dayes 00 07 04 paid Richard Michiner ye ioyner for 17 dayes 00 17 00 Item for a pound of glew 00 00 06 Giuen att Eastwell 00 00 06 9 G[iuen?]. N. M. N. L. 00 02 00 10 paid Thomas Simonson for Canuas for a suite for Bocher 00 10 00 430 Item for an ash Cloath 00 001 00 Item for a Cheese Cloath 00 01 02 Charges att London for stephen 00 001 060 10 - 7 - 11[f.77v] 1627September 10 giuen att Throughley 00 00 06 giuen Sir Maximilian Dalison's man 00 01 00 13 paid Harper vt sequitur Imprimis for all my tith hay 00 07 00 Item for Oxe bowes 00 02 00 ffor mowing of 10 acres att 16d per acre 00 13 04 ffor reaping of 5 acres of Pease in Longdane att 4s per acre 00?1 00 00 ffor Cleaning of ye wheate 00 01 02 ffor 6 open basketts 00 03 10 ffor a baskett with double leaues 00 01 00 ffor 3 Lattices 00 04 00 Giuen N. M. N. L. 00 02 00 156 paid ye Carrier of Pluckley 00 00 10 horsemeate and going by water to 431 London for stephen 00 022 06 horses att Ashford 00 01 04 2 per of stockins for Ned 00 01 09 2 ells' of Cloath to make Andrew shirtes 00 023 05?0 Packthread 00 00 04 17 Giuen M. N. N. L. 00 05 00 18 paid Iames Bunce for 11 weathers att 12s each 06 12 00 Giuen mistress Ely for being midwife when Besse was borne etc 03 00 00 Giuen my Lady Maydstone's man who brought a peece of plate from her to Bess 01 00 00 x --------- 19 giuen N M N L 00 02 00 paid and discharged Margr?aret Codwell 01 00 00 giuen more then her wages 00 02 06 20 giuen att Eastwell 00 00 06 21 paid Frankwell for helpe in ye kitchin 00 00 06 25 paid for 2 bottles 00 01 00 broomes 00 00 08 ffor sand 00 00 05 2 beere glasses 00 01 00 432 giuen to Nurse Markettman for soape and Candles 00 05 00 giuen to Nurses mayde 00 01 00 giuen 00 00 04 26 paid Arrowes for per of shoes for Ned 00 00 10 Item 2 per of shoes for Anthony 00 02 11 Item a per of shoes for Bocher 00 02 10 Item a per of shoes for Andrew 00 01 10 paid for a new Cony hay of 40 fadom' att 5d per fadom' and one shilling ouer 00 17 08 paid Thomas Roberts for 8 days dim' 00 05 08 paid Theophilus Tilghman for 10 dayes dim' 00 07 00 200 of nayles 00 00 06 27 paid an assesse to beacon watch 00 01 04 paid Susan Lucas for helpe in ye kitchin 00 02 00 paid and discharged elis: White 00 02 00 Lost 00 00 02 giuendd' my wife 00 05 00 18 - 7 - 3 433[f.78r] 1627 ffirst half yeareSeptember 29 paid my wiues houshold booke for all meate and dyett this first quarter from our Lady day to Midsommer 18 16 06 Item paid ye same booke for ye same purpose from midsommer to St Michael, beside wheate mault and Sheepe 36 15 06 Giuen and discharged Andrewe Hilles 00 05 00 paid Henry Hutton all wages due vnto him Giuen him aboue his wages paid Oliuer Marshall for all his worke in heraldry vntill Michaelmas day. 02 16 08 Giuen him towards Charge of his iourney 00 05 00 Giuen him more 00 06 08 paid Stephen Kennard his wages 02 10 00 paid William Sare his wages 02 00 00 paid Alice Browne her wages and --- 02 050 00 paid Dorothy Pemble her wages [blank] 434 paid Richard Michiller ye ioyner for all worke before michaelmeas 00 06 00 paid goodwife Thunder for keeping my wife in 5 weekes 00 15 00 Giuen her 00 02 06 paid Doctor Moseley for tith of 14 acres of barley att 2s 6d per acre 01 15 00 paid [blank] Catesby for mowing of 14 acres of barley 00 16 04 69 - 8 - 2 Summ totall of this halfe yeares 287 - 16 - 11[f.78v] [blank][f.79r] Second halfe yeare Michaelmas l627. 435 Memorandum my father and mother etc' Came now to board with meOctober ____________________________ 4 paid Thomas Masters for 5 sheepe att 02 18 00 5 paid for 6 seame of seede wheate 08 18 00 7 paid ye Smith for all due to him ut sequitur Imprimis for nayles. 00 03 08 Item for shoing 00 07 10 Item for husbandry tooles 00 02 00 Item for ioynts for ye wineseller door 00 01 04 200 of horsenayle points f ye ioyner 00 00 02 8 paid for 6 welsh beastes bought att mayde stone fayre att 28s a peece 08 08 00 5 lesser beastes bought then att 20s 4d 05 01 08 Dinner and horse meate there for my man 00 01 00 paid ye Mason for hworke heere 00 03 06 Item in ye stable 00 00 06 paid for sending a horse backe to Rochester 00 01 00 paid for blanketts, say, fustian and cotton for ye girle bess 00 17 01 436 paid for two new Sacks 00 04 08 paid ye Ioyner for 6 dayes 00 06 00 Item for a pound of glew 00 00 06 Item for 100 of nayles 00 00 03 paid Theophilus Tilghman for worke 00 06 06 paid Iohn Lucas for worke 00 08 04 paid Thomas Roberts for worke 00 09 04 paid Iohn Hunt for all worke vntill October 7 01 07 06 2 per of stockins for Anthony 00 02 10 9 paid Steward ye glazier for all worke 00 03 00 Spent att London when I went vp about ye composition for ye Country: being then Threasurer From ye 11 of october to ye 13. of Nouember For horsemeate Giuen memorandum? this iourney 00 06 00 Going by water 00 05 00 A reame of ye best paper for heraldry 02 05 00 A booke of Speede's mappes 00 15 00 N. L ye last 00 07 06 paid Robert Dering of fleetestreete for vse of mony 02 00 00 paid Reeues ye Apothecary 00 03 04 437 per of knitt linnen stockins 00 04 06 Barber 00 03 00 going by water about ye composition 00 012 00 paid master Taylour for worke done in heraldry 01 15 00 paid him for charges of Comming downe 00 10 00 paid him for ^a^ weekes worke heere he and his boy 002 00 00 Blacke leades 00 02 00 Lockes and Compasses 00 05 04 paper pictures in black and white 00 06 00 paid my shomaker for all his work 01 01 00 42 - 17 - 4[f.79v] 1627 Second half yeare paid master Muddiman my wiues tayler for 2 coates of Taffaty another of damaske and all belonging 15 00 00 3 little boxes 00 00 06 new lining my hatt 00 01 06 going by water 00 00 06 438 paid for painting colours bought of seuerall sortes for armes 00 15 05 paid for Tith due whilst I liued in Aldersgate streete, neuer demanded before 01 07 00 6 handkercheifes 00 04 02 Mending my hangers 00 00 06 A combe brush 00 00 02 An vrinall 00 00 03 paid master Humble for 6 setts of # coppyes of all ye broade seales yat haue beene in England, printed vpon good paper att 1d per seale 00 17 00 A paper booke for country busines 00 04 06 A paper booke for a foule coppy of my pedegre 00 05 00 Waxe hard and soft 00 02 09 paid for tricking and colouring of seals att 2d per seale 00 06 10 half a reame of ye best paper but of a second size att 18d per quire for heraldry 00 15 00 A reame of 4d paper 00 07 00 per of kniues 00 03 00 paid master Nokes ye apothecary 00 03 00 paid for search in ye office of armes 00 03 06 439 Velom for armes 00 03 06 Mouth glew 00 00 06 Heraldry bookes bought of master Allen yat were master Collman's 02 00 00 Item more of Sir W[illiam?] S[egar?] 05 00 00 Item more for heraldry 00 02 10 poore + 00 00 10 2 waxe candles 00 01 00 per of Candlestickes 00 05 04 A single Candlesticke 00 00 09 2 halfe ferkins of soape 00 16 00 for 20 dozen pound of candles and ye chestes, and charge of deliuery of them to ye carrier att 5s 5d per doz ye l 2 boxes. 4s. etc. 05 09 08 An vrinall 00 00 02 Pennes 00 00 02 2 pumice stones 00 00 02 paid ye landress 00 00 02 Giuen in this iourney. 00 067 090 Horsemeate this iourney 01 01 08 giuen master Doctor Haruey in seuerall fees 06 -1010 00 // giuen his man for --- 00 14 06 paid his apothecary 01 17 00 X The price and totall charges of my 440 oliue coloured cloath suite and cloake lined with bayes, made vp with a satten edging and a silke lace, a per of stockings belt and girdle of ye same 12 04 00 57 - 12 - 10[f.80r] 1627 Second half [y]eare. Giuen a surgeon for helpe 00 10 00 Item paid for letting bloud 00 05 00 2 dozen dim' of silke pointes 00 05 06 per of garters and shoestringes 00 09(?) 06 scarlaett bayes of old 00 09 00 gold lace of old 00 03 00 Spent N L 15 10 04 So ye ---t? Totall of all expences this iourney beside 5li' - 7s - 0 in dyett amounteth to 674 - 4 - 6. 83 - 9 - 10 441 Layd out by my brother Henry whist I was att London. For composition in little chart 00 02 10 ob' A battery knife 00 00 06 Horses att Maydstone 00 00 06 paid Bayly ye sawyer for worke for Willisborough 00 04 03 paid ye remainder due for welsh beastes 00 10 00 paid Alexander Hart for 14 weather taggs att 10s 07 00 00 paid Erasmus Giles for killing of sheepe 00 01 00 Horsemeate att Ashford 00 00 04 paid --- per ye smith for shoing 2 per of beastes 00 05 00 paid Thomas Tilghman for 2 dayes 00 02 00 paid Thomas Roberts for 12 Tagges att .viz. 10 att 10s and 2 att 7s 05 14 00 paid Walter Mund for 20 20sheepe of 2 yeare old a peece 12 1?05 00 paid him also for 19 twelue monthing sheepe 09 00 00 reparation att willisborough 01 00 09 paid for 35 li' of leade 00 04 05 paid ye Carrier for a box 442 per of shoes for besse 00 00 08 paid ye Clarke his qrters' wages 00 00 06 2 quire of paper 00 00 08 2 b' of pitch 00 00 06 paid Simon Mathewes for making 3 akers of fallowe for wheate 00 15 06 paid him for stirring of 9 acres att 5s per acre 02 08 09 4 bushels of oates 00 004 0410 paid Nicholas Mason for ploughing of 9 acres of corne land 02 02 00 Item to a boy for 4 dayes dim' 00 03 00 for 3 hoopes 00 00 06 charges when stephen was sent to London beside dyett: 00 07?4 02 charges of sending my horse to London 00 04 06 Shoing my horses 00 06 06 for husbandry 00 02 02 for a key 00 00 06 charges in sending to willisboro' 00 00 10 ffor 5 hoopes 00 00 10 60 - 18 - 6 ob' 443[f.80v] [1627] Second half yeare 2 seames of wheate bought of Dauid Fidge 02 16 00 for needles 00 00 06 --- Broomes 00 00 04 charges of fetching horses from grauesend 00 02 00 2 doz: pound of candles 00 02 00 for a dish 00 01 00 giuen by my wife att my aunt Haules 00 01 06 for Laces 00 02 06 for bandstrings 00 00 08 for helpe in husbandry worke 00 09 06 paid Iohn Lucas for worke in ye garden 00 15 06 paid Iohn Hunt for worke where of 10s att willisbor' 01 04 06 ---paid Lanes for measuring 00 01 00 paid for Composition in willisborough 00 04 05 for a trace 00 00 04 paid ye carrier for br A boxe 00 01 06 paid for my wiues churching 00 00 03 paid for haire vsed att willisbor' 00 00 03 paid Mason for carrying a loade of Timber to willisboro' 00 08 00 444 more for nayles att willisbor' 001 01 05 ------------Nouember 18 paid Arrowes for all worke due 00 06 08 paid Neale ye carrier for bringing a chest 00 06 00 25 paid for 7 yds of Canuas to make a Couch Chaire 00 00?9 04 mending a per of gold seales 00 05 00 paid my Cuttler for Cleaning my sword and for a new scabberd 00 02 00 paid my Landresse 00 00 06 2 Allmanackes 00 00 07 an old Chest to packe vp things in 00 03 00 A dressing for my wife 00 00 09 Letters 00 00 02 Charges when I sent Hutton to London 00 07 03 29 paid Besse Fisher for vse of mony 04 00 00 30 For broonesmes 00 00 10 for Ladles 00 00 04December 2. paid my Assesse for reparation of ye Church 00 09 00 paid A bill layd out by my brother H[enry] Imprimis for 6 li' of Candles 00 02 06 ffor Rosen 00 00 02 ffor killing of Moaules 00 01 01 445 5 seames of Oates bought of Nicholas Pemble att 12sd per bu'. per heape 02 00 00 ffor bringing them home 00 02 06 200 of 5d nayles 00 00 10 100 of 4d nayles 00 00 04 paid [blank] Long for b?getting and bringing of 300 of quicksett for Bodiams meadow hedge 00 01 00 15 - 13 - 3[f.81r] [1627] Second halfe yeareDecember ffor sweeping 5 Chimneys 00 02 00 paid Iohn Hunt for 15 dayes most of itt gardening 00 17 06 paid Iohn Lucas for 16 dayes whereof 5 for gardening and 11. husbandry 00 16 00 paid Theophilus Tilghman 11 dayes hedging 00 11 00 paid Erasmus Giles for killing 3 446 porkers 00 00 09 Item for killing 8 sheepe 00 00 08 haire Curles for my wife 00 03 06 2 per of Charnells for ye stable binns 00 01 06 Mason worke about Surrenden 00 01 02 paid ye Taylours bill for worke about ye Children 00 06 06 Charges in sending to Willisb'. 00 00 07 4 paid and discharged Alice browne 00 15 00 An vrinall 00 00 03 Lace for two Capps 00 01 06 10 paid Hugh for looking to my land att willisborough' 2 monthes 00 10 00 An ell of Holland 00 03 00 13 Bought of Brent Dering his Chappell att Charing and payd him therefore 05 00 00 Item paid for drawing ye writings to master Wyuell 00 11 00 Item for walking my horses 00 00 04 Memorandum I found parchment and my man engrossed them memorandum also there was of itt nothing but ye walles. viz: no roofe. nor windowe ------------------------------------- 14 6000 of prigges 00 08 00 447 2 per of bellowes 00 01 08 2 Almanackes 00 00 04 2 ladles 00 00 04 paid for bringing fruite and spice from London 00 05 00 Item for 4 letters 00 00 08 horsemeate att Ashford and Wye 00 00 04 A horne booke for Ned 00 00 01 15 Giuen master Lilly for ye vse a a booke of pedegrees 01 00 00 ffor binding my booke of Kentish armes in tricke 00 03 00 A bridle and stirrupp leathers 00 03 00 A Mane Combe 00 00 09 6 pottengers, and 2 pewter potts one of a- pint ye other dim' pint 00 07 06 3 skinnes of Parchment 00 01 00 2 waxe Candles 00 01 00 A Canuas packing Cloath 00 01 00 Boate hire to and from London for Hutton 00 01 06 horsemeate then 00 03 010 Giuen Hutton then 00 01 09 22 paid master Taylour for 2 dayes worke heere in armes 00 16 06 paid him for leafe gold 00 10 00 448 Item for Velom 00 034 00?6(?) giuen his boy 00 01 00 Item giuen master Marshall the tombe c-utters boy 00 01 00 Item paid master Marshall ye tombe cutter for worke for me I[ohn] D[ering] [initials added later] 00 10 00 Item for worke for my aunt Haule 00 06 00 15 - 12 - 0[f.81v] [1627] Second halfe yeareDecember 24 A hatt for Anthony 00 04 02 A candlestick for willisborough 00 00 06 candles 00 00 10 An earthen basen for willisborough 00 00 04 giuen for surgery to my boues?yes mouth 00 01 00 horsemeate att Wy 00 00 03?5 shoing 00 00 04 per of pattens 00 01 00 449 mending a skillett 00 00 04 Shoing 00 06 06 Frize: buttons: silke. linings etc to make [blank] [small gap] 02 06 09 Item 2 yds dim' of kersy 00 14 00 Carpenter and mason att willisbor' 00 07 00 paid Iohn Hunt 00 12 03 2 new keyes and mending a locke att Willisbor' 00 02 00 halfe an ounce of silke 00 01 02 A little chaire 00 00 06 An vrinall 00 00 04 per of bellowes for willisbor' 00 00 10 Item a locke there 00 01 06 paid ye carrier for bringing downe of wine etc 00 15 00 400 of 6d Nayles att willisbor' 00 02 00 paid Theophilus Tilghman for 10 dayes 00 10 00 paid ye Couper 00 00 08 Item for killing a boare 00 02 06 per of stockins for betty 00 00 06 horse meate 00 00 02 per of stockins for bocher 00 02 04 horse combe 00 01 00 mending ye coache 00 00 06 450 mending per of tongues 00 00 04 200 of 6d nayles 00 01 00 200 of 5d nayles 00 00 10 1000 of 4d nayles 00 03 04 per of stockins for betty 00 00 08 per of stockins for Iames 00 01 06 paid for helpe in ye Kitchin 00 03 00 for Sand 00 00 04 giuen 00 01 00 --- gl? ---6 brasse candlestickes 00 05 00 mending a candlesticke 00 00 03 for Crewells of seuerall colour to worke in couche with 01 02 00Ianuary 4 paid Arroes ye shomaker for all his bills 00 09 04 paid Elnor ye Tayler for all his worke 00 04 09 paid The[ophilus] Tilghman for 3 dayes 00 03 00 8 - 17 - 9[f.82r] [1627] Second half yeareIanuary 451 mending a key 00 01 04 2 fothering lines 00 00 07 Altering a per of Pattens 00 00 04 Galles and Copperas 00 00 05 Ane? ell of Cotton 00 01 10 2 yds dim' of fustian 00 03 03 giuen in Heraldry 00 01 00 13 A Chaire for Ned 00 02 04 A flaskett for pewter 00 01 04 Silke laces for my wife 00 01 00 ffor helpe in ye kitchen 00 03 08 2 CateChismes 00 00 04 ffor helpe in ye kitchen 00 12 00 paid to Mary Nower for worke etc 00 010 00 Lost att Cardes this Christmas 001 04 00 Paid my father 15 Imprimis Layd out for Composition in pluckley 00 05 02 Item for 2 kine 08 00 00 Item for 10 sheepe 07 00 06 Item for half a seame of seede wheate 00 12 00 Item for 3 sowes att 18s per sowe 02 14 00 Item for 3 barrow hogs att 16s per hopgge 02 04 00 Item paid for haflfe a yeares vse of 100li' due in August last 04 00 00 452 20 giuen my Cosen Bettenham's boy for bringing home my greyhound 00 00 04 paid ye carryer 00 01 08 paid for killing 2 hoggs and 6 sheepe 00 01 00 paid Iohn for all worke in Christmas and since 00 12 06 paid Theophilus Tilghman for 11. dayes 00 11 06 paid for a pecke measure 00 00 09 paid for 2 li' of birding shott 00 00 04 21 A tire of haire for my wife 00 01 02 26 paid master Burton (per stephen) for all due vnto him for boarde and schooling of Anthony. since midsommer day .6.li' although he had beene there but away a 13. weekes from midsommer to this day. but I was to pay after 3 li' per qrter' 06 00 00 paid browne ye smith for nayles 00 12 06 for shoing 00 03 04 for other worke 00 00 10 27 paid Hutton's charges att Canterbury when I sent him to ye sessions 00 03 10 paid Iohn Hunt's charges then 00 01 00 Item for passing a bill against Francis Ianyoere(?) for taking 453 partridges 00 02 00 29 ffor letters 00 01 00 paid Iohn Hunt for 5 dayes workes 00 05 10 2 per of hose for Anthony and Ned 00 02 02 6 laces 00 00 05 horse meate 00 00 02 drenching of my Norman mare 00 05 00 paid Nurse Markettman for in part for Nursing of besse 02 00 00 39 - 6 - 5[f.82v]Ianuary Second halfe yeare 29 paid and discharged stephen Fennard 00?1 05 00 Giuen him aboue his wages 01 00 00 x my wife gaue him 00 06 00February 1. Heorsemeate in my iourney to and from London and there 01 01 04 giuen Dr Haruey in fees 02 02 00 x giuen his man 00 05 00 giuen my Lord Tufton's clarke 00 02 00 454 giuen otherwise 00 08 00 poore 00 00 06 ffor barbing once 00 02 06 boatehire 00 07 00 A key to my trunke 00 01 00 Giuen Lady Richardson's coachman 00 02 06 Chamber rent att master Taylors one weeke 00 05 00 Paid master Taylor for his boy being heere one month att Christmas 01 02 00 80 frames for ye escocheons of all our matches etc?to be coloured therein att 8d ob' per frame 02 16 00 paid Robert Dering for vse of mony due Ianuary .25. 02 00 00 paid and discharged Oliuer Marshall who wrought heere in heraldry att 13s 4d per month, for all worke done since michaelmas 02 16 00 Item giuen him more aboue his wages 01 00 00 Memorandum he came Iune ye 2. and had before receiued of me 3li'-7s-4d which added vnto this makes beside his dyett for 34. weekes, ye summe of 7li' - 3s - 4d 1654 Giuen Iohn Hunt for catching a couey 455 of partrisl?dges. 00 02 00 1615 paid Iohn Lucas for husbandry worke heer 00 11 00 Item paid The[ophilus] Tilghman for ye same 00 09 00 paid them both for worke att Willesbor' 00 14 00 Item paid for Carpenters worke there in fencing in barrow hill, where theire worke also was employd 00 0918 00 Item paid Iohn Hedgers work ther 00 07 00 so in all there yett not all done. lli'-19s-0 8 ells’ of Linnen for Bocher 00 10 08 Shoing of my bease 00 05 00 1000 of 6d nayles 00 05 00 3000 of 4d nayles 00 10 00 charges att willisb' 00 01 09 Letting my Morgan mare bloud 00 02 06 charges when my wife was sicke 00 05 06 carriage of things to and fro London 00 05 03 10?8 Giuen Doctor Dauy when my wife was sicke 02 10 00 - - - - - - - - - - - - - 00 03 00 13?5 giuen Doctor Dauy more in fees 03 00 00 16 A letter sent to London 00 00 04 456 Horsemeate att maydstone 00 00 02 going by water for my man to London 00 01 00 28 - 3 - 0[f.83r] Second halfe yeare.February 16 1000 of 4d nayles 00 03 04 1000 of 5d nayles 00 03 10 Mending of bucking tubb 00 001 00 Charges att grauesend 00 01 11 shoing 00 00 04 Workemen in fencing att willisbor' 00 15 10 Flaying a sle?heepe yat died 00 00 01 19 for bringing of 300li' of cheese from Feuersham att 10d per C 00 02 06 Item for bringing: a cheshire chiese 00 00 02 Item for 2 bb' and a touett' of salt 00 01 08 Item for 20 couple of North sea codd 00 01 08 Item for one couple of Ling 00 00 02 Item for 100 of redd Hering 00 00 01 Item for a bushell of oysters 00 00 03 457 Item for halfe a barrell of white herrings 00 01 03 Item for Towne draught 00 00 02 paid goodman Mason for helpe in ploughing Long dane 00 05 04 An vrinall 00 00 03 A sucking bottle 00 00 02 20 Giuen Doctor Dauy a fee 01 00 00 22 Giuen Sir Nicholas Gilborn's boy that brought an Asse hither 00 01 00 24 giuen my poore cosen Pikering 01 00 00 25 giuen to a breife offor a poore man in Chetham 00 00 04 2 peckes of sand 00 00 08 giuen by my wife to Anthony 00 00 06 giuen Nurse markettman's girle 00 00 06 giuen goodwife Thunder for helpe when my wife was sicke 00 02 06 Giuen master Doctor Dauy a fee 01 00 00 Giuen his Apothecary 00 10 00 26 Broomeses 00 00 09 1000 of 4d nayles 00 04 02 1000 of 5d nayles 00 03 04 29 Charges for horses att maydston assises 00 08 08 ffidlers 00 01 06 458 Giuen att master Dauy's 00 02 06March. 1 Giuen a fee to Doctor Dauy 02 00 00 2 1000 of 4d nayles 00 03 04 shoing 00 04 08 200 of braddes 00 00 08 fforgeing of H?Ploughirons 00 03 10 ffor hobnayles 00 00 02 medicines for horses 00 00 06 paid Iohn Hunt for 7 dayes 00 09 04 paid George Gooden 00 00 06 A spade and Shouell 00 02 10 Borrowing a pillion 00 01 00 per of shoes and galoshaes for my wife 00 04 06 ffor letters 00 01 00 giuen sander Hart 00 01 06 A button for my cloake 00 00 046 6 giuen N.M. N L. 00 02 00 10 - 12 - 8[f.83v] Second halfe yeare 1627. 459March. 11. giuen to a poore souldier 00 00 04 paid Iohn Hunt vntill saterday last for 6 dayes. 00 09 00 paid Iohn Lucas for 21. dayes dim' 01 00 06 paid Theoph[ilus] Tilghman for 22 dayes 01 02 00 12 paid my cosen I[ohn] Dering for 32 ewes att 8s 6d 13 10 00 paid him for 12 weathers att 12s 07 1?04 00 Item for 2 rRamms 01 00 00 Item for 6 lambs att 6s 8d 02 00 00 paid ye Sadler for mending about ye litter and litter Saddles 00 05 02 for girthes 00 02 00 Shoes and mending for Bocher 00 04 08 shoes and mending for Iames 00 03 03 shoes and mending for Anthony 00 01 09 smending for my selfe 00 00 01 paid G. Gooding for worke 00 08 04 Item his boy 00 03 06 13 mending saddle 00 00 04 horsemeate 00 00 04 Pinnes 00 01 10 Charges att London when my wife 460 was sicke. viz. from March 16. vntill ten dayes after our Lady day. going by water 00 01 00 3 falling bands with cuffes 00 16 06 A halfe shirt 00 07 00 2 per of cuffes 00 01 06 Barber 00 02 00 ffidlers 00 01 00 ye 4 euangelists in Saxon' 00 10 00 Apostolatus Benedictinoru[m] etc' 00 08 00 3 paper bookes in 4to for Heraldry 00 05 06 per of gloues 00 01 02 Grafton's Hall's Chronicle 00 08 00 Bal's centuryes 00 19 00 Froyssart in English 0-1 02 02 smalel bookes 00 03 00 Herologia Anglicana 00 05 00 Verstegan 00 05 00 Geneologia Ducu[m] saxon' 00 01 00 Geneologia Domus Nassauiae 00 06 08 Stemmata Gent[ium] Roman[arum] 00 03 00 All these Domus Leustonian'(?) 00 00 08 in quires Albizius de stem[m]at[a] Principu[m] 00 16 00 Genologia Austriaca 00 06 08 Affinitates o[mn]ium Principu[m] 00 05 00 461 Twinus de rebus Albionicis 00 00 08 Milsles his Nobilitas Politica et ciuilis 00 05 00 Logonomia Anglica 00 01 00 changing 6 silluer spoones 00 15 06 A staff for my wife 00 05 06 A staff for my selfe 00 02 06 Payd R[ichard] Dering of Fleetestreete for vse 02 13 04 Hilt and scabbard and cleaning a sword old and rusty that hath our armes an itt in ye armory 01 05 00 41 - 0 - 3[f.84r] Second half yeare 1627 A shirt 00 09 00 paid my booke binder for all his worke 00 07 00 paid my shomaker for all due 01 11 00 paid master Taylor for all worke in Heraldry paid master Cockson about prints for 462 my bookes 00 08 00 A letter 00 00 02 paid ye carrier 00 01 06 A seale cutt in Iuory 00 05 00 2 seales more in Iuory 00 18 00 paid master Marshall for tombe worke in brasse 02 00 00 paid master Taylor for all worke in Heraldry 02 01 00 A silluer seale for my brother H[enry] 00 04 06 for other seale worke 00 04 06 Item More 00 00 06 5 yards of Spanish cloath to make a gowne for myselfe att 17s per yd 04 13 00 7 yds of deueons[hire](?) bayes to line itt 01 05 00 Buttons, loopes, and silke 01 10 00 Fustiaine, drawing ye peeces etc 00 04 00 making ye gowne 00 12 00 8l' - 4s - 0d ---------------- Landresse 00 10 08 3 qrters' of a yd of Ribband for shoestrings 00 00 02 ffor letters 00 00 034 463 Candles 00 02 00 Fagotts 01 03 00 A box 00 00 03 per of compasses 00 00 02 A brush 00 01 04 glasses inke et silke etc 00 00 08 Dyett this time yett both going and returning we lay att master Doctor 14 15 10 Dauy's in Maydestone 09 07 10 Horsemeate 03 10 01 // To ye Phisitians Doctor Haruy and Doctor Foxe in fees 12 00 00 Apothecarys bills 05 10 03 ma? Giuen this iourney 00 16 00 wine bought formerly 02 04 00 Letters and portage 00 00 08 A wosted wastcoate for my wife 01 11 00 Maydstone apothecary's bill 2 19 10 Spent N.L. 0812 -- 00 giuen him 0 5 0 more bookes 00 01 04 per of spures 00 04 06 bridles-and a bitt 00 04 06 3 padlocks 00 04 08 1000 of priggs 00 01 04 464 1000 of reparation nayles 00 01 04 Poore 00 00 02 63 - 3 - 3[f.84v] 1627. Second half yeare paid ye two Tilghmans for ploughing 00 11 04 paid Iohn Lucas for Husbandry 00 15 02 paid for helpe to dleade ye litter to and from London 00 18 00 giuen aboue theire wages 00 04 00 2 tumblers and revells 00 03 00 Giuen ye midwife and nurse att ye Christning of Robert Bargraue 02 00 00 5 seames of oates to sow att 7s 6d 01 17 06 2 doz. 4 moales caught att 18d per doz: and he finde himself 00 03 06 ffor making 400 of fagotts 00 06 00 paid ye carrier for all worke 00 12 00 mending Iames his shoes 00 00 10 mending Ned's shoes 00 01 00 paid Arrowes and giuen him 00 00 06 465 A hop s?baskett for brewing 00 02 08 My wiues houshold booke fromm Michaelmas till Christmas 29 00 11 The Houshold booke from Christmas till our Lady day. 62 001 01 whereof memorandum mault for one whole yeare 28li'. Memorandum ye Totall of ye halfe yeare was. 92l' - 2s - 0 98 - 17 - 6 Summ of this halfe yeare 482l' - 14s - 9d ob' Summ tottall of this whole yeare. 770li' - 11s - 8d ob' [ff.85r – 91r] [blank] [A loose piece of paper with rough accounts for food isinserted between ff. 90v and 91r. Not in Dering's hand, except 466for the last entry.] Canded Erringas vs - 0 - 2 - 6 paid 1d 1 li' d' - 0 - 5 - 0 Suskets 1 li' - 0 - 2 - 8 peaches m(?)eckorons and peares of Ianea(?) 1 li' - 0 - 5 - 0 ambar Comfets vi li' - 0 - 2 - 6 prenellas q' li' - 0 - 0 - 8 muske Comfets q' li' - 0 - 0 - 4 sweete ffenkes(?) Com' q' li' - 0 - 0 - 6 waskars 1 li' - 0 - 2 - 0 ffor the vse of 3 dosen of glasse plate 2 - 0(?) - 1 - [-] muckarown(?)es .1 s. 1 - 2 - [-][End of paper with rough accounts][f.91v] A dinner att London. made when my L[or]d ande? Lady Richardson my sister ^E[lizabeth]^ Ashbornham, and Kate Ashb[ornham] 467 my brother Iohn Ashb[ornham] my cosen Walldron and her sister and Sir Iohn Skeffington were with me. att Aldersgate streete december 23. 1626. My sister Fr[ances] Ashb[ornham] and cosen Mary Hill did fayle of comming -------------------------------------- wine 00 03 10 stourgeon 00 07 00 A ioll of brawne 00 06 00 pickeld oysters a barrell 00 01 06 Viniger 00 00 03 Rabetts and --w a Cowple, larkes a dozen plouers 3. and stnites snites 4 00 07 00 Carrowaye Comfitts 00 00 06 A banquett and 2 dozen dim' of glasse plates to sett itt out in 01 03 00 half a doe which in ye fee and Charge of bringing itt out of Northampton 00 08 00 A warden py that ye cooke made we finding ye wardens 00 02 04 ffor A venison pasty we finding ye 468 ven Venison 00 04 00 ffor 2 minct pyes 00 02 06 A breast of veale 00 02 04 A Legg of mutton 00 02 00 Summ totall Expended 3 – 10 - 3 ------ The dinner was att ye first Course. --------- A peece of Brawne. + A boild ducke in whitebroathe A boild hanch of powdered venison 2 minct pyes. A boyld legge of mutton. A Venison pasty. + A roast ducke + A powdered goose roasted A breast of veale + A Cold Capon py. Second Course A Couple of rabitts. 3 plouers. 4. Snites. 469 12 larkes. pickled oysters 2 dishes. A Cold warden py. A ioull of sturgeon. Complement Apples. and Carrowayes. wardens ba-k’t and Cold. + A Cake and Cheese. ----------------------- A banquett ready in ye next roome. ---------------- Memorandum we had out of ye Country ye goose, the duckes, ye Capon py, ye Cake, and wardens. And ye Venison but that is allway paid for though giuen./[f.92r] My wife receiued att her marriage 470 ffrom Sir Iohn Tuffton as a gift 33 00 00 ffrom --- Sir Nicholas ffor weddinge apparell 10-7 00 00 ffrom my Lady ffrancis for linnen -- -- -0 She has of her owne 0(?)- -- 05 Summ of all - 160 - 18. - 5. The mercer's bill for ye out=side of two gownes, the one blacke silke and silluer, the other greene and silluer 51 00 00 4 dozen of silluer bone lace for ye blacke and silluer gowne, with a verdingale, att 5s 8d ye ounce 03 12 00 An ell of taffaty 00 14 00 Stiffninge, whalebones, and buckrome roundabout 00 03 00 ffor serge to border ye goune 00 01 04 Riband 00 02 03 Buttons and clapses 00 01 00 ffor silke 00 03 06 ffor makinge this gowne 00 16 00 Ell of taffaty to ye greene gowne 00 14 00 2 dozen of 8d riband y? to bordure ye gowne 00 08 00 471 halfe a dozen of 6d riband 00 03 00 Buttons and claspes 00 01 00 Stiffninge, and buckrom to strenghthen the gowne and kertle 00 03 00 Taffaty to ye stayes 00 01 00 stichinge and sowinge silke 00 04 00 24 ounces of silluer bone lace, viz: 5 dozen yds and 2 yds att 5s 8d ye ounce, for the doublett gowne and kirtle of ye greene and silluer 06 18 00 Summ of these two gownes 65 - 5 - 1 A crimson satten petticoate embrodered with gold and silluer, out of ye exchange 24 00 00 ffor quarter, and dim' and naile of satten to lenghthen 00 06 06 ffor 3 ounces dim' of gold and silluer lace to go about ye bo-ttom att 6s ye ounce 001 07 00 5 yds of serge to line ye petticoate 00 11 08 Riband 00 04 00 472 Buckrome and silke 00 02 06 makinge this petticoate 00 06 00 -- Summ of this petticoate - 26 - 17 - 8 7 yds dim' of watchett satten att 14s 6d per yd 05 08 00 27 ounces of gold and silluer lace an? 11 02 00 4 ounces of gold and silluer lace about ye bottom 01 04 00 Riband 00 04 00 5 yds of serge to line itt this petticoate 00 11 08 Buckrom to strenghthen itt 00 01 06 silke 00 04 00 Callico to make pocketts 00 01 04 Makinge this petticoate 00 14 00 -- Summ of this petticoate - 19 - 10 - 6 18s yds of black flanders wrought taffaty att 7s per yd 06 09 06 5 dozen of bl[ack] sattin lace att 6 - 8d 01 13 04 Taylours bill (Hart) (whereof 12s for for a per of bodyes) for this gowne 02 15 00 473 summe of this gowne and bodies - 10 - 17 - 10 7 yds qrter' of willow damaske att 612 per yd 00?4 09 00 gold and siluer lace for ye bottome 00 06 06 serge to line this petticoate 00 11 08 Buckrome 00 03 00 Riband 00 04 00 silke 00 04 00 Makinge this petticoate (with 3 broade siluer and gold lace which was againe taken of and sett on ye watchett satten petticoate) 00 14 00 Summ of this petticoate, - 6 - 12 - 2[f.92v] A blacke beauer and hattband 02 08 00 A maske 00 01 06 Cobweb Lane 00 03 04 S(?) --- le 00 12 00 A(?) --- finge 00 03 00 Bo[ne?] lace 00 03 00 Bobing lace 00 01 00 474 A muffe 00 02 06 Another ruffe 01 00 00 A chin 00 02 00 An apron 00 16 00 A caull 00 02 064 per of garters 00 02 08 powder 00 02 00 Settinge A wastcoate 02 10 00 A lace 00 00 01 Girdle chaine and knotts 00 13 04 A leather perfumed fan 00 05 00 per of kniues and riband 00 023 06 A bodkin 00 00 08 per of oyl'd gloues 00 01 04 per of double gloues 00 02 06 Dyinge and tufftinge feather 00 01 06 6 ells dim' of holland for smockes att 4s 6d 01 09 03 ffustian to line ye wastcoate of her old purple gowne when itt was made a loose=bodyed gowne 00 03 00 Stiffninge, buckrom and claspes 00 02 06 Silke 00 02 06 Riband 00 02 04 Alteringe this gowne in new makinge 00 10 00 475 Serge for ye backe of ye bodies 00 00 06 Summ of alteringe this gowne 1 - 0 - 410 per of greene silke stockins, with mony for changinge them againe for a new paire 01 02 00 6 ells dim' of holland for smockes 01 09 03 5 yds of bone lace 00 15 00 An ell of lace 00 03 04 more bone lace 00 02 04?6 Redd seaminge lace 00 01 00 2 suites of silluer riband chaine girdle and knotts 01 10 00 3 yards of blacke and silluer riband 00 06 00 A smocke 01 10 00 An apron 01 10 00 A quishion c?cloath 00 18 00 per of redd silke garters 00 08 00 A greate french maske 00 02 00 A maske 00 02 04 Blacke silke riband yd 00 00 02 A bodkin 00 00 08 A tiffany ruffe and cuffes with silluer and gold bone lace 00 17 00 A band box 00 00 06 2 per of plaine oyl'd gloues 00 02 08 476 per of lac'd oyled gloues 00 02 00 A blackworke quoife 00 03 00 A cutt worke handkercheife 01 03 00 yd of silk riband for girdle 00 00 06 Asky coloured fan and feather 01 02 00 3per of cuffes 00 05 00 3 per of shoes and 2 per of galoshaes 00 12 00 2 ounces of gold and siluer bone lace for dressi-nge 00 12 00 yd of riband 00 00 06 Tire woman for tires 00 02 00 per of roses 00 06 08 white dressinge 00 05 00 haire dressing 00 03 00 A dressinge 00 06 00 A dressinge of purles 00 04 06 A dressinge with siluer 00 11 00 halfe a dozen of handkercheifes 00 04 06 3 ounces of white powder and a box 00 02 09 An ounce of corrall powder for teeth 00 03 06 3 ounces of power?der 00 03 00 powder and a tuft of silke 00 04 02 Edward Dering ------------------ Elisabeth Deering [signature] 477[Written in margin at right angles:]Summ of all her expences 159 - 7 - 1. So there is ye giuen her the rest in mony 1 - 11 - 4 iust summ of what shereceiued and had: viz: 160 – 18 – 5.[f.93r]fforasmuch as that when Sir Nicholas Tuffton, and my Lady ffrancis came vp to London, they did bringe vp theire daughter, f?o alltogether vnfurnished of cloathes, of euery sort, I haue marked those thinges within a circle like a half parenthesis, which were allmost all bought and bestowed vpon her (as necessity (though no marriage had beene) required) before I married her: And yett neuertheles, I(?) (although att first Sir Nicholas spake as if he would haue allowed heer for cla?oathes 200li') these thinges amountinge to ye price of 28l'-16s-6d were, (I thinke not(?) with equity) cast vp amongst ye mony receiued for her cloathes: the summ whereof from Sir Nicholas was but 478 107li'. of which abatinge these th-inges, which in reason and equity ought to haue beene abated, vnlesse she had beene better prouided before, the summe indeede of her mony receiued from him was but threescore and eighteene pound, three shillinges and six pence. so there remaines due if he would make his worde goode of 107li' - I say there remaines, 28 - 16 - 6. But there is short of the first named 200li' the sume of 121 - 16 - 6./ beside ye 20li' my lady promised./ And heerein allso I Cast vp Sir Ihon Tuffton's 33li' which I tooke to haue beene a free gift. and ye mony which my wife had to her owne purse viz: 18s - 5d / So that deductinge all these ^which make(?)^ we haue then receiued but So yat deductinge these thinges. viz. Her necessary expences though she had not beene to be married 28 - 16 - 6 Sir Ihon's gift 33 - 0 - 0 her owne mony 0 - 1- - 5 61 - 16 - 6 ------------ we haue then receiued butt. 99 - 3 - 6. -----------[ff.93v – 94v] [blank] 479[f.95] [pastedown – no longer pasted down. Dering has added and later deleted this short account on the recto:] lemmons - 5s Oranges - 4s. Apothecary - 6s./ plate marking - 2s. 480 481

No. 022Clandestine Marriage in the Diocese ofRochester during the Mid-fourteenthCenturyDr. Andrew J. FinchHistory B.A. (Hons); M.A. (Study of ContemporaryJapan); D.Phil.1This paper has been downloaded from www.kentarchaeology.ac. Theauthor has placed the paper on the site for download for personal oracademic use. Any other use must be cleared with the author of the paperwho retains the copyright.Please email admin@kentarchaeology.ac for details regarding copyrightclearance.The Kent Archaeological Society (Registered Charity 223382) welcomes thesubmission of papers. The necessary form can be downloaded from thewebsite at www.kentarchaeology.ac2The twelfth century marked an important stage in the evolution of canon law,and the establishment of a functioning system of ecclesiastical jurisdictionsthroughout much of Western Europe. Both were crucial elements in the processwhereby the Church, acting under a variety of pressures, came to takeincreasing responsibility for the definition and regulation of marriage as well asa widening disciplinary role in the daily lives of the laity. In the area of marriage,the synthesis by Alexander III of existing sacramental and legal opinion in 1163produced a doctrine in which marriage was held to be a purely consensualunion. Any two legally entitled adults could form a marriage through words ofmutual consent with a two-fold distinction existing in the nature and intent ofthese words. A binding and immediately effective union was created through theexchange of words of present consent (per verba de presenti). Publicity,solemnization in facie ecclesie, and indeed consummation added nothing to theessential validity of such a contract. On the other hand, words of future consent(per verba de futuro) expressed only an intention to marry; but if these werefollowed by sexual intercourse they took on the status, and all the legalconsequences, of a de presenti contract.The Alexandrine synthesis was disseminated through conciliar andsynodal legislation, and a system of control and regulation was established bothto discourage the making of marriage contracts which circumvented theChurch's requirements of publicity and to monitor closely the process leading to3the exchange of consent. Canon 51 of the Fourth Lateran Council gave generaleffect to much of the existing local and provincial legislation on this subject.1Banns of marriage were to be published on three successive Sundays or feastdays to allow potential objections to be raised. Those ignoring this requirementwere to be excommunicated, and a priest blessing an unpublicized union couldbe suspended for up to three years. However, a marriage contracted withoutthese requirements remained valid unless a diriment condition was present. Thepresence or absence of the banns therefore became the acid test of whether amarriage was held to be clandestine or not. As such, clandestinity became alegal catch-all encompassing not only informal de presenti contracts whichlacked all forms of publicity, and which were possibly never intended to becomefully fledged unions, but also publicly solemnized marriages which infringed therequirements of canon law with regard to the place and time of the banns.2Although clandestine contracts were held to be valid, the whole thrustof subsequent Church legislation was aimed towards discouraging theirformation. The proper publication of the banns and exchange of consent in facieecclesie became crucial elements in this process. In England, a flurry of synodalactivity followed Lateran IV with the result that, by the close of the thirteenthcentury, the requirements of the banns and due solemnization were widely1 Such as canon 11 of the Provincial Council of Westminster (M. M. Sheehan, `Marriage theoryand practice in the conciliar legislation and diocesan statutes of later medieval England',Mediaeval Studies, 40 (1978), 412.2 P. J. P. Goldberg, Women, work, and life cycle in a medieval economy: women in York andYorkshire c.1300-1520 (Oxford, 1992), 240-3; R. H. Helmholz, Marriage litigation in medievalEngland (Cambridge, 1974), 29-30; M. M. Sheehan, `Formation and stability of marriage infourteenth century England: the evidence of an Ely register', Mediaeval Studies, 33 (1973), 244.4known.3 Nevertheless, such matters continued to preoccupy provincial councilsduring the fourteenth century. The Council of London held under ArchbishopMepham in 1329, reaffirmed canon 51 of the Lateran council, stating that itshould be explained to the people in the vernacular on solemn days. Thestipulation that priests should be suspended was repeated with the reminderthat suspension was to be imposed even if no impediments existed to themarriage. Archbishop Stratford's provincial council of 1342 added a new twistwhich demonstrates both the effectiveness of the banns as a deterrent to thosewhose marriages were barred by some impediment, and the lengths to whichindividuals might go in order to circumvent the system, or bend it to their ownadvantage. The constitution, Humana concupiscentia stipulated that all thoseinvolved in irregular solemnizations were to be excommunicated. This was inorder to `deny the veil of apparent marriage' to those who knew that the properpublication of the banns would make their union impossible.4The Church courts were one of the channels through which canonlaw was publicly mediated. These courts held two forms of jurisdiction: instanceand ex officio, corresponding loosely with the modern distinction between civiland criminal litigation. On the instance side, matrimonial litigation formed animportant element of the courts' work, and in later medieval England the bulk ofmarriage litigation was concerned with disputed, informal de presenti contractsand the ramifications arising from them.5 The study of the records produced as3 Sheehan, `Marriage theory', 412-13, 433-37.4 op. cit., 439-42.5a consequence of this litigation has led to a greater understanding of thedissemination and effects of canon law. In addition, questions relating to thepatterns of lay behaviour and attitudes with which canon law came into contactare now being increasingly addressed with the evidence found within witnesses'depositions proving to be a particularly fertile source.6 Depositions are, however,only one trace left by the progress of instance suits through the courts: Actbooks charted the stages by which instance suits, and other forms of business,entered a court, were prosecuted and (sometimes) came to a definitivesentence.7 Act books are terse and, at first glance, uninformative documentswhen compared with the depositions, since they fulfilled a different, thoughcomplementary, function within the court system; but insights into marriage canbe gained from their study, as Sheehen's analysis of the unusually detailedmatrimonial cases from a late-fourteenth-century Ely Act book demonstrates.8Furthermore, instance litigation was not the sole mechanism by which mattersrelating to marriage could come before the church courts: more direct methodscould be employed to ensure that the canon law requirements concerning itsformation were correctly observed. Ex officio actions - the second aspect of thecourts' jurisdiction - which provide much information on wider questions relating5 R. H. Helmholz, Marriage litigation, 25-73; Sheehan, `Formation and stability', 261-3.6 See for example: C. N. L. Brooke, The medieval idea of marriage, (Oxford, 1989); A. Cosgrove,`Marriage in medieval Ireland' in: Marriage in Ireland, ed. A. Cosgrove (Dublin, 1985), 25-50; C.Donahue, `The policy of Alexander the third's consent theory of marriage', in: Proceedings of thefourth international congress of canon law, ed. S. Kuttner (Vatican, City 1976), 251-91; C.Donahue, `The canon law on the formation of marriage and social practice in the later middleages', Journal of Family History, 8 (1983), 144-58; Goldberg, Women, work, and life cycle, chap.5; Helmholz, Marriage litigation; D. M. Owen, `White Annays and others', in Medieval women:dedicated and presented to Professor Rosalind M.T. Hill on the occasion of her seventiethbirthday ed. D. Baker (Studies in Church History, Subsidia i, Oxford, 1978), 331-46.7 Helmholz, Marriage litigation, 7-11, 19-20.6to the sexual behaviour of the laity can also shed light on the processes bywhich marriages were entered into and dissolved. Prosecutions for sexualmorality offences became a staple of many English and continentalecclesiastical jurisdictions during the medieval period. However, ex officioprosecutions against couples who had entered into clandestine marriages havenot been regarded as a typical feature of the judicial practice of the EnglishChurch courts.9One such body of Act book evidence survives from the Rochesterconsistory court in the middle decades of the fourteenth century. Two distinctcaches of material remain. The first is a full record of consistory businessconducted between April 1347 and November 1348, during Mr. EdmundDigges's tenure as Official and Hamo Hethe's episcopacy. This section of theAct book includes both matrimonial litigation, and ex officio prosecutions relatingto the sexual delicts of clergy and laity. Some of this material has been used asbackground to a study of clandestine marriage in the works of Chaucer, and ageneral consideration of the theme of courtly love in medieval literature.10 Thesecond cache spans a slightly shorter period between June 1363 and May 1364during William Whittlesey's episcopacy, and with John de Swineshevedprobably acting as Official.11 Unlike the earlier document this is a rough draft of8 Sheehen, `Formation and stability'.9 Donahue, `Canon law', 148-9, 154 n. 40, 155.10 H. A. Kelly, `Clandestine marriage and Chaucer's Troilus', Viator, 4 (1973), 435-57; H. A. Kelly,Love and marriage in the Age of Chaucer (Ithaca and London, 1975), 169-71.11 `A consistory court from the diocese of Rochester, 1363-4', ed. S. Lee Parker and L. R. Poos,English Historical Review, 106 (1991), 652-65; Registrum Hamonis Hethe, Diocesis Roffensis7proceedings and records only the ex officio side of court sessions; because ofthis greatest use will be made of the earlier document.Several details concerning the context within which the courtoperated emerge from a scattering of references to seafaring, service, textileworking, agriculture, stock-keeping and dairying. A rough estimate of thepopulation of the diocese places this in the region of 20,000 of which 15,000were adolescents and adults.12 Strood had a hospital and Malling a scola in the1340s; the master of the scola was able to lend 43s. to a Hadlow man.13 Afurther reference to moveable wealth appears in the context of a matrimonialsuit. John Marchuant of Strood agreed to pay ten marks as a dowry for hisdaughter, while her mother promised 40s., and John Sampson, amicus eiusdem,pledged a total of 53s. 6d. to be paid in two instalments. At this date the value ofa cow was between 8s. and 10s.14 Wheat, barley and rye were grown, andthree millers found themselves in disputes over tithes. Other tithe disputesreveal that woods were coppiced.15 Sheep and cows were kept in possibly quitelarge numbers: a tithe of 30 calves was owed by an East Greenwich man. Hewas also to pay a tithe on the cheeses which he produced.16 In 1348 a manwas accused of stealing sheepskins from the sheepfold (domo ovium) of a local(1319-52), 2 vols. ed. C. Johnson (Canterbury and York Society, 48, 49 (1914-1948), 911-1043.For the Rochester Officials in general, and Digges and Swynesheved in particular, see A. L.Browne, `The medieval officials principal of Rochester', Archaeologia Cantiana, 43 (1940), 29-61,esp. 45-8.12 `A consistory court', 654.13 Registrum, 761-2, 985.14 op. cit., 955, 974, 976.15 op. cit., 985, 1043 (crops); 923, 945, 1042 (millers); 971, 1019 (coppicing).16 op. cit., 968 (dispute over livestock), 974, 976 (cows), 991 (cheese and cattle).8knight, while in 1363 a man confessed to having used a toad in a bag in anattempt to cure one of his sheep of scabies.17 In 1347, a Dartford man wascharged with adultery with his maid, and a maid at Ash reclaimed a couple’sbanns the following year. Between 1363 and 1364, four male and eleven femaleservants came before the court. Of these fifteen, no fewer than eight were inservice in Dartford. Alice servant of Henry atte Frisch of Dartford was describedas a spinster, and a Thomas `cissor' is recorded at Lee.18 By this date too, therecord reveals that elements of the population were highly mobile, and that theOfficial often had difficulty in securing their attendance in court.19 A Dartfordman had gone `overseas' when charged with fornication, and another was atsea (in mare) when cited. Several others had connections with London orCanterbury, or were not of the Official's jurisdiction.20 As was the case in other ecclesiastical jurisdictions, matters came tothe attention of the Rochester court in several ways: on the initiative of theparties concerned, either in the form of instance litigation or promoted officeactions; as a result of episcopal visitations; or through the existence of commonfame. The Official acted in person or through the commissary, the dean ofMalling.21 It is not clear if the court of the Archdeacon of Rochester took its17 op. cit., 984; `A consistory court', no.3.18 Registrum, 933, 1016; ‘A consistory court', nos. 1, 5, 6, 18, 40, 41, 42, 43, 68.19 op. cit., nos. 1, 7.20 op. cit., nos. 5, 20, 21, 24, 25, 27, 57, 62, 72.21 In October 1348, a commission was issued to the Dean of Malling to act as the official'sdeputy. He was to hear causes and matters arising from visitations of the bishop, ex officioactions and instance suits (Registrum, 1037). An episcopal visitation had occurred before Juneof that year.9share of ex officio and instance matters which would otherwise have been dealtwith by the consistory, or if it was solely concerned with cases deputed to it bythe higher court.22 In the 1330s, the Official and the Archdeacon wereseparately abjuring couples sub pena nubendi, and a number of individuals hadbeen `corrected' before the Archdeacon at some date prior to their appearancein the consistory.23 Although attempts had been made from the thirteenthcentury onwards to restrict jurisdiction in matrimonial suits to the bishop's courts,the actual effect of this varied with time and place. At Ely matrimonial litigationwas only removed from the Archdeacon's court in 1401, and in 1446, theArchdeacon's Official at Rochester had to be ordered to desist from proceedingin a matrimonial suit. Even in cases where jurisdiction was formally withdrawn,archdeacons were still able to become involved in matrimonial affairs by virtueof their office powers: requiring clandestine spouses to solemnize, investigatingreclamations and forcing habitual fornicators to abjure sub pena nubendi.24Even without the presence of an active, rival jurisdiction, it is unlikely that theOfficial dealt with every occurrence of culpable behaviour. Many clandestinemarriages would have probably passed unnoticed, either being quietlyabandoned by those concerned or else proceeding without hindrance tosolemnization in facie ecclesie, unless some dispute or other factor calledattention to them. Another point to be made is that the statements in the Act22 There was only one archdeaconry within the diocese of Rochester (A. H. Thompson,`Diocesan organisation in the middle ages: archdeacons and rural deans', Proceedings of theBritish Academy, 29 (1943), 165).23 Registrum, 946, 975, 987, 998, 992, 1004, 1039.24 Helmholz, Marriage litigation, 141, 143-6, 177; Kelly, `Clandestine marriage', 438 n.16;Sheehan, `Formation and stability', 232-3.10book represent little more than the bare bones of the matters at issue. This canbe seen in the case of John Turgys and Alice Melleres where the office actionwas followed by a suit brought by Alice. The two statements share certaindetails, such as Alice's allegation that the abjuration was made before theArchdeacon and John's contention that it was before the Official, but only thematrimonial suit records that the abjuration had been made eleven years beforeand that two children had been born since then.25 In addition to this naturalbrevity, the terms employed by the court may themselves be obscuring thenature of several of the contracts at issue in both the instance and officelitigation. The blanket term `contract of marriage' is possibly too crude a grid torecord the fine canon law distinction between a de futuro contract followed bysexual intercourse, and a de presenti contract. I Seventeen suits concerned with some aspect of marriage litigationhave left traces amongst the instance business dealt with between 1347 and1348. Three were petitions seeking annulments, but the majority sought toestablish the existence of a valid marriage, either in its own right or inpreference to another.26 Two of these had arisen as a direct result of officeactions against couples suspected of having formed clandestine marriages. Theinformation from these will be analysed when this particular aspect of the court'sbusiness is considered. Two of the remaining twelve reached no effective25 Registrum, 946, 976.26 op. cit., 931-2.11conclusion within the scope of the Act book, and a third was transformed from amatrimonial suit into one seeking alimony for the woman. Multi-party suits, inwhich a third party was challenging the ability of the defendants to marry,accounted for seven out of the twelve, while the remainder were petitory actionsin which the plaintiff was seeking to prove that a valid marriage had beenformed with the defendant. All but one of the multi-party suits had resulted fromreclamations of the defendants' banns.The instance litigation reveals details of the nature of the contractswhich were at issue and some of the circumstances which surrounded theirformation. Two of the five petitory actions centred on allegations of breaches ofabjurations made in forma communi, more widely know as abjurations sub penanubendi. Although these were effectively conditional de futuro contracts, inwhich a couple abjured on the condition that any future sexual congress wouldleave them as man and wife, they were imposed on those concerned and donot fit into the category of clandestine marriages.27 Nevertheless they are ofinterest when considering both the problems of proof associated with this typeof abjuration, and the sexual context within which marriages were formed. JoanBoghyre appeared in person to claim Walter Rokke as her legitimate husbandon the grounds that he had broken the terms of an abjuration in forma communithrough carnal knowledge in the house of Robert Homan. On her nextappearance she was able to produce five witnesses, including both Robert and27 See Helmholz, Marriage litigation, 172-81. Father Sheehan describes this as an `almostDraconian form of contract' which provided the courts with a `formidable instrument for dealingwith concubinage' (Sheehan, `Formation and stability', 255).12his wife. For his part Walter admitted making the abjuration and to having lainnaked in the same bed as Joan and `others', but he denied that sexualintercourse had taken place. Joan was able to produce two further witnesses,but the suit was left pending further action on her part.28 In the second action,Alice Melleres alleged that John Turgys had forsworn her eleven yearspreviously before the Archdeacon of Rochester. He had subsequently returnedto her and had two children. John admitted that he had forsworn her, butclaimed that this was before the Official. He denied any intercourse followingthis. Although Alice was able to produce four witnesses, including theArchdeacon, her claim was dismissed as being insufficiently founded. Alice hadmade an earlier allegation of a breach of an abjuration in forma communi aftershe and John had been presented on a charge of relapsing into fornication. Thishad been similarly unsuccessful, since she was unable to produce anywitnesses.29 A caveat was, however, added in the definitive sentence, leavingJohn to his own conscience as far as the contract was concerned indicating thatan element of doubt remained in the Official's mind.30 These two examplesdemonstrate the difficulties faced in establishing that sexual relations hadoccurred subsequent to an abjuration. Such problems of proof were one of thefactors which ensured that the use of abjurations in forma communi declined inthe English courts and had virtually disappeared by the end of the fifteenthcentury.3128 Registrum, 916-7, 921-2, 928.29 op. cit., 946.30 op. cit., 975, 979, 982, 996, 1014-5.31 Helmholz, Marriage litigation, 180-1.13The other petitory actions were straight-forward suits brought toestablish a marriage or promises of marriage. In April 1347, Joan Akermaninitiated a causa matrimoniali against Reginald Webbe which was to continuefor a little over a year. By July, it had been suspended until September sub spepacis. However, the parties next appeared in May 1348 when an award wasmade to Joan in a causa alimentacionis prolum. Reginald admitted having hadtwo children by her and he agreed to make provision for their maintenance.32The nature of the contract is clearer in the second suit. Ollaria Seuaresuccessfully sued Walter Pak on the grounds of a de presenti contract followedby sexual intercourse. Walter had initially confessed to the intercourse, but notthe contract. However, after Ollaria had produced one witness and had statedthat she would produce a second, Walter acknowledged its existence.33The final petitory action provides an insight into the negotiationswhich might precede the marriages of possibly relatively well-off individuals. InSeptember 1347, almost six months after a causa matrimoniali had beeninitiated against him, William Vyngerlith' agreed to marry Juliana Marchaunt ofStrood. This was on the condition that her parents should provide a suitabledowry. They were present in court and immediately agreed to his terms.34 Thereis no indication that the couple had slept together. The presence of allinterested parties in court and the ease with which agreement was reached32 Registrum, 915-6, 921, 929, 936, 943, 949, 1004. In May of the previous year Reginald hadbeen called to respond super alimentatione prolis in addition to Joan's petition for marriage.33 op. cit., 960.14makes it likely that the greater part of the negotiations had been conducted andsettled beforehand.Two of the multi-party suits show a similar degree of legalbrinkmanship, and give an impression of the extent of effective parental controlin the area of courtship and marriage. At the beginning of February 1348,Thomas Bard reclaimed the banns of Adam Pope and Agatha, daughter of JohnSlipes. He claimed that Agatha had been betrothed (affidavit) to his son Simon,then twelve-years old, before her contract of marriage with Adam. In his turnAdam, alleged betrothal followed by exchange of present consent. Agathaexpressly denied this and, although Adam was able to produce two witnesses,their evidence was held to be insufficient, and the judgement went againsthim.35 However, Adam was not finished: the parties were again in court beforethe end of the month after he had reclaimed Agatha and Simon's banns. Healleged that it was common knowledge (laborat publica vox et fama) in theparish that Simon's brother, John, had pre-contracted and slept with Agatha.Adam was able to produce four witnesses, including John, and his objectionwas upheld.36 The limitations of the source are particularly galling here as it isimpossible to know whether John had been acting with or without his father'sapproval.The issue in this legally untidy case revolved around the existence of34 op. cit., 914, 920, 927, 934, 942, 953, 955. For the terms of the dowry see above n. 14.35 op. cit., 980.36 op. cit., 991.15two clandestine contracts: a marriage made per verba de presenti by AdamPope, and a pre-contract followed by intercourse on the part of John Bard. Theremaining multi-party suits also reveal details of other clandestine contracts.Marion, daughter of William Taylour, reclaimed the banns of Richard Sampsonand Margaret, daughter of John Helere. She alleged that Richard had formed amarriage with her which had been followed with sexual intercourse. Marioncould produce no witnesses to this. Richard successfully denied the allegation,while admitting that he had formed a marriage per verba de presenti withMargaret.37 The banns of Hamo Cadel and Margery Patrich' were reclaimed byAlice Cothen, who alleged that Hamo had promised to take her to wife (duceretin uxorem suam legitimam) and had then slept with her. She could produce onlyone witness and Hamo successfully denied her accusation.38 Marion and Alicewere probably jilted lovers: Richard admitted that he had been punished forfornication with Marion, although this was seven or more years before, andHamo admitted that he had been `corrected' on a prior occasion on account ofhis relationship with Alice. The exact truth of the matter cannot be ascertainedfrom the sparse records, and was probably obscure even to the Official,especially in the case of Hamo who was left to his conscience regarding thesuitability of his match with Margery. Marion, servant of John Martyn, reclaimedthe banns of John Hanecok and Margaret, daughter of Felicia Peucompe on thegrounds that John had formed a contract of marriage per verba de presenti withher and that they had pledged to have it solemnized. This does not appear to37 op. cit., 1031.38 op. cit., 1039.16have been a prelude to sexual relations. She could, however, produce only onewitness. The defendants denied the contract, but admitted that they had formeda contract of marriage between themselves which they had followed with sexualintercourse.39 In the final reclamation, John Thebaud challenged the banns ofJohn, son of George atte Noke and Joan, daughter of Simon atte Herste. Healleged that he and Joan had contracted marriage with his mother as solewitness. Joan flatly denied this stating that in no wise had she formed a contractof marriage with Thebaud or given her faith that she would do so. Thedefendants, however, admitted that they had formed a contract of marriage(contractum matrimoniale) which had been followed by sexual intercourse.40 Inthe final multi-party suit, it was found that Joan de Oakle, after forming acontract of marriage with John Wychard, had done likewise with William atteForde. John was able to bring two witnesses to support his claim and he washeld to be married to Joan. As only the final sentence survives, it is not possiblyto know whether John's claim was made via a reclamation of the defendants'banns.41Such reclamations were forcing defendants to acknowledge that theyhad formed valid contracts of marriage, and had therefore prejudiced theChurch's system of control. All the contracts were clandestine in the broadsense of the term, and the majority of those being alleged by plaintiffs inparticular lacked even the basic requirement of two witnesses. The Official's39 op. cit., 1016.40 op. cit., 990-1.41 op. cit., 917-8.17usual reaction was to order defendants to proceed to solemnize their union if nolegal impediment existed. However, the action taken in the case of JohnHanecok and Felicia Peaucompe provides a foretaste of what will beencountered when the ex officio business of the court in this period is examined.The couple, who had followed a contract of marriage with sexual relations,abjured the `sin' until they had solemnized their marriage, and were both beatenthree times around their parish church.IIInstance suits were not the only mechanism by which clandestinemarriages were brought to light. The Official took more direct action, through hisex officio powers to detect, examine, and sometimes punish those who hadformed clandestine contracts. The majority of these inquiries into suspectedclandestine marriages were initiated between 1347 and 1348. During this period,couples were called super contractu matrimoniali on six occasions and superfornicacione et contractu matrimoniali on a further sixteen. One of the mencalled super contractu matrimoniali was later questioned concerning anunfulfilled penance with one of his lovers. He was also questioned concerninghis intentions of marriage with this women and two other.42 In addition fourteenof the office actions brought in connection with fornication raised the issue ofthe existence of a clandestine marriage. In the later period only one referencesurvives to a prosecution relating to a clandestine contract: Margaret42 op. cit., 998-9.18Havedmans, confessed to both fornication and `contract'; she was beaten twicearound the church.43The precise circumstances which led to the initiation of these actionsare obscure. Where a couple were presented super fornicacione, it seems thatthey were either taking the opportunity to clear their consciences or one partyhad decided to force the issue. Community concerns must have played somepart in the first instance at least, since the tag ut dicebatur/dicitur is attached tomost. There is also a strong probability that some were, in fact, promoted officeactions, brought by the Official on behalf of a third party - possibly a disgruntledpartner.44 Other actions were brought against couples who, after an initialprosecution, had been slow to solemnize or whose behaviour was a source ofcontinuing concern.45 As with the records of the instance suits within the Actbook these office actions generally lack details regarding the status andoccupation of those involved, and the circumstances under which the contractsat issue were formed. The terminology employed by the court tends to obscurethe precise nature of the contracts as well. The blanket term contractummatrimonium may actually be concealing the presence of de futuro contracts,since they became binding if followed by sexual intercourse.4643 `A consistory court', no. 10. An investigation was started into the ability of James Bordon tomarry a certain Agnes quam tenet, after they had been presented on a charge of adultery.James claimed that his former wife had deserted him and was now dead and, as he could notremain chaste, he had remarried. There must be a strong presumption that his marriage withAgnes was in one way or another clandestine (op. cit., no. 69).44 See Case A in Appendix.45 See Case B in Appendix.46 See Case C in Appendix.19Despite such problems, certain patterns emerge. All the marriageswere clandestine, and the majority probably lacked even the basic requirementsof publicity stipulated by canon law. Five women and two men had no witnessesto the alleged contract.47 Another man was on only slightly stronger groundwhen he produced one witness, but only one of the contracts had beenadequately witnessed: Isabella Rogers was able to call three witnesses. Bothbecame the subjects of an instance suit.48 In twenty instances the contract wassimply described as a `contract of marriage'. Two of these were madeconditional on there being no lawful impediments (si de jure contraherepossent). Both were subsequently annulled on the grounds ofconsanguinity.49Another couple denied the existence of a marriage, butconfessed to having had sexual congress.50 The remaining examples are moredetailed. One revolved around the alleged infringement of the terms of anabjuration made in forma communi. The man categorically denied all sexualrelations since the abjuration, and the woman was left to her conscienceregarding marriage to another.51 Three were straightforward de presenticontracts, in two of which those involved denied having had sexualintercourse.52 In two others betrothal or trothplight had been followed bymarriage, although this was categorically denied by one of the womenconcerned.53 In the majority - twelve - promises of marriage had been followed47 Registrum, 918, 937, 947, 951, 969-70, 1016, 1022.48 op. cit., 962-3, 1015.49 op. cit., 924, 940.50 op. cit., 973.51 op. cit., 995.52 op. cit., 969, 992, 1015.53 op. cit., 947 (fideidacionem et matrimonium), 969-70 (affidavit et ipsam in uxorem suam20by sexual intercourse. Of these six were concerned with trothplight(fideidacionem) and one with betrothal (sponsalia).54 In another the man had`pledged himself' (affidando).55 Three men promised to take their partners `towife' (duceret in uxorem), one of whom made this conditional on his parents'consent.56 Another couple agreed to marry and solemnly bound themselves todo this (strinxerunt fidem super eodem).57In three cases where the existence of a contract had beensuccessfully denied by one of the parties, abjurations in forma communi wereimposed and penance enjoined.58 As in most examples of simple fornication thistook the form of a threefold beating around the church or market. Three of themarriages were found to be invalid on the grounds of consanguinity or affinity,and those concerned received penitential beatings. In one, the couple were tobe flogged three times around the church and once around the market, but inthe other two, the penances were no harsher than for simple fornication.59Likewise couples were flogged in a further three cases where the marriage wassuccessfully denied.60 In the majority - twenty - a valid and binding contract ofmarriage was acknowledged. Those concerned abjured the `sin' until themarriage could be solemnized on condition that no impediment emerged.cepit).54 op. cit., 918, 937, 951, 985, 1021, 1032.55 op. cit., 999.56 op. cit., 950, 967, 1026.57 op. cit., 945.58 op. cit., 951, 1016, 1021.59 op. cit., 924, 940, 1039.60 op. cit., 918, 947, 951.21Pledges of half a mark were imposed on two occasions to ensure compliance.61Where a time limit was stipulated this was usually between one and two monthsfrom the date of the court appearance.62 In twelve of the twenty, penitentialbeatings were enjoined as if those involved were guilty of simple fornication.63There was little consistency in the imposition of such penalties: sexualintercourse had occurred in half of the examples where no penitential beatingswere enjoined. It is possible that the nature of the record is acting to makeindividual cases appear alike, and that, in fact, different circumstances couldlead to different penalties. Nevertheless the Official was treating a significantnumber of the clandestine marriages which appeared before him as little betterthan sworn fornication. This strongly reflects the sentiments of the author of anearly thirteenth century English summa for confessors, Thomas of Chobham.Thomas felt that those contracting without due solemnity, and so circumventingthe system of safeguards approved by the Church, should not be considered asmarried until they had undergone solemnization in church.64 The action of theOfficial in punishing such couples is understandable given the legal confusionsand difficulties which might arise.65 However, it was only applied to one of theclandestine marriages which had been detected through instance litigation.Furthermore, this is a policy which tends to mark the consistory court out from61 op. cit., 946, 973.62 See Case D in Appendix.63 Registrum, 945-7, 950-1, 973, 981, 992-3, 1038. Two were, however, composed.64 It was stated that those contracting without due solemnity `non debt haberi vel dicimatrimonium inter eos donec iterum veniant ad ecclesiam et ibi coniungantur cum debitasollemnitate' (Thomae de Chobham, Summa Confessorum ed. F. Broomfield (AnalectaMediaevalia Namurcensia, 25, Louvain, 1968), 147).65 See for example: Registrum, 985, 998-9.22other English jurisdictions in particular its near contemporary at Ely. Here in the1370s and 1380s, most of those who had formed clandestine marriages werenot ordered to separate until solemnization could be effected. Penances werenot enjoined and there were no strict deadlines relating to solemnization as wasoften the case at Rochester. Only when the prohibitions of Humanaconcupiscentia, concerning abuses of the banns and church solemnization, hadbeen infringed was penance enjoined.66 The impression is that the Official atRochester was pursuing a stricter policy towards those who had formedclandestine marriages, and had been detected through office actions. This wasa policy much more in accord with the letter of both Mepham's and Stratford'sconstitutions.67III The disputes and prosecutions which resulted from clandestinemarriages can - despite their apparent brevity - illuminate several featuresconcerning the implementation of canon law and the underlying social practiceof marriage within the diocese. A pattern has emerged from other studies inwhich exchange of consent in whatever form was followed by a period ofcohabitation which usually, though not invariably, resulted in churchsolemnization.68 Such contracts often only came to light if the wider communitybecame scandalized, or if one of the parties became dissatisfied and sought to66 Sheehan, `Formation and stability', 250-1; cf. Kelly, Love and marriage, 170-73.67 A number of thirteenth English statutes, including one promulgated at Ely, had prescribedpenitential floggings for those who had formed clandestine marriages (Sheehan, `Marriagetheory', 437-8).68 Helmholz, Marriage litigation, 28-31, 59; Sheehan, `Formation and stability', 238, 243-50.23abandon the partnership or force the pace. In this case, a promoted officeaction would have been a cheaper alternative to the prosecution of an instancesuit.69 The Rochester material is itself suggestive of this pattern. Two contractsuncovered through office actions had been formed roughly eight months beforethey were detected, although another may have been detected in a matter ofweeks.70 Another couple had formed a contract of marriage shortly after theyhad appeared before the Archdeacon of Rochester at an unspecified date.71 Itwas necessary to excommunicate John Richard in order to compel him tosolemnize his marriage with Cecily Cam. He was absolved from the sentence ofexcommunication in March 1348, but ordered to regularise the marriage on painof 20s. It was also found that he was pursuing a sexual relationship with awoman with whom he had exchanged consent after his contract to Cecily.72 Awoman alleged a de presenti contract with a promise to solemnize. Themulti-party suits show that, through the use of reclamations, dissatisfiedindividuals were forcing defendants to admit that they had already formedbinding marriages before the publication of their banns. Likewise, a couple whowere called super contractu matrimoniali were found to have contractedmarriage before having their banns read.73A distinction may have existed in the minds of the laity between the69 Sheehan, `Formation and stability', 253, 261.70 Registrum, 956, 969, 992. The couple who appeared on 18 March 1348, claimed that theircontracted had been formed three weeks before the previous carniprivium. 71 op. cit., 967, 992.72 op. cit., 937, 993. John was to suffer a threefold beating around both church and market, whileJoan was to be beaten three times around the church.73 op. cit., 933.24effects of a de futuro contract, even when followed by sexual intercourse, and ade presenti contract. Although both were equally binding under the terms ofcanon law, several instances show that those involved did not subscribe to thisview. Cecily Cam and Joan Taylour, presented for fornication and contract ofmarriage, both confessed to being trothplighted to John Richard. For his part,John admitted that he had given his faith (strinxit fidem) to Cecily and had thenslept with her; at some later date he repeated the process with Joan. JohnLyndestede was questioned on the status of his relationships with three women.He was found to have contracted sponsalia with Denise Vayre which he hadfollowed with sex; he had pledged himself to Amice Teysy during her husband'slifetime; and he had made an unspecified contract of marriage with JoanCoaxes. He admitted that the contract with Joan had precedence over the othertwo. Sarah atte Longefrith had successively contracted with two men. Althoughno contract was at issue, John Beneyt slept with the cousin of the woman withwhom he had formed a contract of marriage.74These patterns of courtship and marriage can be set against theevidence of a high degree of sexual freedom provided by the office business ofthe court. The presence of persistent and durable relationships which lackedany form of contractual obligation, together with the use of abjurations in formacommuni, added a practical and legal confusion to the court's dealings withclandestine marriages. The exchange of words of future consent could have74 op. cit., 932-3.25acted as a cover for sexual relations giving them a formal, though notnecessarily binding, status in the eyes of those concerned. One couple admittedto intercourse both before and after their contract of marriage, and a man `often'(sepius) had sexual intercourse with a woman he had promised to take as hiswife.75 This state of affairs was clearly open to abuse: Richard Sandre initiallydenied forming a contract with Agnes Adam, but when placed on oath headmitted that he had promised to take her as his wife and had then slept withher. It is possible that widows and unmarried women may have employeddifferent courtship strategies with widows only becoming involved in de presenticontracts while other women were more often associated with promises ofmarriage. If so, this may indicate something about the relative experience ofwidows and the strength of their position on the marriage market.Such habits are seen as indicative of a situation in which parentalcontrol was not an overriding feature of marriage formation. This is especiallytrue with de futuro contracts which were a prelude to sexual activity.76 AtRochester in the late 1340s, parental involvement appears remote. The onlyreference to it among the office actions is in a conditional de futuro contract.Robert, son of Walter Webbe promised Juliana atte Wood that he would marryher if his parents gave their consent. His deference to his parents' wishes didnot prevent him from sleeping with Juliana, and subsequently being presentedon a charge of habitual fornication with contract of marriage. The court found75 op. cit., 950.76 Goldberg, Women, work and life cycle, 234, 243-47, 248-51; Sheehan, `Formation andstability', 263.26that there was no reason why they should not marry and ordered them tosolemnize.77 The instance suits reveal slightly more about the involvement ofparents in the marriages of their children. The two suits brought during February1348 by Thomas Bard and Adam Pope demonstrate both the practical controlthat could be exercised over the marriage plans of children by parents, and alsotheir potential limits. The precise circumstances of John Bard's contract withAgatha Slipes are not recorded, and so it is not possible to know if he wasacting with or without his father's consent. For her part, Agatha had been ableto form contracts with two brothers and was about to enter into another with athird man, which was an unsatisfactory state of affairs from both the point ofview of canon law and family interest. The second example shows theinvolvement of - possibly well-off - parents and friends in the negotiationssurrounding the financial aspects of marriage, though it is not possible toascertain what role they had played in bringing the couple together. Nomembers of the defendant's family appeared in court or were mentioned as partof the negotiations: the transaction was purely between the man concerned andthe woman and her family.The instance litigation brought between 1347 and 1348 demonstratesthat the system of banns was functioning, and that it was providing anopportunity for individuals to exercise their right of challenge. It wasnevertheless a system that could be circumvented and prejudiced; but, although77 Registrum, 967.27couples often acted to prejudice or pre-empt the stages of marriage approvedby the Church, they were willing to use the same system to legitimise theirunions or challenge the ability of others to marry. Something of an uneasyco-existence was present in which the court provided a forum for the pursuit ofdisputes, and where recognition by the court or due solemnization was probablythe final and most public act in a process involving several different stages andlevels of mutual commitment.78The Church was by no means a passive observer in all this andgeneral measures were taken to ensure that marriages were correctly formed.At Rochester between 1347 and 1348 - and possibly also in the later period -this took the form of the active pursuit by the Official of some of those who hadformed clandestine marriages. These office prosecutions do not appear to belinked in any way to parental pressure - which has been given as a possibleexplanation for their prevalence on the continent.79 Recorded instances ofparental involvement are few in both the relevant instance and office business,while the initiative for such prosecutions appears to have come from the Officialhimself or jilted lovers. At Ely too, parental involvement was negligible.80 Theimposition of penance on those who had formed a broad range of clandestinemarriages tends to set Rochester apart from the activities of other contemporaryEnglish jurisdictions. The contrast with Ely consistory is particularly striking.78 L. R. Poos, A rural society after the Black Death: Essex 1350-1525 (Cambridge, 1991), 140.79 Donahue, `Canon law', 147, 155-57; C. Donahue, `The case of the man who fell into the Tiber:the Roman law of marriage at the time of the glossators', American Journal of LegalHistory, 22 (1978), 51-2.28Here couples found to have contracted clandestinely were not punished unlessthey had misused the system in order to add a dubious legality to theirmarriages. In more general matters, however, the Rochester Officials wereadhering to general canon law principals in assigning penances for offencesagainst sexual morality. A distinction was made between fornication, incestuousfornication and adultery were punished, with the latter two on the wholeincurring harsher penalties.81 This was the case in both periods for whichevidence survives. With regard to clandestine marriages, the Official was usingthe discretion allowed to him under canon, to assign penance in some casesand not in others. This is a point already noted by Kelly in his comparison of theRochester and Ely material.82The picture which emerges from the Rochester Act book is a familiarone in many respects, and it shares many common features with what is knownabout marriage litigation in other English ecclesiastical jurisdictions. AtRochester, as elsewhere, fully fledged clandestine marriages were at issue inthe litigation rather than disputes over betrothals. A high degree of freedom inthe choice of marriage partners is apparent as are differences in theunderstanding, between Church and laity, of the legal consequences ofcontracts. Yet, the Official's treatment of a number of the clandestine marriages- mostly detected through office actions - leads on to less familiar terrain, at80 Sheehan, `Formation and stability', 263. 81A. J. Finch, ‘Sexual morality and canon law: The evidence of the Rochester consistory court’,Journal of Medieval History, 20 (1994), 273.82 Kelly, Love and marriage, 170f.29least within an English context. At Rochester, office actions played a leadingrole in the detection of clandestine contracts, as they did to a lesser degree atEly. However, the Official went further in treating a significant proportion ofotherwise valid marriages as little more than sworn fornication. The impositionof penances in these cases demonstrates an awareness of the problems whichmight result from clandestine contracts, and a close adherence to the letter ofcanon law on such matters.30APPENDIXCase ARobert Chaloner and Agnes Taylour were called super contractu matrimonialiafter it had been alleged (ut dicebatur) that Robert had broken the terms of anabjuration sub pena nubendi. The suspicion must be that Agnes had a part inbringing the action as she alone was willing to admit to subsequent sexualintercourse. Although she was unable to prove her case, she was left to herconscience regarding marriage to another which shows that her claim was seenas having some substance (Registrum, 998). John de Stokebery and Alice Proisadmitted before the court that they were married; but this contract wasimmediately challenged by Ralph Lawrie who was also present in court (op. cit.,924-5).Case BOn July 10 1347, Robert Pertrich and Sarah widow Longefrith' confessed to acharge of fornication and contract of marriage. They were ordered to solemnizebefore Holy Cross day. However, on 30 July, Sarah was called on a charge offornication and contract of marriage with John Taylour and an inquiry wasinitiated into which of the two marriages had precedence (op. cit., 946-7, 956).On June 18 1347, John Richard, Cecily Cam and Joan Taylour appeared beforethe court. Both women admitted to having formed contracts of marriage withJohn and to subsequent intercourse. However, the contract with Cecily washeld to be the prior one. On march 18 1348, the court found that John andCecily's marriage remained unsolemnized, and that John was continuing to31pursue his affair with Joan (op. cit., 937, 993). On February 26 1348, JohnLindestede was ordered to solemnize his marriage with Denise Vayre. On April8, he was called to explain why he had not fulfilled the terms of the penanceimposed because of his adultery with Amise Teysey during her husband's life,and to make plain his matrimonial intentions towards Denise, Amise and JoanCroxes. He admitted that he had contracted with Joan prior to the other two (op.cit., 985, 998-9). On December 18 1347, John Boghele and Alice Andrewadmitted a clandestine marriage and were ordered to solemnize. This order wasrepeated on May 21 1348 (op. cit., 973, 1008).Case COne man called super fornicacione et contractu matrimoniali admitted promisingto marry the woman (duceret in uxorem suam), and then to sleeping with her(op. cit., 1026). Another man was said to have made a de facto contract ofmarriage with a woman during her husband's lifetime. He had `pledged himselfto her' (affidando eandem) (op. cit., 999). A couple called super fornicacioneadmitted a contract of marriage. They then exchanged words of presentconsent before the court (op. cit., 1038).Case DOne couple were ordered to solemnize as soon as was possible (op. cit., 969).Three couples sentenced on 10 July 1347 were to solemnize before 14September of that year, another couple sentenced on 29 July 1348 had tosolemnize before 29 September, and a couple who had been sentenced on 2632February 1348 had to solemnize their marriage after 20 April (op. cit., 945-7,985, 1026). This was because the celebration of marriage was prohibited duringLent and Easter. On 30 October 1347, a couple were ordered to solemnizebefore 30 November and on 21 May of the following year, a couple wereordered to solemnize before 24 June (op. cit., 967, 1009). There was noguarantee that the marriage would in fact be solemnized within the stipulatedtime. A second contract was alleged against Sarah Longefrith' within a month ofher being ordered to solemnize marriage with Robert Pertrich. Two othercouples were tardy in complying with the court's wishes, and in one case thenew order was backed with the threat of a 20s. penalty.

Fortress MaidstoneBy Clive Holden1Fortress MaidstonePreface When I took early retirement in 2016, I was looking forward to developingfurther my long-time interest in local military history. I had read about the Historic Defences Committee of the Kent ArchaeologicalSociety and they seemed to be engaged on work that appealed to my interestsso, in early 2017, I contacted its Chairman, Victor Smith, and offered to helpwith their projects. Victor suggested I might like to do some work on theSecond World War Maidstone ‘Nodal Point’. We met up to discuss the projectover a coffee and Victor kindly gave me some very welcome research tips. Most of that research has come from various War Diaries lodged at theNational Archives at Kew. Many hours were spent visiting the Archives, goingthrough the diaries and photographing thousands of pages. Many more hoursthen spent at home poring over the photos, making notes and trying tounderstand all the military abbreviations and the interminable changes incommand structures. Other information was gleaned from the internet as well as several books. In1948, Captain G.C. Wynne of the Historical Section of the Cabinet Office wastasked with producing the official account of the various plans that were drawnup for Home Defence between 1939 and 1945. This account was reproduced inbook form in 2017 by Frontline Books under the title Stopping Hitler and hasbeen a great help with my research. Colin Alexander’s Ironside’s Line is thedefinitive guide to the GHQ Line defences built between 1940 and 1942 andproved to be another valuable source of information on those earlier years ofanti-invasion preparations. After much time considering how to bring all these various strands ofinformation together to form a coherent and, hopefully interesting report, Ichose to produce it in the form of a chronology from the outbreak of the War inSeptember 1939 to December 1943, by which time the threat of a Germaninvasion of the UK had all but vanished. Although the main subject of the report was originally to be the MaidstoneNodal Point, I have expanded it to cover some military activity in the widerMaidstone area which I have taken to include the route of the GHQ Line fromAylesford to Teston and the airfields at West Malling and Detling. Information on military activity within Maidstone itself during the earlieryears of the war I found, to my frustration, to be very limited. Fortunately, therewere War Diaries for the Royal West Kent’s 13th Infantry Training Centre forSeptember to December 1939, which included the first defence plan for thetown, but no such diaries seem to exist for following years. I did contact theRWK museum in Maidstone to ask if they had any records for 13 I.T.C. but2they were unable to help. The War Diaries for Home Counties Area H.Q. 1939-1940 helped to fill in some gaps, but they too proved a frustration as the vitalmonths of April, May and June 1940 are missing (coincidentally the samemonths are missing from the Chatham Area’s War Diaries from the sameperiod). Maidstone Sub-Area H.Q. War Diaries provided a more localised source ofinformation on activity from June 1941 onwards and when the town itself wascreated a ‘Fortress’ in 1942 the local garrison began producing its own WarDiaries which detailed much of the work involved in the construction works forthe Fortress and its various defence plans. The upper echelons of the command structure produced their own War Diarieswhich I have also drawn on as they obviously had a great influence on whathappened in Maidstone. These included the diaries of Kent Area, EasternCommand, South-Eastern Command and XII Corps. Trying to make sense of the ever-changing chains of command over the periodwas a difficult task but I hope I have managed to illustrate them correctly in theappendices to the report. I certainly do not claim this report to be a definitive account, but I do hope Ihave managed to bring to attention many previously unknown aspects ofMaidstone’s military history during the Second World War.Clive HoldenEast MallingNovember 2019Acknowledgements I wish to express my thanks to Victor Smith for all his help, advice, andencouragement with this project. Thanks too to Paul Tritton for his help andencouragement. Also, my thanks to Roy Moore, owner of the Kent PhotoArchive website, for his help; to Stuart Carley for allowing me to use imagesfrom the Frederick Carley Collection; and to Rex Cadman and Roger Smoothyfor allowing me to use images from the ‘War & Peace’ Collection.3Introduction When Britain declared war on Germany in September 1939, it came as nosurprise to most people in this country. Such a conflict had been predicted,feared and expected ever since Hitler came to power in 1933. Following themilitary re-occupation of the Rhineland in 1936, the British Chiefs-of-Staffbegan planning for a war with Germany which they assumed might break-out inthe latter apart of 1939. The risks of a seaborne invasion of Great Britain wereregarded to be negligible but the danger was that the country could be defeatedby air attack alone. When hostilities did eventually break out, the Government still believed thatthe United Kingdom would remain a secure base. However, by October 1939German submarine activity off the North and West coasts resulted in thereduction of Royal Navy forces in the North Sea to provide escorts and tradeprotection in those areas under threat from the U-Boats, thus leaving the EastCoast vulnerable to a surprise large-scale raid. The Chiefs-of Staff were askedto take the necessary steps to prevent such a raid. Plans were drawn up tocounter a strike by up to 15,000 seaborne supported by 10,000 airborne troopson targets in the East of England. Following the German invasion and occupation of France and the LowCountries and the seizure of the Channel ports in the early summer of 1940, aninvasion across the Channel into the southern counties of England became a realpossibility. Due to its proximity to France, Kent was under particular threat.Defence plans were hastily revised to combat any invasion. These plansincluded the construction of the ‘GHQ Line’ a series of defence works to defendLondon and the industrial heartlands of the Midlands. Along these lines manytowns and villages were designated as ‘anti-tank islands’ also known as NodalPoints, heavily defended localities with pillboxes, roadblocks and anti-tankobstacles designed to slow-up a German advance. Because of its importance asa vital communications hub with its road, rail and river links and being thecentre of county administration, Maidstone was designated as a Nodal Point andbecame an integral part of the GHQ Line defences. Further revisions of antiinvasion plans in 1941 and 1942 saw Maidstone upgraded to a ‘Fortress’ withenhanced anti-tank defences and a dedicated garrison. The following report is the culmination of two years research into the militaryhistory of Maidstone in the Second World War and the plans that were put inplace for its defence.4Maps (1)Key:1) Maidstone Barracks2) Invicta Lines3) Detling Airfield4) West Malling Airfield5) Kent Home Guard H.Q. (74 London Rd)6) Aylesford Bridge7) Allington Lock8) Mote Park9) Teston Bridge10) Vinters Park11) Maidstone Sub-Area H.Q. (Preston Hall Farm12) Maidstone Sub-Area H.Q. (Bower Terrace)5Map (2)Key:A) Union Street Drill HallB) Maidstone BridgeC) County Hall / Sessions HouseD) Archbishop’s PalaceE) Police StationF) Tilling Stevens FactoryG) Fortress Battle H.Q. (Bank Street)H) Fortress Battle H.Q. (Town Hall)I) Maidstone Home Guard H.Q. (Brewer Street)6Prelude Evidence of settlement in Maidstone can be found dating back to prehistorictimes with Maidstone Museum holding many locally found Mesolithic andNeolithic artefacts. The Romans and Normans established settlements here anddeveloped its economy, aided by its position on the River Medway whichallowed for the easy transportation of goods upriver into the heart of the countyand downriver to Rochester and the Thames Estuary. The town has a long military history: the ‘Battle of Maidstone’ in 1648 duringthe Civil War was an important victory for the Parliamentary forces under thecommand of Lord Fairfax, overcoming the town’s Royalist garrison.Battle of Maidstone Memorial in Brenchley Gardens The first of Maidstone’s two army barracks was built in 1797 as the threat ofNapoleon loomed from across the Channel, and King George III visited MotePark to inspect 3,000 of the local militia assembled from across Kent inanticipation of an invasion. The barracks were situated just off, what became,the Sandling Road. They were originally built to serve the West Kent Militiaand then, in the 19th century, they became one of the Army’s major CavalryDepots. In 1835 the barracks were home to the Army Riding School then in1873 they became the depot for the 50th (West Kent) Regiment of Foot and the97th (Earl of Ulster’s) Regiment of Foot. These two regiments amalgamated in1881 to become the Queen’s Own Royal West Kent Regiment with MaidstoneBarracks as its Regimental Depot.7The 18th C. former Maidstone Barracks Officers’ Mess in 2016Aerial view of Maidstone Barracks In the First World War Maidstone was the headquarters of the Home CountiesDivision and on August 14th, 1914 the local newspapers reported that therewere 2,000 Territorials in Maidstone waiting to be sent to their war stations.The regimental depot for the West Kent Yeomanry was in Union Street andmen were encouraged to enlist directly there. It would be a common sight to seethe troops marching along the High Street, on their way to the depot. In 1920 the Royal East Kent Yeomanry and West Kent (Queen’s Own)Yeomanry were amalgamated to form the Kent Yeomanry and simultaneouslyre-roled as field artillery to form the 97th (Kent Yeomanry) Brigade, RoyalField Artillery. The new regiment consisted of four artillery batteries one of8which, the 388th, was based at Maidstone. The Regimental H.Q. was alsoestablished in Maidstone at the Drill Hall in Union Street.388 Battery, 97th (Kent Yeomanry) Brigade, R.A. at the Drill Hall, Union Street in 1936 To the north of the town a Royal Naval Air Station was established at Detlingin 1915 which was later taken over by the Royal Flying Corps. However, theairfield was often subjected to low hill fog, so an emergency landing strip wasestablished at Kings Hills, West Malling which could be used whenever weatherconditions rendered Detling unavailable. Following the end of the First World War the airfield at Detling wasabandoned and the emergency landing strip at West Malling was left to becomeovergrown and all but forgotten. However, with the rekindled interest in privateaviation in the late 1920’s the hunt was on for new potential flying sites. In June1930, a private company, Kent Aeronautical Services, completed their purchaseof the former landing strip site at Kings Hill and founded the West Kent AeroClub there. In 1932, the aviation pioneer Sir Alan Cobham brought his NationalAviation Day Display, more commonly known as ‘Cobham’s Flying Circus’, toWest Malling. Within a few years the airfield was sold again and re-namedMaidstone Airport. In 1938 the new owner, Walter Laidlaw, was encouraged bythe Air Ministry to set up a Civil Air Guard Scheme at West Malling. This wasa mainly civilian organisation but was financed by the Air Ministry and run as amilitary organisation to train possible future pilots for the RAF.9Maidstone Airport, West Malling 1938 In the late 1930’s the threat from Nazi Germany saw the expansion of theRoyal Air Force and the need for more airfields. Detling was re-opened as anRAF Station in 1938 and, in early 1939, West Malling was finally requisitionedby the Directorate of Public Works for use by the RAF. Both airfields weredestined to play major roles in the forthcoming conflict. Maidstone’s 18th century wooden army barracks were now falling into disrepair and were fast becoming unsuitable for the demands of a 20th centuryarmy.Royal West Kent Regt. Reunion Parade at Maidstone Barracks 1935 (Carley Collection)10R.W.K.’s on parade at Maidstone Barracks in 1936 (Carley Collection) In 1936 the Government purchased a site from the Lushington family a fewhundred yards to the north of the Sandling Road barracks and proceeded tobuild a new hutted camp on it for the Army. When it was completed it becamethe home of the Infantry Training Centre of the Queen’s Own Royal West KentRegiment (13 I.T.C.) and became known as the ‘Invicta Lines’. The Armyretained the Sandling Road Barracks and they continued in use until theirdemolition in the 1990s.Unarmed combat training at 13 I.T.C. (War & Peace Collection)11September1939- April 1940 – The Phoney War At the time of the outbreak of the Second World War on the 3rd September1939, Maidstone’s Invicta Lines Barracks was home to the Regimental Depotand Headquarters of the Queen’s Own Royal West Kent Regiment (R.W.K.)and the regiment’s 13 Infantry Training Centre (13 I.T.C.) which provided themain garrison for the town. The total establishment of the Depot and 13 I.T.Cwas 13 Officers and 272 Other Ranks, under the Command of Major E.S. Kerr.Within 24 hours of the declaration of war 600 reservists had reported to theDepot and been clothed and equipped. Hundreds more reservists and recruitscontinued to arrive throughout September, and many were soon on their way tojoin their battalions with the British Expeditionary Force in France.New recruits arrive at Maidstone Barracks. (War & Peace Collection) The 6th Cavalry Training Regiment was also based in the town and followingthe declaration of war it was detailed to provide protection for the Kent CountyPolice H.Q. and barracks on the Sutton Road. The Regiment moved toShorncliffe in November 1939 and 13 I.T.C. took over its protection duties.12Troopers of the 6th Cavalry Training Regiment (War & Peace Collection)Kent Police H.Q. & Barracks, Sutton Road, Maidstone The town and surrounding villages were designated ‘Maidstone Sector’, partof British Army Eastern Command’s Home Counties Area which was acombined command with the 44th (Home Counties) Infantry Division (TA).[See Appendix I] The combined Command was administered with a shared stafffrom a joint H.Q. at Shenden, a large requisitioned house on the Weald Road inSevenoaks. Brigadier A.I. Macdougall D,S.O., M.C. had joined the Staff in July1939 as Area Commander in anticipation of the splitting of the Area andDivisional Commands. However, for the interim period and on instruction fromEastern Command H.Q., he was now acting as Brigadier i/c [in charge]13Administration to the Area and Divisional Commander Major-General E.A.Osbourne C.B., D.S.O. Brig. Macdougall eventually assumed the Command ofHome Counties Area on the 25th October.Brig. A I Macdougall as a Major in 1918 © IWM (HU 117428) Among the forces at Brig. Macdougall’s disposal were troops from theNational Defence Companies. Established in 1936 as part of the TerritorialArmy Reserve, the companies were formed on a county or city basis, each beinglinked to their local Territorial battalion. Enlistment began on 1st September1936 and was open to ‘ex-members of His Majesty's Forces, normally betweenthe ages of 45 and 60 years’. Their role was stated to be ‘to protect importantpoints in Great Britain when war is threatening or has actually broken out, butmembers of the force will not be called up until these conditions arise, nor willthey be called up on account of civil disturbance’. In November 1939 theN.D.C. were formed into Home Defence battalions attached to their localregiments. The 8th (HD) Bn. Royal West Kent Regt. was based at Maidstone.Their duties included the guarding of Vulnerable Points and Prisoner-of-Warcamps. As the result of the increased tensions following the German take-over ofCzechoslovakia in the Spring of 1939, the British Government had ordered thedoubling in size of the Territorial Army. Each T.A. Division was itself doubledin size until it was able to ‘throw-off’ a duplicate Division. In the case of the44th Division its duplicate was to become the 12th Infantry Division. On the 7thOctober the 44th and 12th Divisions became separate formations and theCommand of Home Counties Area was passed to the G.O.C. [General OfficerCommanding] 12th Division. One brigade of the 44th Division was 132 Infantry Brigade part of whichmoved to Linton, near Maidstone at the outbreak of the war where it was then14re-designated as 36th Infantry Brigade and became part of the newly formed12th Infantry Division. The Commander of Maidstone Sector and the R.W.K. Depot in October 1939was, the recently promoted, Lt. Col. E.S. Kerr of the Royal West KentRegiment with his H.Q. on the Invicta Lines.Lt. Col. E.S. Kerr Lt. Col. Kerr was also responsible for 13 I.T.C. and oversaw the rigoroustraining schedules for the recently called-up reservists and new recruits The 9th October saw some important visitors to 13 I.T.C. The first to arrivewas the acting Colonel of the Royal West Kent Regiment, Brigadier N.I. WhittyD.S.O. He was followed shortly after by the G.O.C. Eastern Command, Lt.General Sir Guy Williams K.C.B., C.M.G., D.S.O., who was on his first officialvisit to Maidstone. Finally, the Commander Home Counties Area, Brig. A IMacdougall D.S.O., M.C. arrived in the late afternoon to see the troops intraining.Rifle firing drill at 13 I.T.C. (War & Peace Collection)15 On the 27th October 1939, the Commander-in-Chief Home Forces General Sir Walter Kirkeaerodrome or aerodromes on which further troop-carrying aircraft could land.Germany was known to have about 4,000 trained parachutists that could be usedin such an operation and over 1,000 civilian aircraft with the necessary rangeeach capable of carrying at least 15 ‘air landing’ troops that could be used infollow-up on the seized airfields. Immediate action would be taken by thenearest formations to repel the invaders and the General Officers Commandingin-Chief of the Command or Commands involved would be responsible for theconduct of the battle in their area. The code word JULIUS would be employed to signify that there wereindications that an enemy attack was being contemplated and the code wordCAESAR that an invasion was imminent.The 1939 Maidstone Defence Scheme In an order issued by the Commander Home Counties Area, Brigadier A.I.Macdougall, dated 1st November it was directed that, in the event of enemyairborne landings, the responsibility for dealing with such landings would restwith the Territorial Army troops in the area. However, the officers commandingthe I.T.C.s at Maidstone and Canterbury would be responsible for the close andimmediate defence of their respective towns. 13 I.T.C. at Maidstone would bedetailed to provide 300 men formed into two companies for the defence of themajor roads leading into Maidstone: the A20, A229 and the A249. They were tobe issued with all available Bren guns, 1,000 rounds of ammunition per Brengun, 100 rounds per rifle and 12 rounds per revolver. Transport for these troopswas to be provided by the R.A.S.C. Depot at Southill Barracks, Chatham.Maidstone Sector H.Q. was instructed to prepare a detailed defence schemebased around these orders following which all officers and N.C.O.s would carryout a T.E.W.T. [Tactical Exercise Without Troops] to test the scheme In accordance with Brig. Macdougall’s orders, the ‘Maidstone DefenceScheme’ was produced and on the 6th November all officers from 13 I.T.C.took part in the resultant T.E.W.T. after which they were all said to be ‘fullyacquainted with positions for the defence of Maidstone’. While it was considered unlikely that Maidstone itself would be the originalobjective of any raid, it had to be borne in mind that conditions prevailing at thetime may force a change of plan on the enemy. The Maidstone Defence Scheme envisaged an airborne attack by no more thanone hundred ‘first class’ parachute troops armed with rifles and light machineguns. It was expected for the enemy aircraft to approach at night for a dawntroop landing, allowing the landing party a full day for its initial operations.Time being of the essence, it was thought that the landing party would attemptto capture motor vehicles to help speed them on their way to their objective. Itwas therefore considered essential to close all roads leading to the danger area16to civilian traffic. Similar consideration should be given to any railway and rivertraffic. The close defence of Maidstone was to be considered as a series of ‘stops’, theobject being to turn the enemy away from the town, if possible, toward the gunsof the defenders’ mobile reserve. Two companies from 13 I.T.C., each of fourplatoons, were available for the defence of the town. One platoon would beavailable at one hour’s notice and another at two hours’ notice. The other sixplatoons would need six hours’ notice although, in an emergency, this could becut to two hours. These troops, however, would be mainly young and onlypartially trained. With only eleven motor cars immediately available to 13I.T.C. it would be necessary to commandeer civilian vehicles to providesufficient transport for the troops. Ten buses (five for each company), a furthertwelve cars, two motorcycles and two 30 cwt lorries or similar vehicles wouldneed to be ‘Impressed’, by force if necessary. It would be difficult to predict the effects of an enemy airborne landing on thecivilian population. Numerous false reports and rumours of enemy activitycould be expected and so any early accurate information was unlikely to comefrom the civilian authorities. However, receiving such information wasconsidered essential so the defence scheme would need to provide for officers’mobile patrols in cars, the object of which would be to locate and keep in touchwith the enemy. If accurate information regarding the location of the enemy waslacking then it would be desirable to keep as small a force as necessary in fixedpositions and maintain a large, mobile reserve. It was assumed that Maidstone would not be in danger from every direction atonce so if, for example, the enemy raiding party were at the east of the townthen the roads entering the town from the west could be left unguarded. If it wasdeemed necessary to ‘stop’ all roads, then this could only be done by reducingthe strength of their guard posts. The defence scheme went on to detail ‘The immediate and close defence ofMaidstone’ with special reference to the roads Maidstone – Sittingbourne(A249), Maidstone – Charing (A20) and Maidstone – Loose (A229). In all therewere six main roads and two minor roads leading into the town. Of these, twocame from the west (A26 and A20). The River Medway, to the north of thetown, formed a natural obstacle to an enemy raiding party moving east to westand could only be crossed at Allington Lock or Maidstone Bridge.17Maidstone Bridge With ribbon development and housing estates extending the perimeter of thetown to the north and north-east, the temptation would be to move on andconfront the enemy in open country and villages outside the town. However,this was to be resisted as such a course of action could lead to the defendersbecoming isolated and dispersed. Instead troops should be concentrated at ‘stop’positions on roads into the town. The Maidstone – Chatham road (A229)offered a strong platoon position at the Sandling Lane junction. Another ‘stop’ could be established on the Boxley Road in the area of itsjunctions with Grange Lane and Sandy Lane.18 Another good platoon position existed on the Maidstone – Sittingbourne road(A249) at the crossroads near Penenden Heath. From the east the Maidstone - Charing road (A20) offered little in the way ofsuitable ‘stop’ positions due to ribbon development and the large number oftrees along the road. The only reasonable position being astride the road andrailway near Turkey Mill.19 In the south, on the Loose Road (A229), housing extended without a break toLoose. On the Sutton Road (A274), buildings extended a mile beyond itsjunction with Loose Road. These were both main roads so the solution here wasto concentrate a force at the junction of the two roads which would be ready tomove down one road to Loose or the other to the Police Barracks, dependent oninformation received from the mobile patrols.20 The main western approaches to the town were the London Road (A20) andthe Tonbridge Road (A26). Suitable defence positions were identified near therailway bridge over the A20 between Allington and Barming Station and on theA26 at Barming at its junction with Fountain Lane and Farleigh Lane. The initial steps to be taken if a suspected enemy landing was reported were:(a) Request the Chief Constable to close to civilian traffic all roads leadingtowards to the area of the suspected landing.(b)Despatch Officers’ Patrols in cars to that area.(c) To collect or impress immediately vehicles to convey the force available.21(d)To ‘stop’ all roads in the direction of the suspected landing areaimmediately using just one Company for this purpose.(e) Roadblocks to be made by troops on all roads leading into Unit positions. In addition to the above steps, the following authorities were to be informedimmediately by telephone:1) Headquarters Home Counties Area – Sevenoaks2) Headquarters 36th Infantry Brigade – Linton3) Headquarters 143 Field Regiment Royal Artillery4) Kent County Police Headquarters5) Chief Constable – Maidstone6) 6th RAF Observer Corps - Maidstone The force detailed to counter the raid would comprise:Headquarters: 5 Officers; 7 N.C.O.s; 24 Other RanksNo.1 Company: 5 Officers; 150 Other Ranks (inc. N.C.O.s)No.2 Company: 5 Officers; 120 Other Ranks (inc. N.C.O.s) Each Company would comprise a H.Q. (to include a Company SergeantMajor, a Clerk and runners) and four infantry Platoons, plus Drivers, Signallersand Stretcher-Bearers. Each Infantry Section (24 in all) would be issued with a Bren light machinegun. Ammunition at the rate of 100 rounds per rifle, 1,000 rounds per Bren gunand 300 filled Bren gun magazines would be held by the Guard Commanderready for immediate issue. All personnel would be fully armed and equipped, including gas capes andfield dressings, and would draw all their ammunition, Bren guns etc. from theGuard Commander. Each man would be supplied with a knife, fork and mess tin. These itemswere to be packed in a haversack and water bottles filled. A greatcoat and twoblankets for each man would be packed in folded bundles, tied, labelled andthen stacked in the Guard Room ready for despatch. The Messing Officer would supply 300 steel plates and basins. TheQuartermaster and Messing Officer would supply 40 camp kettles and arrangefor a supply of tea, sugar, milk and other non-perishable items to make up a fullday’s ration for each man. All these items were to be made available in theGuard Room together with a quantity of fuel. Water for tea-making would haveto be obtained from local residents. Tools, wiring materials and hurricane lamps would be made available in theGuard Room and yard. The Medical Officer would arrange for an ambulance, R.A.P. [RegimentalAid Post] and first aid box to be ready to move at 30 minutes notice.22 The P.A.D. [Passive Air Defence] Officer would arrange for a supply ofbleach powder and bleach ointment to be made available in the Guard Room. Before moving off, each Platoon Post would detail one man to remain at theGuard Room to take responsibility for his Platoon’s greatcoats, rations, cookingutensils tools etc. When in position the Platoon Post Commander would sendanother man back to the Guard Room to guide the stores to the position. TheQuartermaster would then supervise the loading and despatch of the stores ontothe motor vehicles that had been impressed for that purpose. On the sounding of the alarm the Messing Officer would immediately arrangefor 300 ‘substantial’ haversack rations to be prepared and held ready for issue asrequired. One vehicle would be held in readiness at the disposal of the Quartermasterfor the replenishment of ammunition etc. to any Post and each Post Commanderwould ensure that an ‘intelligent representative’ would be sent back to theGuard Room, when additional supplies were required, to guide the vehicle tothe Post. Pre-empting possible casualties from enemy raids, the following month on the16th December, a military hospital was opened at Sandling Park on the InvictaLines.Sandling Park The anticipated German airborne raids did not materialise, and the WesternFront remained quiet during these first months of the war, continuing so into theearly months of 1940 with the whole period, notwithstanding the many actionsat sea, becoming known as ‘The Phoney War’. The Home Counties Area remained on alert for possible invasion attempts butincreased emphasis was now being put on training. On the 1st February ‘Home23Counties Area Training Instruction No.2’ was issued detailing the objectives oftraining with special regard to physical fitness, weapons training, P.A.D.[Passive Air Defence] practices and security duties. The Instruction wasparticularly relevant to Maidstone as the home of 13 I.T.C.Weapons inspection at Maidstone Barracks in 1940 (War & Peace Collection) On the 5th February 1940, Brigadier Macdougall relinquished command ofHome Counties Area to take up his new appointment as Major-General, GeneralStaff. The command of the Area passed to the G.O.C. 12th Infantry Division,Major-General R.L. Petre until the 5th March when Brigadier J.S. DavenportM.C. of the Bedfordshire & Hertfordshire Regiment was appointed as the newArea Commander. In April both 12th and 44th Infantry Divisions moved to France to join theBritish Expeditionary Force leaving the 1st (London) Infantry Division to takeover responsibility for the defence of Kent.24May – December 1940, Britain at Bay The period of the ‘Phoney War’ ended abruptly on the 9th April 1940 whenGerman troops invaded Denmark and Norway. Following a disastrous militaryand naval campaign in Norway, British Prime Minister Neville Chamberlainwas forced to resign and was replaced on the 10th May by Winston Churchill.The same day Germany launched its main campaign in the West with invasionsof Holland, Belgium and Luxembourg. A few days later German tanks werethrusting into France through the Ardennes and were soon threatening to cut offthe British Expeditionary Force which had moved up into Belgium to counterGerman advances there. The B.E.F. were forced to withdraw to Dunkirk andawait evacuation. In response to the escalation in hostilities, Kent County Council immediatelydecided to establish a County Civil Defence Mobile Reserve ultimately toconsist of three companies, each of two hundred men comprising first aidparties, ambulances and combined rescue and decontamination squads. Onecompany was to be formed at once and established at a convenient point readyto move to reinforce local resources in areas damaged by enemy action. Following the German invasion of France, a part-time military force, theLocal Defence Volunteers (L.D.V.), was formed from men aged between 17and 65 who were exempt from or who had not yet been called up for full timemilitary service. The L.D.V. were organised into to ‘Zones’. The Kent Zoneestablished its H.Q. at the Territorial Army’s Headquarters at 67, College Roadin Maidstone, although they later moved to their own H.Q. building at 74,London Road.67, College Road – T.A. H.Q. & L.D.V. Kent Zone H.Q. in 19402574, London Road – Kent LDV / Home Guard H.Q. 1940-44 After the evacuation of the British Expeditionary Force from Dunkirk and thesubsequent fall of France the country faced the very real danger of an invasionfor which it was ill-prepared. With most of the Army’s heavy equipmentabandoned in France its immediate ability to prevent any major German assaultwas severely curtailed. An additional concern was that the nation’s existingstatic defences were outdated and woefully inadequate to deal with a seaborneinvasion. Although XII Corps had been formed in June under the command ofLt. Gen Andrew Thorne to provide troops for the defence of Kent and Sussex,its main formations comprised of just two infantry divisions and three artilleryregiments. It was obvious that this critical overall situation had now to beaddressed with some urgency. General Sir William Edmund Ironside, Commander-in-Chief, GeneralHeadquarters (GHQ), Home Forces had the un-enviable task of preparingBritain’s anti-invasion defences. To aid his task he was given additional powersand made Chairman of the Home Defence Executive which enabled him tocommunicate directly with Government departments.26General Sir Edmund Ironside Ironside drew up a plan of defence which was submitted to the War Cabineton the 25th June 1940. Amongst the plan’s proposals were for the inland areasto be divided into zones consisting of a series of ‘stop’ lines. Despite their namethe purpose of these lines was to delay rather than stop German forces allowingtime for reinforcements to arrive in sufficient strength to engage the enemy withsome reasonable chance of success. The most important of these zones was tobe the one that encompassed London. The ‘stop’ lines were to be selected by theGeneral HQ Home Forces were designated GHQ Lines or more familiarly as the‘Ironside Line’. The lines consisted of observation posts [O.P.s], anti-tankobstacles, pillboxes, barbed wire entanglements, static anti-tank gunemplacements and, where suitable, mines. It was also deemed necessary that thefullest use be made of natural obstacles such as waterways. Their bridgecrossings were to be heavily defended and prepared with demolition charges toprevent their use by the enemy. The pace of construction of these defence works was impressive. By July1940 Eastern Command were reporting the completion of 463 large shell proofpillboxes, 1,788 small bullet-proof pillboxes, 50 miles of concrete anti-tankobstacles and 43 miles of anti-tank ditches. Another 1,840 pillboxes were stillunder construction with a further 2,000 – 2,200 projected. Part of the Newhaven to Hoo G.H.Q. Line ran through Maidstone Sectorwhich was responsible for manning the 55 O.P.s and 115 pillboxes within itsboundaries. The personnel to man these would be drawn largely from theMaidstone and Malling battalions of the Kent Home Guard. Home CountiesH.Q. suggested the minimum manning requirements to be eight men perObservation Post and five men per pillbox. Anti-tank gun pillboxes weremanned by regular units of the Royal Artillery.27 In addition to the stop-lines many villages and towns were designated asanti-tank ‘islands’ also known as ‘Nodal Points’, designed for all-round defenceto protect key points such as road junctions and centres of communications.They fell into two categories: Category ‘A’ Nodal Points’ which were generallyto be found near the coast and, in the event of invasion, were at risk of beingisolated for up to six days before relief. Category ‘B’ Nodal Points were furtherinland and were unlikely to become isolated for more than three days. NodalPoint defences included a ring of anti-tank obstacles, roadblocks and defendedbuildings. Nodal Points also received an increased scale of Civil DefenceServices. These services covered:(1) The supply of water for drinking and fire-fighting(2) Fire-fighting apparatus and personnel(3) ARP personnel and parties(4) Shelter or trenches for the whole population(5) The supply of petrol for the fire-fighting appliances(6) Food supply. To obtain satisfactory liaison between the Civil and Military authorities in anemergency in these Nodal Points, it was decided that a small body to be called a‘Triumvirate’ should be appointed. Each Triumvirate consisted of a localmilitary commander, a police representative and a civilian representative of theLocal Authority, usually the Mayor or the Chairman of the District Council, orChairman of the Emergency Committee. It was recognised that so long as Civil Defence Committees and EmergencyCommittees could function, they should continue to do so and that theTriumvirates, as such, would have no executive powers. Likewise, LocalAuthorities would continue to function so long as their administration could doso. When an area came under the sole control of a military commander, he was toissue orders on matters affecting the civilian population to the Local Authorityor to its Civil Defence or Emergency Committee. Using the CivilRepresentative of the Triumvirate as his channel of command. The view taken by the military authorities was that there was to be noquestion of the evacuation of the civil population in any event. Pamphlets wereissued to civilians emphasising the necessity to ‘stay put’ should they findthemselves in the middle of a battle and to treat the situation as though it werean air-raid and retire to their shelters or basements.28“Stay Where You Are” pamphlet issued by the Ministry of Information in 1940 In 1940 Maidstone was designated as a Category ‘B’ Nodal Point due to itsstrategic position on the Newhaven to Hoo GHQ Line. The town stood on themainline railway from London to Ashford and the Medway Valley railway linefrom Strood to Paddock Wood. It also had several major trunk roads runningthrough the town centre and was an important crossing point over the RiverMedway. The Medway formed an integral part of the GHQ line. As well as MaidstoneBridge itself there were also important crossings at Teston and Aylesford, eitherside of the town. These were both designated as ‘Defended Localities’. TestonBridge was defended by several pillboxes of various types designed for infantryand anti-tank gun use. If the Germans managed to cross the river here their waywas almost clear to capture the RAF fighter airfield at nearby West Malling.29A shell-proofed machine-gun pillbox overlooking the Medway at Teston Aylesford Bridge was defended by an anti-tank gun pillbox, a small infantrypillbox which also doubled as a light anti-aircraft gun emplacement, and theloop-holed wall of a garden backing onto the river which covered the approachto the bridge. The bridge was also prepared for demolition. On the 26th August1940, at the height of the invasion scare, orders were given that on receipt of thecodeword for the invasion, Cromwell, a demolition party from the School ofMilitary Engineering at Brompton would be dispatched to Aylesford tocomplete the demolition. The demolition party would also be tasked withcratering all the approach roads to the village with explosives.30Aylesford Bridge at low tide Between the bridge and the railway at Aylesford there was bulk petroleumstorage depot. Plans were made, in an emergency, to either contaminate the fuelor destroy the installation completely to prevent the stocks falling into the handsof the enemy.Between Aylesford and Allington the river was lined with more pillboxesalong its left bank. Most of the locks along the non-tidal stretch of the riverwere also well defended with pillboxes. Allington Lock and its sluices wereconsidered to be of particular importance. A Type 28A 6-pounder anti-tank gunpillbox with a side chamber for a light machine-gun defended the lock itself,whilst two Type 24 infantry pillboxes were sited a few hundred yards upstreamin the grounds of Allington Castle and another a short distance downstream nearthe railway line. The lock was also prepared for demolition, a task that would becarried out by the same R.E. party that was charged with the demolition work atAylesford.31Allington Castle (Carley Collection)Type 28A pillbox at Allington Lock On the 22nd July 1940 the L.D.V. was re-named the Home Guard andorganised into battalions. The Kent battalions were numbered consecutivelythroughout the county with the Maidstone battalion being designated 11th(Maidstone) Battalion, Kent Home Guard (11 K.H.G.). The Maidstone BattalionH.Q. was established at Kreemy Hall in Brewer Street. On the 30th July 1940,the Commander, Home Counties Area declared in a letter addressed to all HomeGuard Battalion Commanding Officers in his Area:32 ..that the Home Guard responsibility is, in order of importance:- (a) OBSERVATION (b)GUERILLA TACTICS (c) MANNING ROAD BLOCKS (d) DEFENCE OF CENTRES OFRESISTANCE In July, the ‘Operational Area’ of Home Counties Area was divided into two‘Sub-Areas’: Sevenoaks Sub-Area and Dorking Sub-Area. Maidstone Sectorbecame part of Sevenoaks Sub-Area along with Tonbridge Sector and BigginHill Sector. Colonel R. Papworth was appointed Commander of the DorkingSub-Area while command of the Sevenoaks Sub-Area remained under the directcontrol of the Commander Home Counties Area, Brigadier J.S. Davenport. Lt.Col. Kerr remained as Officer Commanding Troops, Maidstone and MilitaryCommander, Maidstone Sector with responsibility for the ‘Maidstone Centre ofResistance’. On the 21st July 1940, General Ironside was replaced as C-in-C Home Forcesby General Sir Alan Brooke who had his own views on how the ground defenceof the United Kingdom should be conducted. He was completely opposed to theconcept of static stop-lines situated far inland and placed far more importanceon building up strong reserves for mobile operations.General Sir Alan Brooke © IWM (TR 149) These views were reinforced by the fact that the urgency with which many ofthe stop-lines had been constructed and the use of civilian contractors lackingany military experience meant that many of the pillboxes were sited incorrectlyor where they could serve no purpose. Within weeks of his appointment Brookediscarded Ironside’s conventional approach of a linear defence in depth infavour of swift offence with mobile reserves placed well forward near the coast.However, fully implementing these new plans would take considerable time.Not least of the problems facing Brooke was the shortage of high standard33motor transport necessary to carry the ‘mobile’ reserves to where they would beneeded. Therefore, Brooke had to work with what was already in place, at leastin the short-term. Brooke’s problems were exasperated by the extra calls on histroops for many diverse activities which took them away from the effectivetraining they desperately needed. On the 5th September 1940, an order wasissued by Home Counties Area H.Q. to the Maidstone I.T.C. to send outdetachments of troops to assist local farmers with hop-picking. Ironically, justtwo days later the code-word, Cromwell, indicating that an enemy invasion wasimminent was passed on from the same H.Q. bringing Home Defence forces inthe Home Counties Area to the highest state of readiness. Thankfully thisproved to be a false alarm and the troops were soon stood down. All the hectic activity on the ground preparing defences against land attack inthe late summer of 1940 was more than matched in the skies above Maidstonewhere the ‘Battle of Britain’ was raging between the RAF and the GermanLuftwaffe. Brick and concrete surface shelters were built along the High Streetin Maidstone to provide protection for people using the town centre. Most localschools and factories also had at least one shelter, some underground such asthose at the town’s two grammar schools. Maidstone suffered its first daylightbombing raid of the war on the 8th August. The air-raid sirens sounded at 11.40a.m. and those in the factories and schools filed in an orderly manner into theirrespective shelters just as they had practised many times before. August 13th had seen a devasting German attack on the RAF Station atDetling in which sixty-seven RAF and civilian personnel were killed andanother ninety-four injured. As a result of this raid, just four days later, on the17th August, XII Corps HQ ordered four Bofors light anti-aircraft guns andtheir crews from 55 LAA Reg. to move to Detling to strengthen the airfield’sdefences. Then on September 27th Maidstone itself suffered its worst bombingraid of the war with eighteen dead and eighty injured. On the 31st October asingle German bomber appeared over Mill Street. Its bombs killed six people inthe immediate area. During the months of the ‘Battle of Britain’, between Julyand October, a total of 53 people were killed on the ground in air-raids overMaidstone.34Bomb damage in Charlton Street, Maidstone. September 1940Damage inflicted by a delayed-fuse bomb in Knightrider Street on 27th September 1940(War & Peace Collection) Maidstone’s Mote Park had been taken over by the Army early in the war foruse as a training ground and it also became an important staging camp for themovement of XII Corps formations throughout Kent. During September 1940elements of the 1st New Zealand Division were based at the park including its4th Infantry Brigade which was given responsibility for dealing with any enemyairborne landings in the Maidstone – Sittingbourne -Faversham – Charing area.35In November the park was one of two major staging camps (the other being atKnole Park in Sevenoaks) for the 43rd (Wessex) Division on its move into EastKent to relieve 1st (London) Division.Mote Park pre-war (War & Peace Collection)Royal Engineers sketch map of Mote Park denoting the Staging Camp tent sites for units ofthe 43rd Division during their stay on their move to their final East Kent positions inSeptember 1940. (TNA WO 166/3729) In September 1940, the younger soldiers of 8th (HD) Bn. R.W.K. Regt wereformed into their own ‘Young Soldiers Battalion’ designated 70th Royal WestKent (70 R.W.K.). On the 9th October 1940 Home Counties H.Q. instructed the36C.O. of 70 R.W.K. to provide a Company of 180 men for the defence of WestMalling Aerodrome. Prior to deployment to West Malling they would beaccommodated at 13 I.T.C. Maidstone for further training.The Control Tower at RAF West MallingJust two weeks later, Maidstone Sector were instructed to send detachments ofthe 70th R.W.K. Company then in training at 13.I.T.C. to Fort Halstead andDunton Green in the west of the county to relieve detachments of 7th Bn. DorsetRegiment. This extra strain on Maidstone’s garrison prompted a memo to beissued from Home Counties Area HQ to XII Corps HQ in Tunbridge Wellsstating that, due to having to find a large draft of trained personnel for otherduties, from the 9th November it would be impossible for 13 I.T.C. to continueproviding immediate assistance columns for West Malling or DetlingAerodromes. On the 4th October the newly formed 920 Defence Battery R.A. arrived inMaidstone and established its base at the Drill Hall in Union Street. The Batterywas due to take-over the manning of eight anti-tank gun pillboxes on the G.H.Q.Line along the River Medway in the Maidstone area from 5 Medium RegimentRoyal Artillery. The new unit’s strength on the 4th October was three Officers,a Battery Sergeant-Major, three sergeants, two bombardiers and 90 newrecruits, plus 17 ‘Other Ranks’ attached from 5 Medium Regiment R.A. Before 920 Battery could assume its role, it had to be brought up to fullstrength and undertake four weeks of intensive training. Also, extra billetingspace was needed, and this was found in houses in Station Road, Albion Placeand the ‘Rifle Volunteer’ public house.By the 22nd November the Battery was at full strength and divided into twoTroops (‘A’ Troop and ‘B’ Troop). Having completed its initial training, theBattery was ready to take-over the manning of the following A/T Posts:37 No. 9 and 10 MAIDSTONE (‘A’ Troop) No.11 TOVIL (‘A’ Troop) No.12 EAST FARLEIGH (‘A’ Troop) No.13 BARMING BRIDGE (‘A’ Troop) No.14 TESTON (‘B’ Troop) No.15 NETTLESTEAD’ (‘B’ Troop) No.16 YALDING (‘B’ Troop)A-T Post No.10 by the railway line off Lower Fant Road. However, within just one day Posts 14, 15 and 16 had to be abandoned owingto flooding. Their guns were dismantled and brought back into barracks and thedetachments were transferred to man three A/T Posts in Tonbridge. With the onset of winter, the threat of invasion diminished and from the 23rdDecember A/T Gun Posts 9 – 13 were also reduced to being manned on a ‘careand maintenance’ basis. On the 27th November, following earlier discussions with senior staff officersfrom XII Corps, Brig. Davenport issued new instructions regarding NodalPoints:1. Nodal Points in Home Counties Area must be prepared to resist for 48 hours.2. The defences will consist of field works, or windows of houses, to cover the NodalPoint with an all round defence. Special attention being paid to the roads.3. Windows of houses being required for defence will be requisitioned and if necessarythe floors strengthened. Sandbags will be filled and stored on the premises but notplaced in position.4. Complete houses will not be requisitioned. Those that have already been taken over andfortified may be retained, if required.5. All roads entering the Nodal Point will be blocked with “buoy” type blocks.6. Public buildings such as Post Offices – Town Halls – Schools may be earmarked forKeeps. No preliminary work to be done on these.7. A.T. minefields to be sited but not prepared.8. R.E. [Royal Engineers] for these defences will be available at the end of December1940.38 A few days later Brig. Davenport went on to clarify that XII Corps Commandhad decided that Nodal Points in the Home Counties (Operational) Area,including Maidstone, should not come under the heading of those which wererequired to resist for periods of more than 48 hours. In view of this it was notconsidered necessary to take special measures for the safety of the civilianpopulation and the safeguarding of essential services.39 January – December 1941 - Consolidation January 1941 saw a major re-organisation of the Army’s Commands. Thestructure of Aldershot Command was expanded to form South EasternCommand (SECO). As a result, Eastern Command was relieved of Kent, Surreyand Sussex which were transferred to SECO. For administrative purposes,Chatham Area and the Kent parts of Home Counties Area were re-organisedinto Kent Area under the command of Brigadier J.S. Davenport M.C. with itsHeadquarters in Chatham. On the 15th January Maidstone Sub-Area was createdincorporating Sheppey Sector, Chatham Sector, Maidstone Sector andTonbridge Sector. The Maidstone Sub-Area temporarily remained under thedirect command of Kent Area H.Q pending the appointment of its owncommander. Kent Area would also now be responsible for defensive measuresin the rear of XII Corps forward divisions and would have under its commandthree independent infantry battalions in addition to its Home Defence andYoung Soldier battalions. Overall operational and administrative command ofthe Kent Area became the responsibility of XII Corps H.Q. in Tunbridge Wells. In February the Young Soldiers of 70 R.W.K., once again, took over thedefence of West Malling and Detling airfields. ‘A’ Company were deployed toWest Malling with their H.Q. at ‘Barn Jet’ in East Barming, while ‘B’ Companywere deployed to Detling. However by March, in a memo written on behalf ofthe C-in-C South Eastern Command to G.H.Q. Home Forces, the position ofthe seventy men of ‘A’ Company at West Malling was described as‘unsatisfactory’ as they were being employed, for much of the day, on work forthe construction of the airfield’s defences leaving only one hour per day fortraining. A request was made that G.H.Q. Home Forces make representations tothe Air Ministry so that the RAF Works Department provide the labour for thedefence works to allow the Young Soldiers sufficient time for their training. During February and March various units of XII Corps Reserve arrived inMaidstone. 1st Army Tank Brigade H.Q. and Signal Section was established atMote Park and 5th Light Field Ambulance at Vinters. The H.Q. of the 44thInfantry Division moved to Linton, just outside the town, and 133 InfantryBrigade Group were based in hutted camps along the A20 Maidstone – Charingroad. The latter were detailed to deal with any attempted enemy airbornelandings in the area. On the 7th February, the policy on the defence of the crossing point over theMedway at Aylesford was called into question by Brigadier J.S Davenport,Commander Kent Area. He pointed out in a memo to XII Corps H.Q. thatalthough the bridge’s defences were now complete, with pillboxes, roadblocks,defended houses and fieldworks, it was impossible for him to provide the fullyequipped company of troops required to man them.40One of the ‘Defended Buildings’ at Aylesford. The embrasure on the far right was for a 2-pdrA-T gun He added that the Commander of Maidstone Sector would be prepared to sendthree platoons from the Royal West Kent’s Infantry Training Centre (13 I.T.C.)to man the Aylesford defences on the order to ‘Stand To’. However, thesetroops would be neither fully trained nor fully equipped and their deploymentwould leave the defences of Maidstone itself ‘correspondingly weakened’.Meanwhile a pre-fabricated ‘Callender-Hamilton’-type bridge had beeninstalled over the Medway at Aylesford to accommodate military traffic andrelieve pressure on the original narrow medieval bridge. This new bridge wouldalso need to be defended in the event of an enemy attack and with no furtherregular troops available, a platoon of the Malling Home Guard was assigned forthis purpose.The Callender-Hamilton bridge under construction at Aylesford (War & Peace Collection)41 On the 2nd May 1941 it was directed that the 55 Officers and 1,061 OtherRanks of Maidstone I.T.C were assigned to the defence of the Maidstone NodalPoint. less the company allocated to the defence of Aylesford Bridge. It wasalso hoped to form a small force of A.F.V.’s (Armoured Fighting Vehicles)from the I.T.C to act as a mobile reserve for the Maidstone Sub-Area. On the 1st May Kent Area H.Q. came under the direct command of SouthEastern Command. A few days later, on the 5th May, Headquarters MaidstoneSub-Area moved from Chatham to its new home at Preston Hall Farm,Aylesford. Then, on the 13th May, the Kent Area Commander and all staffofficers of Area HQ were present at the Granada cinema in Maidstone for anaddress by XII Corps Commander, Lt-Gen B.L. Montgomery.The Granada cinema, Maidstone In June a proposal was put forward by the Zone Commander, Kent HomeGuard to Kent Area HQ to split the 11th (Maidstone) Bn. into two separatebattalions; Urban and Rural. The reasons given were that with a strength ofalmost 2,400 men the battalion was too large to be dealt with by just one parttime officer; the area from which the men were drawn fell naturally into anurban and a rural district; and as the Battalion Commander Lt. Col. Baker livedin Maidstone and was, in the time available to him, able to supervise thetraining and administration of his men in and around Maidstone, he washowever unable to deal with the rural districts which included the Nodal Pointsof Harrietsham and Headcorn as well as numerous other defended localities the42importance of which required their own high-level of supervision. The proposalwent forward with the full support of the Maidstone Sub-Area Commander. On Friday 13th June Maidstone was honoured with a visit by His Majesty theKing. Having lunched at XII Corps H.Q., in Tunbridge Wells, he arrived midafternoon in Maidstone where he observed 43rd Division’s Royal Engineerstraining in Mote Park. He then travelled on to East Sutton Park where he saw 94Field Regiment Royal Artillery at training and stayed for tea.King George VI with Lt. General Montgomery at XII Corps H.Q. at Broadwater Down inTunbridge Wells (War & Peace Collection) Also, in June South-Eastern Command issued the following information andinstructions regarding co-operation with the Civil Authorities in each NodalPoint in the event of active operations:a) Unified Civil Command. The civil authorities are arranging for a unified civilcommand in each Nodal Point which will come into effect in active operations.b) Chief Civil Officer. A chief civil officer will be appointed for each Nodal Point. InBoroughs this well be the Mayor, in Urban Districts the Chairman of the Council, and inRural Districts a representative appointed by the Council.c) Senior Police Officer. The Senior Police Officer in the Nodal Point will be associatedwith the Chief Civil Officer. When the Nodal Point Commander assumes command, thesenior Police Officer will act as his civil Staff Officer.d) Chain of Civil Command. When the Nodal Point Commander assumes command, hewill issue his orders through the senior Police Officere) Assumption of Command by Nodal Point Commander. The Nodal Point Commanderwill assume command under any of the following circumstances: - 1) When the Nodal Point is cut off. 2) When fighting breaks out in the vicinity 3) When he is ordered to do so by a superior military Authority.43 4) When the local authority is ordered by the Regional Commissioner to place itself under his orders.f) Liaison. It is essential that when the Nodal Point Commander assumes command hisattention shall not be diverted from his operational responsibilities. Close contact willtherefore be established now between the Nodal Point Commander, the Chief Civil Officerand the senior Police Officer, so that civil and military defence plans are co-ordinated andsmooth working in an emergency ensues.g) Instructions to Local Authorities. An instruction on the above lines is being issued bythe Regional Commissioner to the local authorities in each Nodal Point, copies of which willbe forwarded later. The Commander of the Maidstone Nodal Point was Major C.E.P. Craven of13 I.T.C., who was also the Commander of Maidstone Sector. The forces at hisdisposal for the defence of the Nodal Point comprised 985 men with just 860rifles, two Bren machine-guns, twenty-four Boys anti-tank rifles and fiveNorthover Projectors (a makeshift anti-tank weapon).Members of the Home Guard using a Northover Projector in 1941 © IWM (H11843) Since the Spring of 1941, the distraction of their operations in the Balkans hadmade the German invasion of the United Kingdom in the near future less likelyand with the start of Operation Barbarossa, the offensive against the SovietUnion, on the 22nd June the likelihood of invasion was reduced even more. TheChiefs-of-Staff and the Joint Intelligence Committee (J.I.C.) both agreed thatthe Germans would be unable to break off their offensive until they hadachieved a major objective, either the capitulation of the Soviet forces or thegaining of sufficient territory to preclude a possible successful counter-attack bythe Red Army. It was considered that the Germans would be unable to44disengage the large land and air forces required for the invasion of the U.K.before the 1st September at the earliest. With an estimated 6-8 weeks requiredto transport, re-equip and embark these forces to the West, an invasion couldnot start before the middle or end of October, by which time winter would besetting in and so the probability was that any invasion would be postponed untilthe Spring of 1942. Whatever the change in the general war situation, in Kent anti-invasionpreparations continued regardless throughout July. On the 5th, XII Corps H.Q.issued its Operational Instruction No.28 on the subject of ‘Defence Works’.This document set out the policy for the construction and maintenance ofdefence works in XII Corps Divisional Areas and Kent Area. In addition to fieldworks constructed by Field Army troops, authority was given for two types ofnew works that could be undertaken by local commands in Nodal Points,approved Defended Villages and sites along the line of the River Medway(Maidstone Sub-Area contained all three). These works were: the strengtheningof existing pillboxes and the provision of temporary roadblocks (for which,concrete cylinders would be supplied in bulk by South Eastern Command). Theconstruction of new concrete pillboxes, permanent roadblocks and tank ditchesor similar obstacles in these areas would, in future, only be executed as part of aplan approved by SECO. The on-going maintenance ‘in effective condition’ of all existing tank ditches,natural anti-tank obstacles (riverbanks etc.), pillboxes, roadblocks and fieldworks in Maidstone Sub-Area would be the responsibility of the Commander,Kent Area. Construction of new pillboxes would now be confined to those that wereproof against the German 37mm anti-tank gun; that is with a wall of reinforcedconcrete not less than 3.5 feet in thickness. They should also be sunk into theground to give the lowest possible profile and camouflaged to blend into theirsurroundings. Correctly sited existing pillboxes were to be strengthened byincreasing the thickness of their walls to not less than 3.5 feet in thickness. Ifthey were found to be only vulnerable on one side, then a 3.5 feet wall could bebuilt outside the pillbox on the vulnerable side. In all cases loopholes in excessof two should be blocked-up. New ‘permanent’ roadblocks would consist of removable steel rails set insockets in the road flanked on the verges by fixed concrete blocks. ‘Temporary’roadblocks would consist of movable obstacles such as railway wheels, concretecylinders and concrete buoys. Anti-tank mines could be used in conjunctionwith roadblocks but should not be laid until required after ‘ACTIONSTATIONS’. On the 11th July 1941, Maidstone Sector Operation Order No.1 was issued.Covering 13 I.T.C. R.W.K., 11 (Maidstone) Bn. Home Guard and 24 (Malling)Bn. Home Guard, the intention was expressed that in the event of enemy actionthe Sector was to be defended to the last man and to kill every German who had45succeeded in entering it. That same night 11 (Maidstone) Bn. carried out anexercise to practise members of the Home Guard in their duties as guides to theRegular forces in the Sector.‘H’ Company, 11 (Maidstone) Bn. Kent Home Guard On the 19th July, XII Corps assumed the direct operational command ofMaidstone Sub-Area with Colonel Sir Edward Warner DSO MC as Sub-AreaCommander. Following a conference at Maidstone on the 29th July it wasdecided that operational command of 13 I.T.C and the troops defending DetlingAirfield would also pass to XII Corps.Parade at RAF Detling On the 3rd August Exercise CANNON was held in Maidstone. The object ofwhich was to exercise the Home Guard in co-operation with units of theRegular Army and Civil Defence in the defence of the Nodal Point against lowflying enemy attack and parachute troops. The exercise exposed the weaknesses of the Home Guard in the eyes of theSub-Area Commander, Colonel Warner. In his overview of the exercise hestates: All must agree, that if the Maidstone Nodal Point is to resist successfully an attack byairborne tps, the defences leave much room for improvement. … Despite the demands of46their civil avocations, the Home Guard must be prepared to provide themselves with fightingquarters and protect themselves with fighting obstacles.Colonel Warner was also critical of the speed of the Home Guard’sdeployment:We are still very slow. It took some 2½ hours for the Home Guard to complete their musterfor the defence of Maidstone last Sunday. It took attacking parties 2 hours on the average, tocover two miles. He further questioned the Home Guards’ organisation of their supplies: Are you satisfied that on Sunday 3 Aug.41 your ammunition and your bombs weredistributed so that they could be used against the enemy? Were you certain that your men hadfood and water, if not beer to carry them through, at any rate until darkness permitted you toreplenish in comparative safety? Can you see the battle proceeding according to plan if yourcommunications are cut; your transport bombed and your medical services disorganised? In conclusion Colonel Warner wrote: Our object is to kill every German who may land in Kent. For this purpose we must haveadequate defences, intelligent commanders with reserves under our hands, and individualsoldiers who will use their spades, their weapons and their intelligence to deal with the enemywherever and however he may be met. Possibly as a result of Exercise CANNON, and following a recce by ColonelWarner of Maidstone Nodal Point and its defences, there was yet another reorganisation of the Maidstone Sub-Area Command on the 20th August whenSub-Area Instruction No.6 directed that as from the 24th August, TonbridgeSector, Maidstone Sector and Goudhurst Sub-Sector would be abolished andthat Sub-Area H.Q. would deal with the Nodal Points, Defended Localities andVillages within those Sectors through their respective battalions. Three dayslater, it was confirmed that sanction had been received from South-EasternCommand for the division of 11 (Maidstone) Bn. Home Guard into twobattalions to be known as 11 (Maidstone) Bn. and 29 (Mid-Kent) Bn. 11 Bn.would cover the Borough of Maidstone, the Parish of Loose and the villages ofBoxley and Detling. The battalion would remain under the command of Lt. Col.W.A.N. Baker M.C. Then, on the 30th August, XII Corps H.Q. directed thatClass ‘B’ Nodal Point of Maidstone was to be re-classified as a Class ‘A’ toensure the provision of Civil Defence Services on the maximum scale. A paperissued by the War Office in 1941 seeks to clarify the position regarding Class‘A’ Nodal Points: A considerable amount of time, labour, materials and expense has been spent making themas far as possible ‘anti-tank obstacles’, the object being that they should act as a ‘strongpoint’ or ‘centres of resistance’. … it is hoped that they will be capable of resisting for sevendays. In the event of an attack the closest co-operation with the civil authorities wasdeemed essential. As such, special consideration was to be given to theprovision of food, shelter, water, fire-fighting and medical necessities. An order47issued by G.H.Q. Home Forces on 28th September 1940 recommendedprovision for Category ‘A’ Nodal points for up to ten days of food and water forthe civil population and a higher scale of firefighting and protection than thatprovided for other areas. The garrison of the Maidstone Nodal Point was reported to be comprised of:‘A’ Company 28th (S.R.) Bn. Kent Home Guard [raised from local workersfrom the Southern Railway]; 26th (Kent Bus) Bn. Kent Home Guard [raisedfrom workers from the Maidstone & District and other local bus companies];11th (Maidstone) Bn. Kent Home Guard and the regular troops of 13 I.T.C., allunder the command of the Nodal Point Commander Lt. Col. A.A. Eason of theQueen’s Own Royal West Kent Regiment.Men of 28th (S.R.) Home Guard drilling at Maidstone West Station In September, Lt. Col. Eason was succeeded as 13 I.T.C. and MaidstoneNodal Point Commander by Lt. Col. D.C.G. Dickinson of the Queen’s RoyalRegiment. Lt. Col. Dickinson had been the commander of Guildford I.T.C. untilits amalgamation with Maidstone I.T.C. in August. On the 3rd September a meeting arranged by the South-Eastern RegionalCommissioner, Viscount Monsell of Evesham, was held in Maidstone attendedby military and civil representatives to enable Regional Representatives of thevarious Government Ministries and Departments to get in direct touch with theLocal Authority in dealing with the various matters arising from the reclassification of Maidstone as a Class ‘A’ Nodal Point. Two weeks later theDeputy Regional Commissioner, Mr. Arthur Bottomley, paid a visit toMaidstone Sub-Area H.Q. to discuss matters connected with the MaidstoneNodal Point.48Deputy Regional Commissioner Arthur Bottomley It was around this time that XII Corps H.Q. had become sceptical about thewhole concept of Nodal Points and, in a paper issued on the 17th September,had pressed for their abolition in its area which included Maidstone. However,Maidstone Sub-Area H.Q. argued strongly for the retention of all its Class ‘A’Nodal Points but agreed to the abolition of all Class ‘B’ with the exception ofTonbridge and Goudhurst recommending both being upgraded to Class ‘A’. On the 13th October, the C-in-C of South-Eastern Command. Lt-Gen BernardPaget issued his ‘Appreciation for the Spring Of 1942’ in which he directed thedevelopment of selected Nodal Points in his Command into ‘fully tank-prooflocalities’. These were to include the Nodal Points of Maidstone and Tonbridge. Just a few days later, on the 17th October, information began to be receivedby M.S.A. H.Q that Maidstone was to be strengthened into a ‘Fortress’ withextra hardened defences and an officially designated Garrison On the 27th October, Lt. Colonel L.D. Bennett of the Gordon Highlanderswas attached to Maidstone Sub-Area H.Q. pending his appointment asCommander replacing Col. Warner. He took up his appointment on the 1stNovember and was promoted to full Colonel. Over the following weeks hetoured his command visiting both Home Guard and Regular units, inspectingdefences and witnessing various training exercises.The new Commander of XII Corps, Lt. General James Gammel, visitedMaidstone on the 6th November when he inspected and approved the proposedinner and outer perimeters of the Fortress. This was followed two days later bya visit to Maidstone by the Brigadier General Staff (B.G.S) and Chief Engineer(C.E.) of XII Corps to consider the work involved in converting the MaidstoneNodal Point into a Fortress (Designation F1). They made a tour of the proposeddefences accompanied by Col. Bennett, Commander M.S.A. and Major Fraser,Second-in-Command 13 I.T.C. Following this visit Col. Bennett held meetingswith the Maidstone ‘Triumvirate’ which consisted of representatives of the49army, police and civil authorities who would become responsible for theadministration of the Fortress in the event of an invasion. Further meetings wereheld with the Chief Constable and the Maidstone Borough Surveyor to discussthe civil aspects of the fortress conversion. On the 1st December, Col. Bennett inspected the proposed perimeters of theMaidstone Fortress with the Chief Engineer of XII Corps, Brigadier B.T.Godfrey Faussett OBE, MC, and Major Stewart the Officer Commanding 260Field Company, Royal Engineers, the unit who were to undertake the proposeddefensive works. These proposals were for an ‘Outer Perimeter’ consisting ofthe terraced streets west of Bower Mount road up to Oakwood park, the streetsnorth of Buckland Hill, then following the railway line down to the river. On theeast of the river the perimeter was more northerly, extending east before curvingdown to cross the Sittingbourne and Ashford Roads. To the South the perimeterswung down from the A20 to the river and then down to the streets belowSheal’s Crescent, over Loose road, and then around Hastings road in thedirection of Mote Park before swinging up to the Ashford road. Within thisouter perimeter an inner perimeter or ‘Keep’ was to be established on theeastern side of the Medway, protecting the bridge across the river. This innerperimeter stretched northwards up to the prison; east to Church Street; acrossthe Ashford Road and then south to Mote Road and then along KnightriderStreet back to the river. Strongpoints were to be established in various buildingsincluding the prison, Holy Trinity Church, the former Archbishop’s Palace andthe Rootes car factory. On the 6th December, Commander XII Corps againvisited Maidstone and gave his final approval to the proposed defences.Archbishop’s Palace (War & Peace Collection)50Fortress Maidstone – January 1942 – December 1943 On the 21st January 1942, the War Office Establishment (W.E. V/554/1) wasauthorised for the Maidstone Garrison with Lt. Col. Dickinson as itsCommander and Capt. Gale as Garrison Adjutant, and work on the Fortressdefences commenced. From the 21st January to the 8th February Requisitions were sent out anddetails of the defence works were given to those chiefly concerned. When workbegan constant liaison was maintained with the Borough Surveyor, Mr. Hughes,regarding the ownership of the properties and land involved. The defencesincluded an anti-tank ditch which ran along most of the open ground of theouter perimeter. The ditch was dug by the mechanical excavators of 135Mechanical Equipment Company, Royal Engineers and was augmented by rowsof concrete anti-tank obstacles, and barbed wire. Part of the ditch-line ranaround the boundary of Maidstone Boys Grammar School and its playing fields.One of the classrooms overlooking the ditch was strengthened to provide afiring position.1946 aerial view of the Grammar School with some A-T obstacles visible between the A-Tditch and the school buildingWeapons pits were dug, and pillboxes built to provide other firing positionsalong the defence lines.51Pillbox at the Style & Winch Brewery in St Peter’s Street photographed during its demolitionin 1997 (ADS Defence of Britain Database) Roadblocks were established on the access roads into the Fortress. Some ofthese blocks consisted of metal rails, usually sections of railway track cut tolength, installed into sockets cut into the roadway. The rails could be removedto allow the passage of legitimate traffic. Concrete cylinders were set into theverges flanking the carriageway preventing enemy vehicles by-passing theroadblocks. The roadblocks would be manned by the Home Guard who wouldcheck vehicles in and out of the Fortress. The major roads required moresubstantial roadblocks. These consisted of very large concrete cylinders andcubes with gaps wide enough between them to allow for the passage of cars andtrucks, but which would seriously impede large armoured vehicles such astanks. A number of these large obstacles were installed on Maidstone Bridgewhich carried the main A20 Tonbridge Road over the River Medway into thetown centre.52Roadblock on Maidstone Bridge Another major roadblock was set up on the northern outer perimeter at thejunction of the A229 Chatham Road with Forstal Road. The roadblock wasreinforced with a flame fougasse, a type of improvised explosive devicedesigned to spray burning petrol over approaching enemy vehicles.A229 / Forstal Road junction roadblock During February, contract work on anti-tank obstacles and pillboxes was heldup due to severe frost but the digging of the anti-tank trench, weapons pits andthe erection of wire obstacles proceeded normally. The Requisitioning of land,construction of the defence works and visits to all the sectors of the Fortress bythe Garrison Adjutant continued throughout March. The spoil on the perimeter53of the anti-tank ditches was levelled and work proceeded on road- blocks andbarbed wire obstacles. Interestingly some of this work was now beingundertaken by 70 CW (Chemical Warfare) Company, Royal Engineers. The 5thMarch saw a visit to the Fortress by XII Corps Camouflage Officer, CaptainHarold Good. He made a tour of the Fortress defences imparting his advice onaspects of their concealment.The anti-tank ditch and obstacle line running across Allotment Gardens from the A229Chatham Road On the 26th March 1942 the Commander of XII Corps, Lieutenant-GeneralGammell, issued his ‘Plan to Defeat Invasion’. Acting under South-EasternCommand, XII Corps were responsible for defeating any invasion attempt inKent. A previous plan had been issued in 1941 but that had concentrated ondefeating enemy forces on the invasion beaches or failing that holding them offat the Nodal Points of Dover, Folkestone on the coast and no further inland thanthe Nodal Points at Canterbury and Ashford. The garrisons of these NodalPoints were to hold out until XII Corps reserve division troops could manoeuvreinto position to engage and destroy the enemy forces.54Lt. Gen. James Harcourt Gammell, G.O.C. XII Corps The 1942 Plan upgraded these four strategic Nodal Points to ‘Fortresses’ andadded those at Maidstone and Tonbridge thus envisaging halting the Germanadvance further inland. The main invasion battle would be fought in the coastalbelt by the two forward Divisions of XII Corps with one Independent InfantryBrigade from each holding the Dover and Folkestone fortresses. MaidstoneSub-Area HQ would assume responsibility that part of XII Corps area to therear of the forward divisions. Of the Corps Reserve Division forces: oneInfantry Brigade Group would be located north of Canterbury. The remainder ofthe Division would be concentrated in areas to the west and south ofCanterbury. However, two Reserve Division infantry battalions would be heldback and allocated, one each, to assist in the defence of West Malling andDetling aerodromes. The Home Guard would play a vital part in the plan bydefending its towns and villages, thereby restricting enemy movements;providing observation posts and scouting parties to report on enemy air landingsand troop movements; and by providing the Regular Army with local guidesand information. Pools of guides would be maintained at every village PostOffice. The whole battle would be directed from XII Corps H.Q. at Broadwater Down,near Tunbridge Wells with a mobile Advance H.Q. based at Harrietsham.Gammell ordered all his commanders to prepare their own plans in accordancewith his orders and that these plans were not to be referred to as ‘DefenceSchemes’ so as not to ‘induce a defensive mentality. Instead, he directed, theyshould be called ‘Plans to Defeat Invasion’.55 Just one day later, on the 27th March, XII Corps Chief Engineer, BrigadierBryan Godfrey-Faussett, issued ‘Engineer Operation Instruction No.3’ whichwas to be read in conjunction with Gammell’s plan. The Instruction concernedthe implementation of essential road repairs in the XII Corps area during activeoperations. In it the Chief Engineer stated that the maintenance and repair ofroads and bridges during operations would be the combined responsibility of theCivil and Military authorities. The civil authorities were represented by theCounty Surveyor, Mr. F.W. Greig who was based at County Hall in Maidstone.He would exercise control of repairs through his team of County DivisionalSurveyors with their local civil road gangs. Each road gang would have its owntransport and hand tools and possibly a road roller. Military units would providemost heavy mechanical equipment where required. In theory, the civilauthorities would carry out minor repairs whilst more extensive work wouldrequire the assistance of the military. In practice, close liaison would bemaintained between the County Surveyor and the local R.E. commanders sothat any repairs of essential routes that could not be undertaken quickly by thecivilian workers, could be tackled at once by military units. To assist with more extensive repairs, mechanical angle dozers would besupplied by South-Eastern Command, one of which together with two dumpertrucks was allocated to 263 Field Coy, Royal Engineers, based at Maidstone’sMote Park where there was also a R.E. ‘Dump’ containing tools, road materialsand other stores.Royal Engineers angle dozer at work © IWM (B 6177)56 One Pioneer Corps Salvage Team, comprising one Officer and 41 OtherRanks, was assigned to the Maidstone Fortress to come under command of theGarrison Commander. Their primary task was to keep the routes through thetown clear for traffic. During operations military requirements would havepriority over all others. Paragraph 10 of the Instructions dealt with the repair to services in roadsdamaged by enemy action. Where the rapid repair of roads was deemedessential, and no alternative route was available, no attempt would be made torepair services. However, local R.E. commanders would obtain maps of theservices from the civil authorities together with stop-cock keys to turn off gasand water mains where necessary. The maintenance and rapid repair of buriedtelephone cables during operations was deemed ‘of great importance’. Theirrepair would be undertaken by either Post Office engineers or Royal Signalspersonnel only. During any essential road repairs care was to be taken not tobury any broken ends of telephone cables leaving them to be repaired andburied by the Royal Signals or Post Office teams later. Early April saw the removal of the 44th Division from XII Corps so theycould prepare for service overseas. They were replaced by the 53rd (Welsh)Division who moved into Mote Park on the 23rd April. Their R.E. contingentproceeded to undertake the duties of their 44th Division predecessors whichincluded the defence works for the Maidstone Fortress. Meanwhile, thecommand of the Garrison troops was reviewed by XII Corps HQ with thedecision taken that the Commander of 13 I.T.C., Lt. Col. Dickinson would notbe given command of the Garrison until the order to STAND TO had beenissued. Until then command of the Fortress and the preparation of its defenceswould remain with the Commander of Maidstone Sub-Area, Col. Bennett.Following this decision Col. Bennett, held meetings with Borough Councilofficials and the Home Guard to discuss the Fortress defences A new Garrison Adjutant was appointed on the 7th April with 2nd LieutenantD.M. Backhouse replacing Captain Gale. One of his first duties was to meetwith the local authority’s Medical Officer of Health (M.O.H.), Dr. Gaffikim, todiscuss the setting-up of Civil Aid Posts. The M.O.H. was responsible forCasualty Services (CS) which included all the various medical services such asCasualty Receiving Hospitals (for serious injuries), permanent First Aid Posts(FAP - for lightly wounded), First Aid Points (to alleviate pressure onhospitals), Ambulances, Mobile Units (MU - to assist at major incidents), GasCleansing Stations (to deal with injuries from chemical and poison weapons)and Mortuaries (both existing and temporary). The new Garrison Adjutant was a busy man throughout April. On the 11th hemade a survey of all the craft on the River Medway between East Farleigh andAllington Locks; on the 13th he met with the ARP Controller, ColonelCampbell, at County Hall; on the 16th he had a meeting with the Borough57Surveyor to discuss drainage arrangements in the Fortress ‘Keep’ area; on the18th he made a complete tour of the Fortress defences; on the 25th he had ameeting at Maidstone Borough Police Station to discuss a forthcoming policeexercise in the Fortress area; on the 27th he attended a meeting at MaidstoneWaterworks and on the 30th he held a meeting with the Garrison MedicalOfficer, Captain Severn, to discuss medical arrangements within the Fortress. Inaddition to these duties, the Garrison Adjutant also kept in close liaison with theC.O. of 13 I.T.C., providing him with weekly reports to keep him updated onthe progress of the Fortress defence plans.Maidstone Police Special Constables on parade in 1941 (War & Peace Collection) On the 8th April, The South-Eastern Regional Commissioner, ViscountMonsell, issued his ‘Direction No.56’ which, for the first time included theBorough of Maidstone as one of the districts subjected to a ‘Visitor Ban’. Issuedunder Regulation 16a of the Defence (General) Regulations 1939, it directedthat no person who ‘is not normally resident’ in the area shall not enter or,having entered it, remain there. To qualify as a ‘Resident’ a person must havebeen living in the area for at least six months between the 1st January 1939 and14th November 1941. Anyone who had taken up residence after 14th November1941 was not allowed to remain. Exceptions were made for business andemployment purposes, some leasehold tenants, people who had been evacuatedto the area to live with their family or friends who qualified as residents,patients in convalescent homes and TB patients in sanatoriums. Also, on the 8th April, Maidstone Sub-Area HQ moved from Preston HallFarm at Aylesford to its new home at 3/4 Bower Terrace, Maidstone which waswithin the outer perimeter of the Fortress.583/4 Bower Place 2019 (known as Bower Terrace in 1942)From here, on the 13th April, it issued its own ‘Plan to Defeat Invasion’.Spread over seventy-three pages divided into twenty-six sections, this extensivedocument covers subjects such as troop dispositions, aerodrome defence, roadblocks, defence works, demolitions, minefields, communications, co-operationwith the civil authorities and the immobilisation of: railways, factories, fuelstocks, river craft and telephone exchanges. The first section of the plan covered general anti-invasion principlesconcluding with the following points regarding the conduct of any battle: The role of all tps [troops] in M.S.A. [Maidstone Sub-Area] is the offensive defence. All ranks must be imbued with the offensive spirit and training to regard the defence as:-a) A means for inflicting heavy losses upon the enemy in his first rushb) A means of denying to the enemy avenues of approach through which he must NOTpassc) As pivots round which reserves can manoeuvre to exploit enemy failures and temporarydis-organisationThe underlying principle will be that every German who sets foot in M.S.A. will bedestroyed.There will be NO WITHDRAWL AND NO SURRENDER In Section III of the plan, which dealt with ‘Dispositions’, Fortresses aredescribed as: … well held strongholds at important strategic points on which Field Forceunits can pivot. These Fortresses are manned by Regular and H.G. [Home Guard] units.(The strength of the Maidstone Home Guard battalion at this time was reportedas being 2,231 men)59 This section also dealt with the operation of Triumvirates: In all Fortresses and Nodal Points when the threat of invasion approaches the town orvillage, the affairs will be directed by a Triumvirate composed of the Military Comd, theCivil Head and the Police Authority.This Triumvirate has complete authority for commandeering premises or services as thesituation requires. This authority will, if necessary, be enforced by the military power. The military authority in each Fortress or Nodal Point will be the Fortress or Nodal PointComd. The Triumvirate should meet from time to time to ensure that all arrangements arecompleted up to date for the essential services such as feeding, water supply, fuel, light,sanitation and A.R.P. services. Section IV identified a number of ‘Vulnerable Points’ (VP’s) within the town.These were buildings considered to be ‘… essential to the National War Effort’.These included the River Bridge, the Southern Electric Building, theCorporation Electric Works, the Gas Works and the Tilling Stevens engineeringfactories. The buildings were to be protected by the police or Home Guard fromthe threat of sabotage, land or airborne attack.The Tilling Stevens factory (Note the wartime camouflage paintwork) Section VII (Immobilisation of Oil and Petrol) included instructions fordenying the stocks of gas oil at Maidstone Gasworks to the enemy. Stocksstored above ground were to be burned in their tanks whilst those inunderground tanks were to be destroyed with explosives by Royal Engineersfrom the Maidstone Garrison. The Garrison’s engineers were also to be60responsible for destroying fuel stocks of the Kent Rivers Catchment Board atCollege Wharf but only when the officer responsible considered that the plantcould no longer serve the civilian population or when it had ceased to operatedue to damage.The River Medway in flood with Maidstone Gasworks in the background (War & PeaceCollection) Section VIII dealt with the ‘Immobilisation of Factories’. Where there was animminent danger of capture by the enemy, ‘essential’ factories were to beimmobilised by the removal or concealment of vital parts of the machinery. Themain object of this policy was to prevent the destruction of these vital parts bythe enemy so that when the factory was recaptured it could rapidly return tonormal production. Denial of the use of the factory to the enemy was deemedonly a secondary objective. The factories within the Maidstone Fortress areacovered by this section included Springfield Mill, Turkey Mill, RootesEngineering Works and the Tilling Stevens Engineering Works.61Springfield MillRootes Engineering Works Section XI detailed the action to be taken against enemy parachutists andairborne troops. If the enemy were to land in the daytime, then they should belocated and destroyed before they had time to become an organised force. Ifthey landed at night they should be located, contained and then destroyed at firstlight. To assist in locating the enemy Observation Posts (OP’s) would bemanned as soon as ‘ACTION STATIONS’ was signalled. There were severalOP’s sited in the Maidstone area including those at Leeds Castle, Bearsted GolfClub, Linton Hill, Sutton Valence, Chart Sutton and Headcorn. In addition to62these OP’s all Royal Observer Corps (R.O.C.) posts in the area would alsoreport any enemy landings. The primary role of the R.O.C. was the visualdetection, identification, tracking and reporting of enemy aircraft. They hadobservation posts in Lenham, Headcorn and Bearsted. Section XIII concerned roadblocks. These were divided into two ‘Types’:Primary and Secondary. Primary roadblocks consisted of concrete cylinders,rolled steel joists (RSJs) and sockets (into which the RSJs would be inserted)and would be sited as part of the defences of Fortresses, Nodal Points and somedefended localities. Secondary roadblocks consisted of concrete cylinders orbuoys only and would be sited in less important defended localities and as partof village defences. Each roadblock would be manned by not less than oneN.C.O and four men. On the signalling of ‘ACTION STATIONS’ allroadblocks would be permanently manned. Section XIV gave some brief instructions on the maintenance of defenceworks, wire fencing, weapon slits and flame fougasse installations. Of the latter,at least two were installed in the Maidstone Borough area: one at the junction ofForstal Road and the A229 at Sandling and another on the Loose Road. Theseflame ‘traps’ would have consisted of a barrel of fuel attached to an explosivedevice and would have been detonated to destroy approaching enemy vehicles. Section XIX concerned the re-deployment of anti-aircraft guns in the event ofan invasion. This re-deployment was known as the ATTIC Scheme and wouldtake about ten days to complete. The scheme involved the movement of 4 x 3.7-inch mobile AA guns and 4 light anti-aircraft (LAA) guns to Detling Airfieldand 16 x 3.7-inch mobile AA guns distributed to four sites around the outskirtsof Maidstone at Boxley, Shepway, Thurnham and East Barming. Although allthe guns would remain under the Army’s AA Command it was considered thatthey would have a secondary role – that of ground defence, in which the gunscould be used in direct-fire role against targets on the ground such as enemytanks and armoured vehicles. Section XXII set out the forces allocated to each sector in the Maidstone SubArea. Maidstone Fortress itself would be defended by ‘C’ Company of theG.P.O [Post Office] Home Guard Battalion, ‘A’ Company, 29 (1st SouthernRailways) KHG, the 26th (Bus) Battalion, KHG, the 11th (Maidstone)Battalion, KHG and regular troops from 13 I.T.C. The outlying defended villages, defended localities and Nodal Points to thesouth of the town would be defended by the 29th (Mid-Kent) Battalion, KHG Section XXIII of the Plan set out the procedure for the ‘Ringing of ChurchBells’ as a warning in the event of airborne invasion:1. Bells will only be rung in the case of landings by air-borne tps (including parachutists)in the neighbourhood of the Church in which the bells are rung.2. The order to ring Church bells will only be given on receipt of reliable first hand inf ofsuch landings.633. The warning will not be passed on by ringing other Church bells nor are they to be rungmerely because bells in an adjoining parish are heard4. Bells will only be rung on the order of a commissioned Offr of H.M. Forces, includingH.G., or a chief offr of Police. If the H.G. Offr normally giving the order is notavailable, he may direct his senior N.C.O. whose name will be specified in writing.5. Local arrangements will be made to ensure that written instructions are in possession ofthose who ring the bells, so that they may understand at all times from whom they willreceive the order. Section XXV, ‘Co-operation with the Civil Authorities’, emphasised the needto formulate plans with the authorities to ensure that military operations wouldnot be hampered if civil administration were to break down. Once militaryoperations had commenced all control by central Government would becomeimpossible within the ‘battle area’ and so the implementation of the plans wouldbecome a matter for the military and local authorities. It was therefore importantthat the closest liaison be maintained with the local civil authorities. The mainbody responsible for Civil Defence administration in Kent was No.12 SouthEastern Region with its H.Q. at Bredbury House in Tunbridge Wells